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This article introduces a group of articles on the history of paper and issues of scarcity in the history of newspapers and news media generally. The articles discussed share a concern with the parallels between paper scarcities in newspaper history and spectrum scarcities in broadcast history. This introductory essay comments on the similarities and differences between the two kinds of scarcity and comments more broadly on the rise and fall of bottlenecks in media systems, paying attention both to how scholars have discussed materialities of media communication and how legacy news media in the digital era have encountered a new competitive landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In late nineteenth-century USA, technological developments in paper production—a shift from a reliance on scarce cotton rag to plentiful wood—drastically reduced the price of newsprint. That decline helped overturn the reigning economics of the daily newspaper and resulted in the rise of new cheap papers with vastly expanded circulation. This novel mass press encompassed almost all Americans in the public sphere as represented by its pages. Focusing on newspapers in Detroit, this study examines the manifold consequences this shift had for the press's economics, its news agenda, and the implicit identity of the audience it addressed. The rise of a mass press in the late nineteenth century, however, was not specific to Detroit or the USA. As comparative historians have highlighted, the emergence of a mass press in Europe and elsewhere was a turning point that deeply marked the historical evolution of press systems around the globe. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

On 1 January 1930 the Communist Party of Great Britain's (CPGB) new daily newspaper, theDaily Worker, was published for the first time. It was heralded by the CPGB as a maturing of the British Communist movement, and an opportunity for the Party to spread its message to a much wider audience than previous weekly newspapers would allow. With leading Party members in control of the paper, theDaily Workerwas very much a Party newspaper; however, the CPGB wanted it to be much more than an internal bulletin. This paper examines the attempts by the CPGB to create a newspaper that spoke both for and with the voice of the working-classes, whilst also spreading the Party's message. It will ultimately conclude that the CPGB's depiction of it as a paper ‘by the working-classes, for the working-classes’ reflected the Party's efforts at locating its own place within the working-class movement. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Historians of Partition have focused upon the bitterly polarized yet vibrant public sphere of the last days of the British Raj, wherein newspapers representing Congress, Muslim League and Akali opinion vied for influence through increasingly hostile propaganda targeted at the 'other/s'. Such studies' focus on ideological battles and propaganda results in relatively less attention being given to what became of these papers once the British departed and the parties these papers espoused or opposed captured power. This paper will seek to revisit such assumptions by analyzing the trials and tribulations of the significant newspaper houses unfortunate enough to be located on the geographical frontlines of Partition and in major centres of communal conflagration. Through such analyses, I will seek to show that it was a combination of initial mob action, reinforced often by state repression and even popular reproach, that forced newspapers viewed as belonging to the 'other' party to move to safer (and greener) pastures. In the process, late-colonial India's once pluralist public sphere came to be partitioned into sections that broadly conformed to the ideologies that the respective Dominions' new rulers espoused. While aligning newspapers with the majoritarian public opinion, this Partition occasioned shifts of personnel and presses that would fundamentally alter the postcolonial press industry in West and East Pakistan, and to a lesser extent, in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines newspaper cartels, a largely unoccupied field in media history, from the perspective of longevity. We analyse Finnish newspaper industry from the 1910s to 1970s and show that newspapers sought to regulate various aspects of competition, such as subscription prices, advertisement tariffs, and newsprint prices. Data indicates that political rivalry shaped the newspaper cartel collaboration until late 1950s: the cartel was set up by right-wing and centrist papers and, unlike in other Nordic countries, the Social Democratic press remained outside of the association until 1958. Political shocks of the Finnish Civil War in 1918 and the Second World War also changed the composition of the cartel. The era of private cartels in the newspaper industry gradually started to fade away as a result of anti-cartel laws in the 1960s and governmental anti-inflation measures in the 1970s. We conclude that the economics of newspaper industry and the cartelisation of the wider business environment, newsprint suppliers in particular, encouraged newspapers to co-operate with each other. The results of this article increase the understanding on the collaborative and competitive environment of newspaper companies, but also contributes to broader questions on cartels and their inner dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early twentieth century, American newspapers enjoyed high circulations while presenting readers with diverse and plentiful content. After 1920, radio broadcasting made even more information available for public consumption, giving audience members an abundant range of media choices. During a time of plenty for readers and listeners, companies in the business of media struggled with the opposite problem: scarcity. As the amount of media content proliferated, the practical ability to disseminate it was determined by the access to scarce resources, and this was true for both radio broadcasting and newspaper publishing. In many respects, the history of the American mass media in the early twentieth century might best be told as a tale of two scarcities, one—the electromagnetic spectrum—defined by absolute limits and the other—the newsprint—defined by access to markets for a particular material, the supply of which often fluctuated in availability and price. