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This paper argues that numerals as single morphemes can be formed from morphological fusion of more basic numerals and classifiers. It reports that such morphological fusion is found in Shuhi, a Qiangic language of the Tibeto-Burman branch, and discusses its theoretical implications for the ontological semantics of numerals. Specifically, we argue that there are two kinds of numerals, deficient numerals and full-fledged numerals, each demonstrating distinctive properties in syntax and semantics, and that data regarding Shuhi supports Krifka's (1995) syntax-semantics interface analysis of numeral-classifier-noun expressions, in which the numerals and classifiers form constituents excluding the nouns. We present empirical data from this language to support the Fregean view that numerals are number-referring terms (deficient numerals), while ʥi 33 'one' in Shuhi and possibly liǎ 'two-Cl' and sā 'three-Cl' in Mandarin Chinese are full-fledged numerals that should be best treated as denoting properties of cardinality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on rare language data from a Chinese minority language, we argue for a particular theory of specific and unspecific reference. We understand specific versus unspecific reference as the properties of picking out one versus not-one (set of) referents in the discourse context. The analysis is reminiscent of Schwartzschild (2002)’s singleton theory and an alternative to the Choice Function approach. We further argue that unspecific reference conversationally implicates other reference types such as ‘universal’, ‘generic’ or ‘distributive’ reference. The Hmu language (Miao-Yao: China) is cross-linguistically rare in encoding the contrast of specific versus unspecific reference by a minimal pair, by bare classifiers and bare nouns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I investigate the phenomenon of ‘verb classifiers’, i.e. nominal classifiers that attach to the verb and that classify one of its arguments. A sample of thirteen supposed ‘verb classifier’ languages is presented and analysed in detail; the elicited data argues against the maintenance of the general theoretical notion of an independent classifier type of ‘verb classifiers’, since the analysed systems either modify the concept expressed by the predicate (and thus do not classify a verbal argument) or mark a verbal argument instead of classifying it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What do Slavic aspectual prefixes have in common with numeral classifiers? Our answer is that the parallels are compelling, both in terms of breadth and depth. The grammatical function of numeral classifiers is to form and classify units for the referents of nouns, and we argue that Slavic aspectual prefixes have the function of forming and classifying units for the referents of verbs. Numeral classifiers contribute a meaning of discreteness to objects, whereas Slavic aspectual prefixes do the same for events. Just as there are various types of numeral classifiers, there are also various types of Slavic aspectual prefixes. We find that the patterns identified for numeral classifiers are consistently matched by the grammatical behavior of the various types of aspectual prefixes throughout the Slavic linguistic territory. We furthermore anchor this comparison in a variety of ways, taking into account distributional and semantic evidence, and the effects of construal, foregrounding, definiteness, and transnumerality. In the places where this comparison breaks down, the causes are inherent differences between the domain of nouns and the domain of verbs. We suggest that Slavic aspectual prefixes and numeral classifiers should be considered to be verbal and nominal instantiations of a general category of lexico-grammatical unitizers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights: [⿢] The VP-modifier approach can be a viable analysis for the account of FQs in Korean. [⿢] The FQ introduces new information in discourse. [⿢] The FQ sets off rheme in the thematic structure. [⿢] The functional view can offer an answer to four puzzles (e.g., subject/object asymmetry). [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Based on the insight that a measure word (M) in [Num (Adj)-C/M N] is semantically substantive, while a classifier (C) is redundant and does not block modification or quantification to N (Her and Hsieh, 2010), this paper proposes a distinction of C/M from a mathematical perspective. Synthesizing the concepts of parceler (Landman, 2004), divider (Borer, 2005), and multiplicand (Au Yeung, 2005, 2007), I follow Her (2010) and contend that while C/M both function as a multiplicand mathematically, C''s value is necessarily 1 and M''s is not, thus ¬1. This offers a natural explanation to the semantic tests developed in Her and Hsieh (2010). Implications are discussed for these areas: typology of classifiers and classifier languages, correlations between numeral systems and the employment of C/M, the universal count/mass distinction at the lexical level, and first language acquisition of classifiers and numbers. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This article examines the distribution and interpretation of the bare classifier phrase [Cl+N] in three Sinitic languages of Mandarin, Wu and Cantonese. We show that [Cl+N] can be interpreted as definite or indefinite depending on pragmatic factors related to information structure and word order. Syntactically, we claim that indefinite [Cl+N] has the maximal projection of ClP and that definite [Cl+N] is a DP, where the D head is filled by the classifier via Cl-to-D raising. Semantically, we claim that indefinite [Cl+N] is predicative, denoting sets of atomic entities and that definite [Cl+N] is derived from indefinite [Cl+N] by lifting it from predicates to Generalized Quantifiers. We further claim that the definiteness expressed by [Cl+N] is characterized by the pragmatic notion of ‘familiarity/identifiability’ as it can be linked to information structure and not ‘uniqueness’. Definite classifiers differ from the English definite article ‘the’ and they are not full-fledged grammaticalized definiteness markers. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: We largely agree with the points raised by Evans and Levinson (2009, henceforth, E&L) about linguistic diversity, both regarding spoken languages and signed languages. Here we want to raise three main issues: (1) we expand on E&L''s concern that the metalanguage used in cross-linguistic description may work well in the analyses of some languages, but not so well in others (we pick up on their example of “classifiers” in signed languages); (2) we discuss E&L''s claim that sign languages lack pronouns; and (3) we join E&L in highlighting the importance of sign languages when considering linguistic diversity and for understanding the emergence of new languages. We conclude by stressing the need for all linguists to consider the multimodal nature of language (including gesture and “paralinguistic” characteristics such as intonation and prosody) rather than just the classic linguistic characteristics which are the exclusive focus of much work in mainstream approaches to the study of language. