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On 1 January 1930 the Communist Party of Great Britain's (CPGB) new daily newspaper, theDaily Worker, was published for the first time. It was heralded by the CPGB as a maturing of the British Communist movement, and an opportunity for the Party to spread its message to a much wider audience than previous weekly newspapers would allow. With leading Party members in control of the paper, theDaily Workerwas very much a Party newspaper; however, the CPGB wanted it to be much more than an internal bulletin. This paper examines the attempts by the CPGB to create a newspaper that spoke both for and with the voice of the working-classes, whilst also spreading the Party's message. It will ultimately conclude that the CPGB's depiction of it as a paper ‘by the working-classes, for the working-classes’ reflected the Party's efforts at locating its own place within the working-class movement. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyses how British newspapers in the 1930s created a particular frame or view of radio as an international medium. This frame was created around the idea of a duality, of radio being defined by both national and foreign broadcasts. By analysing coverage provided by the main national newspapers at this time, in relation to their specific radio coverage, such as programme listing and highlights, this paper delineates the form the frame took, what was included and was absent. Such a frame provides an understanding of how the newspapers viewed and valued radio in a period when international broadcasts were seen as an important part of what radio could offer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contextualizes the manner in which the newspaper "Votes for Women" evolved to challenge and compete with the press prior to 1912, within a discussion of the Women's Social and Political Union's (WSPU) wider press strategy. The populist style may simply have been considered the most appropriate means of conveying news of the militant campaign's sensational activities; new methods of protest necessitating new means of communication. However, viewed within the wider context of the WSPU's activities, the paper's populism should be considered a deliberate part of an organizational press strategy. The attempts to attract, and subsequently influence and critique, news coverage indicated the Union's press-aware outlook. With this cognizance sharpened by intensifying press hostility to militancy, Votes for Women's populist format, together with its efforts for mass-circulation, signaled an effort to confront apparent press prejudice by marketing an alternative source of suffrage news to a large audience.

Reporting on crime and the courts are among the classic functions of journalism. In the UK, journalists and others must abide by the Contempt of Court Act 1981, the main piece of primary legislation aimed at ensuring coverage of legal matters is fair to the participants. The restrictions are generally tighter in practice than in jurisdictions such as the US, where the media has a much freer hand to engage in pre-trial reporting. This paper argues that media coverage of the arrest of the so-called 'Yorkshire Ripper' serial killer, Peter Sutcliffe, in 1981 while Parliament was considering the question of contempt, has made the UK regime tougher than it might otherwise have been. Excessive reporting was influenced by an unusually celebratory police news conference. This news coverage coloured the contemporary debate around contempt, and any opportunity for a more relaxed approach to contempt in the UK's jurisdictions was lost. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the information that was disseminated in the Netherlands and Spain—and other territories connected to the latter such as Portugal and Flanders under Habsburg rule—about the taking by the Dutch of the city of San Salvador de Bahia in Brazil, and his subsequent recovery by a Spanish-Portuguese expedition (1624–1625). Despite the different communicative structures, these national journalisms shared professional strategies to inform about the conflicts that occurred in the distant Brazilian lands. Given the difficulty of informing promptly and truthfully, the discourse of the Dutch and Spanish newspapers about their colonies alternates between the information explosion and silence, depending on the alternation between victories and defeats in American territory. News was as connected as were the empires that controlled vast territories in Europe and America, despite the ideological and religious differences of the era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the war correspondents traveling in the Balkans during the period of the Balkan Wars (1912–1913) to cover military campaigns. It tries to explore the paths of information, the mechanisms of propaganda and the restrictions used by the Balkan states to control the content of the news transmitted. The Balkan Wars were among the first military events covered so extensively by newspapers all around the world. In the battle-fields the principles of the new field of journalism were highly tested. The lessons learnt in the Balkans during the Balkan Wars proved to be productive and useful for the improvement of the relationship between war correspondents and military authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for the relevance of the media history of the press. Using a broad and open media concept, this perspective should be understood as the study of the construction and communication of the self-images and ideology of the press. Rather than describing the complex of problems as images that are 'spread' through one channel (newspapers) by one actor (the press), it should be seen as a mutual exchange between various media and various actors. Different audiences have been resources for the press, just as the press has been a resource for them. Instead of separating proper journalism, the spreading of the self-image, and the reception of different audiences as clearly defined areas, they must be seen as constituting each other. Focusing on the funeral of Swedish editor Lars Hierta, the paper argues for the methodological advantages inherent in the media event and the surrounding cultural circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Suddenly, in the summer of 1960, the map of Africa gained a new political outline, with the proclamation of nine independences. But the majority of Luanda's newspapers appeared not to see the 'wind of change' blowing through the continent. In its pages, the news of Africa would barely mention more than the crisis in one of its neighbours, the former Belgian Congo. The analysis of the news about the proclamation of independences leads us to formulate the hypothesis that the relative invisibility of the smooth transitions and the major emphasis given to turbulent situations in the continent contributed to value the Portuguese colonial model. Crossing the analysis with research made in archive, this article also contributes to the characterisation of the Angolan daily press on the eve of the Portuguese colonial war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Moral panic has become a popular concept to explain a media frenzy that has provoked public alarm. A largely unexplored area of panic has been the exceptional allegations of pro-Nazi secret agents in