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores how leading provincial newspapers in Edwardian Liverpool incorporated innovations popularised by the daily mass press into their reporting of election-time politics. Drawn from coverage of four general elections, this paper charts how changes in these Liverpudlian newspapers' political coverage showcased a provincial press that was inspired by powerful national competitors, and utilised some of their innovations to the language and formatting of political reporting to attempt to speak more directly to local readerships. This evolution in content both 'localised' and 'sensationalised' these newspapers' approaches to political reporting, and contributed to a broader, positive recalibration of their purpose as provincial newspapers and their connection to their localities. Through this case study, this paper also challenges historical understandings of the national New Journalism's impact on the provincial newspaper industry, as well as the nature of its political content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1917, after the United States joined the war in Europe and was no longer politically neutral, on the American front, the German ethnic press became a target for censors and critics. The general assumption was that German language papers bred disloyalty among German immigrant communities and posed a threat to the United States' war efforts. This study explores the editorial and political views of the German-language press during the summer of 1917 by assessing the tone of a sample of German language mainstream newspapers during July 1, 1917 through September 30, 1917. The findings show that the overall coverage was less loyal to Imperial Germany than had been argued by U.S. officials and censors. In an effort to assimilate, German immigrant newspapers widely published the U.S. government's official position, showed support for the American war effort, and focused on cultural affairs of the immigrant community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses how British newspapers in the 1930s created a particular frame or view of radio as an international medium. This frame was created around the idea of a duality, of radio being defined by both national and foreign broadcasts. By analysing coverage provided by the main national newspapers at this time, in relation to their specific radio coverage, such as programme listing and highlights, this paper delineates the form the frame took, what was included and was absent. Such a frame provides an understanding of how the newspapers viewed and valued radio in a period when international broadcasts were seen as an important part of what radio could offer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an overview of specific characteristics of newspaper output and publishing trends in Latvia, aiming to assess whether the newspaper output in Latvia plays the roles theoretically ascribed to newspapers, namely, the roles related to democracy and community building. It is argued that media pluralism is crucial for executing these roles. The assessment of pluralism is based on an exploratory analysis of quantitative data on newspaper output in Latvia. The analysis is accompanied by a discussion of challenges experienced in the newspaper publishing field in Latvia and elsewhere that can potentially hinder the ability of newspapers to execute the roles theoretically ascribed to them. Finally, insights gained during the research process are shared regarding research required to further the analysis of newspaper output in terms of plurality in the sense of access to different news sources and, by extension, perspectives and public representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reporting on crime and the courts are among the classic functions of journalism. In the UK, journalists and others must abide by the Contempt of Court Act 1981, the main piece of primary legislation aimed at ensuring coverage of legal matters is fair to the participants. The restrictions are generally tighter in practice than in jurisdictions such as the US, where the media has a much freer hand to engage in pre-trial reporting. This paper argues that media coverage of the arrest of the so-called 'Yorkshire Ripper' serial killer, Peter Sutcliffe, in 1981 while Parliament was considering the question of contempt, has made the UK regime tougher than it might otherwise have been. Excessive reporting was influenced by an unusually celebratory police news conference. This news coverage coloured the contemporary debate around contempt, and any opportunity for a more relaxed approach to contempt in the UK's jurisdictions was lost. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers whether there was a national press before and during the Second World War. After considering the terms used by historians to describe the UK national press, and how it is defined, it looks at aspects of the industry that made it appear national and those which did not. The question of just how national the press was between 1939 and 1945 is then addressed, followed by some concluding comments. It argues that the wartime press was characterised by a high degree of uniformity in terms of organisation, co-operation and content, throwing into relief the more diffuse nature of the industry before and after. The idea of the national press downplays the extent to which newspapers varied considerably in readership, geographical reach, political and social significance. It obscures the important role of the provincial press, abstracting mass circulation London daily morning papers, from their place within an evolving network of mass communications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contextualizes the manner in which the newspaper "Votes for Women" evolved to challenge and compete with the press prior to 1912, within a discussion of the Women's Social and Political Union's (WSPU) wider press strategy. The populist style may simply have been considered the most appropriate means of conveying news of the militant campaign's sensational activities; new methods of protest necessitating new means of communication. However, viewed within the wider context of the WSPU's activities, the paper's populism should be considered a deliberate part of an organizational press strategy. The attempts to attract, and subsequently influence and critique, news coverage indicated the Union's press-aware outlook. With this cognizance sharpened by intensifying press hostility to militancy, Votes for Women's populist format, together with its efforts for mass-circulation, signaled an effort to confront apparent press prejudice by marketing an alternative source of suffrage news to a large audience.