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Certain modal auxiliary and control constructions in Thai differ only in the choice between a modal or control verb. Despite a possibility to analyze them as (subject) raising vs. control predicates, the present study argues that their counterparts with the marker thîi may not be derived via the raising vs. control conventions. The reasons include the presence of thîi càʔ which marks infinitival complements and a possible connection between modal auxiliaries and lexical control verbs revealed by a test on Thai clausal idioms. This study proposes an additional functional category, Mood (Irrealis) Phrase, M(I)P, to account for the co-occurrence restrictions of thîi and non-assertive (irrealis) infinitival complements, and develops a unified analysis for modal and control constructions with thîi, parallel to approach to control infinitives with di in Italian. The analysis developed here is consequential to the syntax and semantics of modals and control infinitives, cross-linguistically. Firstly, it suggests that modals that behave identically to control predicates be analyzed by means of the control approach, rather than the raising predicate approach, which has been held customarily. Secondly, it establishes the role of the MIP, which enables the expression of a hypothetical tense that occurs in infinitival complements introduced by markers (i.e. thîi in Thai, di in Italian, and de in French). [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to unravel the intricacies brought about by the eccentric pattern of agreement in Kurdish unaccusative transitive constructions. 1 [1] The Kurdish dialect under discussion is called ‘Sorani’ which is spoken in the Kurdish areas across the border of Iran and Iraq limited to Kurdistan and Azarbaijan-e Gharbi provinces in Iran and Suleymania and Erbil provinces in Iraq. We will propose that there is a strict correlation between Agree in syntax () and Agreement in morphology () to the effect that the φ-features shared by the controller and the target of Agreement in PF must match the corresponding φ-features shared via Agree in narrow syntax. We will specifically argue that the φ-feature mismatch at the syntax–morphology interface is responsible for the emergence of the Person-Case Constraint (PCC) effects. Viewing the PCC from this perspective provides adequate grounds to account for the default agreement and focus movement as ways of circumventing the PCC in Kurdish. At an explanatory level this work presents corroborative evidence to conceive of the PCC as an epiphenomenon ensuing from the interplay of the more general principles at the syntax–morphology interface. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This paper is an extension of the analysis of classifier predicates (CL predicates) in ASL in Benedicto and Brentari (2004) in order to account for event structure as well as argument structure, motivated by the specific claim that limb/body part classifiers (BPCL) are unergative predicates with single external arguments. If unergative, with a single external argument, BPCL should not be able to express telic events (events containing natural semantic endpoints) because such events require a quantified or specified (delimited) internal argument, or some entity the event can apply to exhaustively. We show that BPCL can express telic as well as atelic events, indicating a contradiction with their claim that BPCL are unergative. We argue that BPCL do in fact contain internal arguments, realized as a morphemic specification for selected fingers in the handshape of the CL predicate that B&B associate in handling (HCL) and whole entity (w/e CL) CL with an internal argument, although this does not entail telicity. This evidence indicates that BPCL are in fact transitive, as are HCL, with the internal argument representing a body part of the referent external argument. We adopt a sub-event analysis of event structure (Pustejovsky, 1991, 1995) and following the claims of the Event Visibility Hypothesis for ASL (Wilbur, 2004a,b,c, 2005, in press; Schalber, 2004) demonstrate that telic and atelic events in ASL are morphologically and phonologically contrastive, in both CL and non-CL predicates, with the endpoints of telic events overtly marked morphologically. We demonstrate that telic BPCL also show these markings, supporting the claim that these CL predicates are transitive and not unergative. We adapt the syntactic analysis of Benedicto and Brentari to account for telicity following insights from Ramchand (in preparation) and Borer (2005). In addition, we show why the tests provided by Benedicto and Brentari to indicate the presence of an internal argument are not applicable for BPCL. Extensions of this analysis to non-CL predicates and instrument CL (ICL) are also discussed. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Christopher (C) is a mildly autistic, severely apraxic, savant who learns languages with surprising ease. Surprising because outside language-learning he has severe difficulties in ‘non-verbal’ cognitive domains, particularly where his visuo-spatial abilities are involved. C's unique language learning skill has been reported on in several previous studies, but his verbal abilities have previously been measured mainly in his learning of different spoken and written languages, that is in the modality of oral language. In earlier work we have also described some aspects of C's learning of British Sign Language (BSL), a language produced and perceived in the visual modality. The present investigation gives further details of C's learning of BSL, by focusing on his use of sign language classifiers, and compares his uneven learning with that of a group of university language honours students. Specifically, although after exposure to an introduction to sign language course, C performed within normal limits on a variety of BSL constructions, he had significant difficulty with the production and comprehension of classifiers, a category that crucially involves the interaction of grammatical and spatial cognition. Here we present two new sets of results of tests of C's understanding and use of classifiers: his comprehension of sentences with differing degrees of spatial and grammatical encoding, and his performance on a placement task involving classifiers. In the first task C's poor performance was worse on those sentences with the most complex demands on spatial cognition. In the task placing objects on a table, C performed well with real object placement but could not use the classifier system to represent object placement in sign space. Performance on these tasks as well as C's uneven profile of BSL acquisition is interpreted within an established model of the mind but with modifications to accommodate the interface between language processing and non-verbal, visuo-spatial cognition. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Spatial coherence in discourse relies on the use of devices that provide information about where referents are and where events take place. In signed language, two primary devices for achieving and maintaining spatial coherence are the use of classifier forms and signing perspective. This paper gives a unified account of the relationship between perspective and classifiers, and divides the range of possible correspondences between these two devices into prototypical and non-prototypical alignments. An analysis of German Sign Language narratives of complex events investigates the role of different classifier-perspective constructions in encoding spatial information about location, orientation, action and motion, as well as size and shape of referents. In particular, I show how non-prototypical alignments, including simultaneity of perspectives, contribute to the maintenance of spatial coherence, and provide functional explanations in terms of efficiency and informativeness constraints on discourse. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

A communicative device that a signer can take advantage of in the visual–gestural modality is the use of the signer's body to depict the actions and movements of an object—whether that object be animate or inanimate. This communicative device (referred to within this abstract as becoming the object) is used frequently in signed narratives, but it also appears in other genres of signing. Whether or not becoming the object is dependent on the use of traditional linguistic devices (e.g., signs, so-called “classifier” constructions, word order structures, etc. ) is open to question, so its role as a necessary part of ASL or any signed language may be the source of debate. This study seeks to explore the degree to which becoming the object is obligatory. To that end, production and judgment data are discussed, and it is suggested that specific examples of becoming the object appear to be obligatory for the depiction of some actions of animate objects. Further, commonly used alternative strategies to becoming the object are also discussed. The overall findings suggest that some instantiations of becoming the object can be considered obligatory in some contexts—especially for some signers. Implications of these results are discussed, especially as they concern the use of mimetic versus linguistic representations within both modalities—sign and speech. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The goal of this paper is to explore certain syntactic properties of classifier predicates, in particular, the realization of the argument structure associated with them. The work presented here is a first approach to a cross-linguistic syntactic analysis of two sign languages: Catalan Sign Language (LSC) and Argentinian Sign Language (LSA). 1 [1] Despite the historical, cultural and linguistic links between Argentina and Spain, there is no attested genetic relationship between the sign languages under study. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

In this paper we analyze the phonological and prosodic properties of two-handed classifiers in three sign languages—American Sign Language, Hong Kong Sign Language, and Swiss German Sign Language. Our analysis is two-fold—first we examine the restrictions these forms place on handshape choice, and then we look at their prosodic and morpho-syntactic structures by examining the interaction between the temporal relations of the two hands and other prosodic cues, such as eye blinks. From the point of view of well-formedness at the word level, our work shows that: (i) in the majority of cases, two-handed classifiers obey the Dominance Condition of Battison (1978) while all other forms limit their complexity in a similar way at the featural level: (ii) different classifier types exhibit systematic behavior with regard to their internal handshape complexity, in particular with regard to a difference between whole entity and handling classifiers, and (iii) in the majority of cases, two-handed classifiers have the same timing properties as prosodic words. With regard to larger prosodic units, we have found evidence of the prosodic–syntactic interface at work in classifier constructions in a number of systematic ways involving intonational phrases. Two-handed classifiers can be divided into four major groups with regard to their prosodic structure, one of which was found only in Hong Kong Sign Language, while the other three exhibit a general pattern that applied to all three of the sign languages in our study. Our general findings reveal that the phonological structures and principles that hold true in non-classifier forms are also obeyed by classifiers to a large extent. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

In this introductory article we give a brief overview of the description of the constructions in sign language known as classifiers. We focus on the need to carry out theoretically driven linguistic analyses of their use in order to understand the structure and function of these pervasive devices within the grammars of different sign languages. Research on classifiers at the level of phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics and discourse structure as well as in different populations of signers (native, non-native, child and atypical signers) will assist us in the understanding of these complex structures within the context of current research on sign language linguistics. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Wiltschko (2003) proposes that Halkomelem Salish possesses interpretable T features on D, and as a consequence lacks both nominative Case and a TP projection. In this reply to Wiltschko''s paper, I argue instead that Salish languages have tense and Case systems which are fundamentally similar to those of English. I then discuss the consequences of these findings for a theory of cross-linguistic variation. I suggest that there will be no languages with interpretable T features on D, and that we should reject the use of parameters with which have consequences in disparate modules of the grammar. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]