Australia during World War II. Moral panics have often been viewed as the outcome of the media acting as a single entity to generate wild reporting and mass hysteria. This article proposes a refinement of the concept by showing that the press published varied reporting about a government crackdown on so-called fascist spies. The article focuses on the British accused spy and self-proclaimed journalist, Adela Pankhurst, and John Curtin, a hard-hitting labour reporter who became Australia's wartime prime minister. Rival newspapers provided stylised expressions of civility and outrage about the sensational crackdown. The news of a battle against powerful traitors also shaped popular views of Curtin's leadership and Australia's need to uphold a democratic British identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the representation of tabloid journalists in 1930s British cinema. It argues that during this period, British films showed journalists to be collaborating with state powers to maintain a stable society. They also depicted reporters as not adhering to any recognised ethical framework. As a result, cinematic journalists in 1930s Britain differ markedly from later, better-known fictional reporters, as they do not challenge inequalities or uphold principles of ethics. The 1930s saw the consolidation and expansion of the popular press in Britain, as well as a boom in cinemagoing. The depiction of the relatively novel 'type' of the tabloid reporter in fiction films in this period therefore had the potential to greatly impact the public's view of the journalism profession. The article highlights how this under-researched period in British film history gives important indications of the place of the reporter in the country's popular imagination, in this decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From their inception the modern Olympics have been characterized by controversy over the meaning of the games. The 1908 London games and their coverage in the Edwardian press illustrate the tension between the Olympic ideal of 'friendly' sporting competition and the reality of the intense national rivalry in Europe prior to the First World War. During the games, newspapers also addressed the parallel tension between amateur virtue and the desire to win. The press presented sporting achievement at the London games as a measure of national status and provided an introduction to issues surrounding international sporting competition which still persist today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As president of the American Association of Foreign Language Newspapers, Louis N. Hammerling accumulated substantial power over some 800 newspapers in 33 languages. As advertising, public relations and journalism emerged as professions in the 1900s, Hammerling functioned as a translator, advertising agent, public relations man and go-between for ethnic-language newspapers when they flourished. With his trade magazine, The American Leader, he extolled the virtues and hardships of immigrants, and offered editorial proposals for legislative changes. In response to his widespread influence, federal officials called him to testify in 1918 about his First World War-era propaganda for Germany, the USA and alcoholic beverages industries. This historical, biographical case study highlights the potential corruptibility of the boundaries of news, advertising and circulation sides of the media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the issues of the journals in the newspapers and tabloids, and their historical forms. The selection of language plays an essential part in the creation of an imaginable national community within the pages of the daily reading materials. To give a broader context to the language of the national community as constructed, they also integrate the popular version of history into the language to ensure that the national community's representation will not be the one to be suspended in a constant present, but one which comes with all the collections of the historic past.

The summer of 1928 was marked by two internationally reported and disastrous events involving two polar explorers: the crash and rescue of Umberto Nobile's airship 'Italia' in the polar regions of the North Atlantic ocean, and the death of the Roald Amundsen, en route to rescuing Nobile. The article discusses these disasters as indicative of a historical moment in the mediation of events where technological and logistical developments enabled a continuous news coverage of radically remote locations. It argues that these new affordances came with an increased and pervasive sense of uncertainty about the veracity of factual information. Analyzing Norwegian newspaper coverage, the article finds a range of articulations of this uncertainty, including a preoccupation with rumours and speculations, as well as with chronic difficulties in determining factual veracity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the British newspaper coverage of the February (or March) revolution in Petrograd in 1917. It argues that, on the key question of Russia's continuing as an ally in World War I, the impression which the coverage conveyed to readers was unduly optimistic. It assesses political factors which may have influenced this. It contrasts the optimism of the editorial columns with the correspondents' reports, and argues that, despite political influence, and the difficulties involved in reporting the revolution, correspondents were able to convey vivid impressions of a city in the throes of massive political change. It concludes by suggesting that the desire to believe that Russia would fight on was so strong that it eclipsed other interpretations of events, and meant that readers—including policy makers—were ill prepared for what would eventually come to pass. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the dissemination of news in the Spanish language throughout Europe during the seventeenth century, with attention given to the principal strategies put into effect by printers, publishers, entrepreneurs, and newsmongers for printed newssheets. Concretely, it analyses how the emergence of several weekly newspapers occurred in the Low Countries, both in those areas under the Spanish monarchy (with Brussels as the main focus for the emission of news) and those that were not (with Amsterdam and the Jewish community originating from the Iberian peninsula as the basic news agents), and their reception and redistribution within Spain. Here, in their turn, certain cities stood out that, for various reasons, received and distributed news from several parts of Europe; these were principally Seville, San Sebastián and Barcelona, where, besides, genuine news offices were established. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The author of this article illustrates the transmission of news from England to the newspapers of the Habsburg Netherlands over the 40-year period 1620-1660, and the types of news so conveyed. Such news of politics, war, diplomacy, religion, trade, justice, and prodigies, came not only directly from England but also through news centers on the Continent, indicating the flexibility of the communications networks. Newspapers, in the sense of printed news periodicals available to the general public, made their appearance throughout Western Europe in the first half of the seventeenth century.