Liverpool can boast one of the earliest newspapers in the north of England. Then, in the nineteenth century, as trade and population soared, the 'Second City of Empire' was served by the most extensive and diverse newspaper press in England outside London. However, the twentieth century saw the Liverpool press become a virtual monopoly by one newspaper group. Today, just the Liverpool Echo survives. The history of the Liverpool newspaper press was not simply a reflection of the rise and fall of Liverpool as a centre of trade. Trade was a key enabler for growth but the subsequent decline was largely due to commercial factors within the wider press industry. In between, a continually innovative press demonstrated how diversity could work to everyone's advantage. Liverpool's experiences and achievements are relevant today in a world where the press is often much less diverse than its readership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The importance of newspapers in nineteenth-century British politics has long been recognized by historians. Lord Palmerston understood keenly the power of the press and cultivated good relations with a number of papers. This article will elucidate more thoroughly than heretofore his early forays into the world of press intrigue. Palmerston did not, however, earn the regard of The Times, at least not until much later in his career. The Times, edited by Thomas Barnes from 1817 until his death in 1841, was the most powerful newspaper of the era. This article will examine the origins of its long-running feud with Palmerston, demonstrating the personal and political differences at the heart of its inception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents information about the "Morning Herald" newspaper in London and the story of its editors Reverend Henry Bate, Alexander Chalmers and Charles Newby. As a West End paper providing coverage of domestic and foreign news, theatre news, parliamentary debates, and a healthy dose of gossip and scandal, the "Morning Herald" was a successful paper that remained in circulation until 1869. The coverage of the Parliamentary proceedings distinguished the "Morning Herald" as one of the first newspapers to give liberal space for the reporting of Parliament. The letter in the newspaper was written by Bate that leads to his imprisonment at the King's Bench Prison and his editorial responsibilities was turned over to Alexander Chalmers. Bate's retirement as an editor made lots of controversy over the rival newspaper at the time.

This paper examines the shortlived success of the "Sunday Australian" as a quality newspaper, in the context of changing readership expectations in both Australia and Great Britain and in relation to the success of new British publications like the "Sunday Times." This study offers a valuable snapshot of News Ltd.’s expansionist strategies during the early 1970's, not least its Sydney-based competition with the established Fairfax Group Ltd. As a national daily newspaper rather than a state-based publication in an industry dominated by the latter, the "Sunday Australian" promised a wider view of politics, foreign affairs and the arts but faltered in the mid-1960's amid rumor of its impending closure. Struggling for circulation with daily sales falling as low as 60,000 the weekday Australian had relocated to Sydney, where Rupert Murdoch had already purchased the ailing "DailyMirror" and local Cumberland newspapers. The launch of the "Sunday Australian" amid a blitz of promotion in Sydney was designed to build on the inroads made by the daily Australian. Importantly for Murdoch in the 1970's, the success of the "Sunday Australian" promised to increase his standing in political and investment circles, while simultaneously encroaching on Fairfax’s circulations and advertising revenue.

This article discusses how the British Labour Party's leadership opposed and then reluctantly welcomed the takeover in 1984 of the "Daily Mirror" newspaper and its sister papers by Robert Maxwell. It considers the significance of this decision by detailing the history of the Mirror's ownership and the particular importance of the paper not having a single proprietor for 50 years. It briefly outlines the position of Neil Kinnock and Labour on journalistic autonomy in the press prior to the Maxwell takeover. By outlining evidence from Neil Kinnock's private papers, it details the secret negotiations held between Kinnock and the Mirror staff in their bid to oppose Maxwell. It also considers how Maxwell intervened and why Kinnock had limited choice but to welcome this "monster," in order to maintain newspaper support for the Labour Party.

In this article, we explore the history of Swedish newspaper carriers through the lens of the union struggles within the Swedish Transport Workers' Union. This focus allows us to make visible the influence of a profession that has largely been overlooked in media history. Mobilizing around working conditions, the workers put pressure on the newspapers in terms of the size and weight of the papers with consequences for the editorial work. There was also a strong stance against commercial advertising and additional supplements that had consequences for the financial situation of newspapers. Hence, through their union struggles newspaper carriers directly influenced the outlook of newspapers in Sweden in the post-war era. In extension, we consider newspaper carriers as soft media infrastructures that had a crucial role and influence on the formation of the Swedish public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the Sunday Pictorial's1952 ‘Evil Men’ series, the first postwar exposé on homosexuality to appear in the British popular press, to the 1964 achievement by its stable mate the Daily Mirror of record circulation figures, both papers commodified and sensationalized homosexuality for consumption by mass newspaper audiences. Sensationalism was combined with homosexuality as a deliberate strategy to succeed in Britain's highly competitive postwar circulation wars and also to promote particular personal and political agendas of key directors. But historians have tended to focus on the vitriol of sensationalism, emphasizing its homophobic content, without fully interrogating the tactic itself. This paper looks at the origins of sensationalism as a strategy at Mirror Group newspapers, asserting that sensational treatments of homosexuality concretely illuminate the multiple interactions between subjective beliefs and the seemingly objective profit motive. At theDaily Mirror and Sunday Pictorial, homosexuals held a negative moral, political, and social value, but critically, they also held a high commercial value. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper analyses a little-known London newspaper which appeared every week between 1650 and 1661, and which is remarkable for being published in French, asNouvelles Ordinaires de Londres. The aim is to use this little-known journal to develop new avenues of enquiry regarding print culture in early modern Europe, and to argue that, despite ongoing interest in seventeenth-century journalism, and repeated claims about the need to understand the European context of the English revolution, scholars have been strangely dismissive of this extraordinary journal. My suggestion will be thatNouvelle Ordinairesraises important issues about the commercial, confessional and political forces which influenced the flow of texts across state borders, as well as about novel practices relating to the translation of texts for distribution and consumption on a Europe-wide scale, all of which can be addressed by assessing its audience, its message and its purpose, not least in terms of the newspaper’s multi-vocality. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper argues that ephemera is a key instrument of cultural memory, marking the things intended to be forgotten. This important role means that when ephemera survives, whether accidentally or deliberately, it does so despite itself. These survivals, because they evoke all those other objects that have necessarily been forgotten, can be described as uncanny. The paper is divided into three main sections. The first situates ephemera within an uncanny economy of memory and forgetting. The second focuses on ephemera at a particular historical moment, the industrialisation of print in the nineteenth century. This section considers the liminal place of newspapers and periodicals in this period, positioned as both provisional media for information as well as objects of record. The third section introduces a new configuration of technologies—scanners, computers, hard disks, monitors, the various connections between them—and considers the conditions under which born-digital ephemera can linger and return. Through this analysis, the paper concludes by considering digital technologies as an apparatus of memory, setting out what is required if we are not to be doubly haunted by the printed ephemera within the digital archive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the growth of newspapers for African readers in Southern Rhodesia. It focuses primarily on the role played by South African investors in launching newspapers for the Africans. It further looks at the transformation of these newspapers from mouthpieces of the colonial government to being mouthpieces of African Nationalists. Issues of funding as well as reactions by Africans will be addressed. The article also attempts to discuss the impact of these newspapers on both the readers and the politicians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Michael Harris, a historian and founding editor of Media History, passed away in December 2022. He was known for his research on the eighteenth-century newspaper press and the book trade. Harris played a significant role in establishing newspaper and periodical history as a mainstream area of study. He authored several important articles and a monograph on London newspapers in the 1720s and 30s. Additionally, Harris co-founded the Annual Conferences on Book Trade History and was instrumental in the creation and development of the Journal of Newspaper and Periodical History, Studies in Newspaper and Periodical History, and Media History. He was highly regarded as a scholar, teacher, and supportive colleague. [Extracted from the article]

This article shows that readers' letters were selected and edited in late 19th-century Finnish newspapers for a variety of reasons. The criteria for selection and editing fit the four rules identified by professor of journalism Karin Wahl-Jorgensen for the selection of readers' letters in modern newspapers and it also demonstrates the 1890s newspapers' role as gatekeepers and the continuing professionalization of journalists. The editors considered the selection and editing of readers' letters demanding and frustrating, but they also saw themselves as men of principle, the defenders of the free word. The research sources include the correspondence columns and the editors' writing instructions to the readers in the 1890s press of the Grand Duchy of Finland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how three elite newspapers – the Daily Telegraph, The Times, and the Manchester Guardian – used correspondence columns to promote informed and balanced public debate, showing how this was independent of editorial arguments as part of extended commitment to conceptions of the 'educational ideal'. It focuses on the campaign of the Women's Social and Political Union, and particularly hunger strikes and the government's response of forcible feeding, to evaluate how public figures with authority and institutional credibility engaged with each other in the press. With regard to the work of Jürgen Habermas, the article also considers how an effective public sphere was framed and maintained in elite newspapers, but also how access was partially circumscribed based on expertise and social status in line with the wider nature of Edwardian democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the information that was disseminated in the Netherlands and Spain—and other territories connected to the latter such as Portugal and Flanders under Habsburg rule—about the taking by the Dutch of the city of San Salvador de Bahia in Brazil, and his subsequent recovery by a Spanish-Portuguese expedition (1624–1625). Despite the different communicative structures, these national journalisms shared professional strategies to inform about the conflicts that occurred in the distant Brazilian lands. Given the difficulty of informing promptly and truthfully, the discourse of the Dutch and Spanish newspapers about their colonies alternates between the information explosion and silence, depending on the alternation between victories and defeats in American territory. News was as connected as were the empires that controlled vast territories in Europe and America, despite the ideological and religious differences of the era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The scale of newspaper digitization and emergence of computational research methods has opened new opportunities for scholarship on the history of the press–as well as a new set of problems. Those problems compound for research that spans national as well as linguistic contexts. This article offers a novel methodological approach for confronting these challenges by synthesizing computational with conventional methods and working across a collaborative multilingual team. We present a case study studying the transnational and multilingual news event of Hungarian revolutionary Lajos Kossuth's journey to the United States in 1851–52. Our approach helps to demonstrate some of the characteristic patterns and complexities in transatlantic news circulation, including the pathways, reach, temporality, vagaries, and silences of this system. These patterns, in turn, offer some insights into how we understand the significance of this era for histories of the press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russel Ward claimed that Miles 'Staniforth Smith, a radical Protectionist, who later joined the Labor Party, was perhaps the most rabidly racist member of either House'1 of the first parliament. It has gone unchallenged in the literature, a case of sans aucun doubte.2 This article inquiries into the strength of the claim by first drawing on newspaper reporting and finds that Ward had drawn a longbow. In sum, the article provides an important lesson on taking statements at face value and allowing them to become historical fact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the way the nineteenth-century newspaper was oriented towards information. Despite their political differences, nineteenth-century newspapers were often discussed as if they were universal, with a paper for every segment of society. My argument is that this apparent universality, where the newspaper was figured as a print genre potentially open to all, laid the foundations for the emergence of the popular press. The paper is in two parts. The first considers the nineteenth-century newspaper as a genre, arguing that its periodicity enabled it to serve as a perfect medium, passing on content derived from elsewhere. The second explores the way information was conceived in the period. By looking at the way the newspaper drew upon, represented, and distributed information, it is possible to understand how it functioned as material media. In conclusion, I look at the way the nineteenth-century newspaper is changed through digitization today. When scholars access nineteenth-century newspapers through digital resources, they engage with a different material media that, in turn, reconfigures the source material. Such encounters foreground the importance of genre while providing new opportunities for its study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 captured the imagination of reading publics around the world and in Britain spawned a breadth of products aimed at a domestic audience, including cigarette cards, illustrated magazines and newspaper cartoons. This essay investigates the commentary on and interpretation of the war offered by cartoons appearing in the British Sunday paper the News of the World and the Welsh daily paper the Western Mail. Editorial cartoonist J. M. Staniforth drew over 70 cartoons documenting the war for both papers, and the degree to which these visual images complemented or diverged from the editorial line expressed in leader columns is considered. The importance of distinguishing between cartoons and editorials and of taking into account the identity and career of the cartoonist is stressed. The visual codes for communicating conflict are also investigated, revealing in the process something of the intellectual horizons of both cartoonist and audience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Advances in digital technology have made the recent past seem like a foreign country. Media historians did things very differently in 2002. In the last decade, hundreds of historical newspapers and periodicals have been digitised and made available to researchers via online archives. Whilst the emergence of these resources has generated contrasting responses from historians, an increasing number of researchers are now embracing the new methodological possibilities created by keyword-searchable digital archives. As the first examples of this scholarship begin to appear on the horizon, this paper considers whether media history is on the cusp of a ‘digital turn’. It outlines the existing responses to digital methodologies, deconstructs digital newspapers in order to explore how they differ from their paper originals and uses case studies drawn from my own research into the late-Victorian transatlantic press to demonstrate how new methodologies might be applied. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The assassination of Nikolay Bobrikov, the Governor-General of Finland, on 16 June 1904 was a turning point in Finnish history. It was reported in hundreds, if not thousands, of newspapers worldwide. This article follows the spread of that news, particularly its spread over the first week after the assassination. The study draws on the digital newspaper repositories in Australia, Austria, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Mexico, Sweden, the Netherlands and the United States. It also draws on the microfilm and physical collections of Russian newspapers at the National Library of Finland. The article shows how the murder activated the telegram network and initiated a series of news waves. The routes the Bobrikov news travelled, their tempo and the evolution of related stories tell a story of a networked but biased global news scene. In that scene, technological, commercial and cultural factors simultaneously facilitated and controlled what stories reached which papers and how. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the war correspondents traveling in the Balkans during the period of the Balkan Wars (1912–1913) to cover military campaigns. It tries to explore the paths of information, the mechanisms of propaganda and the restrictions used by the Balkan states to control the content of the news transmitted. The Balkan Wars were among the first military events covered so extensively by newspapers all around the world. In the battle-fields the principles of the new field of journalism were highly tested. The lessons learnt in the Balkans during the Balkan Wars proved to be productive and useful for the improvement of the relationship between war correspondents and military authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for the relevance of the media history of the press. Using a broad and open media concept, this perspective should be understood as the study of the construction and communication of the self-images and ideology of the press. Rather than describing the complex of problems as images that are 'spread' through one channel (newspapers) by one actor (the press), it should be seen as a mutual exchange between various media and various actors. Different audiences have been resources for the press, just as the press has been a resource for them. Instead of separating proper journalism, the spreading of the self-image, and the reception of different audiences as clearly defined areas, they must be seen as constituting each other. Focusing on the funeral of Swedish editor Lars Hierta, the paper argues for the methodological advantages inherent in the media event and the surrounding cultural circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Propaganda and censorship were crucial elements in the flow of news to Australian newspaper audiences during World War I. While Australian newspapers were enthusiastic supporters of the war effort, the Australian model of press censorship proved to be highly restrictive and the relationships between newspaper editors and censorship authorities were not always smooth. Over the course of the war, frustration regarding the operation of censorship intensified. A series of events surrounding the conscription referenda of October 1916 and December 1917 led to the 1918 Conference of Editors. The outcome of this conference was greater and more formalized involvement for the press in censorship matters. Within this dialectic of cooperation and conflict, this paper examines the relationship between the press and the Australian Government in the World War I conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the manner through which the International Hockey League (IHL) and its operations were portrayed in newspaper coverage in the larger urban centers of eastern Canada, where hockey had its developmental and organizational roots within the middle- and upper-middle-class community, and compares it to coverage that appeared in newspapers in the communities that hosted IHL teams, which were communities driven by industry and had large working-class populations. To do so, a comparison of newspaper coverage of the IHL in local IHL newspapers with reports published in newspapers in major Canadian cities strongly associated with the origins, development, and organizational control of ice hockey, is undertaken. The development of the sport of ice hockey in both Canada and the USA, and newspaper coverage generally, and hockey specifically, during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries is reviewed. Representative examples of the coverage of IHL games and operations over the course of its three-year operations are then provided. Having compared the coverage of games and operations of the IHL between IHL and Canadian-based newspapers, the paper concludes with a discussion of how business competition, competing ideologies toward high-level sport, and class-based perceptions regarding violence, aggression, and masculinity can affect the newspaper coverage of sporting events.

This article investigates the reproduction of the foundational terrain of media work as composed of amateur and professional realms through the youth movement of amateur journalism in the late 19th-Century United States. Amateur journalists wrote, typeset and printed journals of essays, commentary, word puzzles and stories, which were circulated primarily among themselves in subcultural networks of reciprocity. A broad cultural analysis characterizes how debates about social change due to industrialization shaped definitions and valuations of amateurism and professionalism. A critical political-economic analysis examines how these changes and debates as refracted and reproduced through the commercialization of literary industries and printing technologies spawned amateur journalism. A critical analysis of surviving autobiographical works by amateur journalists of the day explores the on-the-ground cultural production of amateurism and professionalism through amateur journalism's ascendance, peak and decline. The article concludes by reflecting on the value of these findings for understanding today's media terrain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cholera was the emblematic disease of the nineteenth-century Europe. This article explores the cultural ramifications of cholera by concentrating on the ways in which public discourse participated in circulating information on the disease. It focuses on the reuse of texts about cholera in the Finnish press from 1860 to 1920. The most difficult cholera epidemics in Finland were the first ones in the 1830s and 1850s, and the number of casualties dropped significantly towards the end of the century. At the same time, however, cholera was discussed more than ever, and there was the rising curve of the references to cholera from the 1860s onwards. In Finland, the public discourse on cholera was also entangled with the rising nationalism towards the end of the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

CorrectionArticle title: BRITISH- CHILEAN NEWSPAPERS: FROM INFORMAL EMPIRE TO HYBRIDITY IN PRINT Author: JP Hayward and Michelle Prain Brice Journal: Media History DOI: https:// doi. org/ 10.1080/ 13688804.2024.2338112 An earlier version of this paper that did not incorporate changes from the editorial process was initially published. It has now been corrected and republished with an updated manuscript. © 2024 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Media History, 2024 https:// doi. org/ 10.1080/ 13688804.2024.2417154 [Extracted from the article]

This article presents a case study on how goods scarcity, both natural and artificially created, was used along with censorship to control the Portuguese public's access to information during the 1930s and 1940s. Even though the dictatorship that ruled Portugal from 1933 relied on a censorship apparatus that prevented the publication and broadcast of many pieces of national and international news, the research presented in this article demonstrates how the regime took advantage of the Spanish Civil War and World War II to increase restrictions on the circulation of information, justifying this through the artificially created scarcity of paper and radio frequencies. Furthermore, this article also describes how a third type of scarcity—that of electricity—also restricted listeners' access to radio broadcasts, which led many Portuguese to make sacrifices in order to listen to updated news. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Little is known about the relationship between the anticolonial movement in Cyprus and the role of the Greek Cypriot press. This paper aims to fill a small gap by presenting the findings of a study dealing with the Liberation Movement of Cyprus (EOKA—the National Organisation of Cypriot Fighters) and how it was depicted through the Greek Cypriot press. The period under study is 1957-1960, during which the EOKA movement was active. This study investigates the positions of three leading Greek Cypriot newspapers of that period and aims to present the positions of each newspaper at the level of policy towards the liberation movement. Findings suggest that the Greek Cypriot press under the colonial regime presented the liberation and the ‘Enosis’ (unification) movement more in its news-articles-reports and less in opinion articles and commentaries, while journalists were reluctant to take sides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sports organisations and the media have been intimately bound together since the making of the modern sporting world in Victorian times. The relationship between the media and the Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) during the formative years of that association was heavily influenced by the nature of Irish politics and society in the 1880s. In many respects, the early development of the GAA was a triumph of propaganda. From its very first meeting, the GAA presented an image of itself as a democratic and nationalist association open to everyone. Many of the most important GAA officials worked as journalists and one even established his own newspaper. On top of that, almost every GAA county board and many GAA clubs used the press to further the GAA. This paper documents the importance of the press and of journalists in the early years of the GAA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Suddenly, in the summer of 1960, the map of Africa gained a new political outline, with the proclamation of nine independences. But the majority of Luanda's newspapers appeared not to see the 'wind of change' blowing through the continent. In its pages, the news of Africa would barely mention more than the crisis in one of its neighbours, the former Belgian Congo. The analysis of the news about the proclamation of independences leads us to formulate the hypothesis that the relative invisibility of the smooth transitions and the major emphasis given to turbulent situations in the continent contributed to value the Portuguese colonial model. Crossing the analysis with research made in archive, this article also contributes to the characterisation of the Angolan daily press on the eve of the Portuguese colonial war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the financing of the newspaper content most closely identified with political commentary in the second half of the eighteenth century: the 'letters to the editor'. Based on an important but largely unnoticed paragraph from John Trusler's London Adviser and Guide, and a published excerpt from the account books of the Morning Herald, it argues that, while newspaper proprietors paid correspondents primarily for news and miscellany, they could also pay for letters of commentary (or publish them free of charge), if these were particularly well written and on topics of notable public interest. Importantly, however, they would also charge authors wishing to disseminate political texts, especially if these promulgated the commercial or political interests of individuals or larger interest groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How was the gazette invented? This paper addresses the early stages of the evolution of design standardization, from the mid-sixteenth century to the first decades of the seventeenth century (i.e. before the Gazette—first published in France by Renaudot in 1631—established an international standard for the format). It also analyses how the design of the gazette was adopted in Spain via examples arriving from Italy during the last decade of the sixteenth century. In addition to confirming the vitality of the news networks that connected European populations since the early modern age, the main hypothesis put forward in this work is that a standard model for the design and structure of Spanish gazettes had already been established in the 1620s. This standardization made the product familiar to readers and served as a criterion with which to differentiate it from other formats, periodicals or otherwise. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

During the period between the outbreak of war in August 1914, and the first major engagement for Australian troops in April 1915 on Gallipoli, the Queensland press in Australia articulated a vision of the conflict framed by binary opposites. The most pervasive of these was the positioning of German militarism and lust for conquest as the antithesis of the civilized values embodied in Pax Britannica. The approach of the newspapers over the course of these nine months can be divided neatly into two distinct though overlapping themes—why the Germans fought and how they fought. In its exploration of these issues, the Queensland press demonized the Germans for their perceived barbarism and disregard for civilized norms. In contrast, the perceived righteousness of the British cause facilitated a celebration of Australian nationalism and imperial loyalty as complementary imperatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a close reading of Australian local newspapersThe Queenslander, The Week, andThe Logan Witness. It argues that by representing triumph over local challenges these newspapers also constituted a late-nineteenth-century civilizing process. They played a vital role in generating community cohesion. Stability and civilization were represented to the target audience of families and entrepreneurs as ‘natural’ and appropriately embodied by colonizers. Embedding a sense of belonging established a ‘civilising (sic) goodness’ through disavowal of the displacement of indigenous peoples as familiar community practices were enacted. In this highly literate population newspapers, rather than books, provided local Australian content. A case study of the Lahey family, who arrived as South East Queensland became available for serious settlement in the early 1870s, personalizes the settlement ideology produced by local newspapers. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article, we focus on the Washington Post's coverage of busing for racial desegregation between 1968 and 1973. Drawing on work done in the history of emotions, we argue that the Post's reporting of busing articulated the feelings of an emotional community of local white suburban hostility that operated in reference to a larger national emotional regime of reactionary conservativism that was embodied in the anti-press and anti-busing politics of Nixon and Agnew. We identify three emotives: indignation, fear, and anger, which were the binding forces of an emotional community whose activism had material effects on schooling in the County. Our research demonstrates how while The Washington Post was an integrationist newspaper, the outlet helped to circulate the very emotions that reinforced and justified the organized local opposition to busing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]