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Recent studies have highlighted divergent change as a more common outcome of language contact than previously thought. While convergent change is often attributed to bilingual cognitive pressures, divergent change has usually been explained by appealing to sociocultural factors. We argue that the effects of social pressures on linguistic systems must nevertheless be realized in how language is processed in the individual bilingual speaker and, therefore, that divergent change is also ultimately rooted in bilingual cognition. Since lexical forms are most susceptible to contact-induced divergent change we focus on their production. We begin by developing a cognitive model that combines Grosjean’s language mode with a later output-monitoring stage. The parameters to the model are then fit to the results of an experiment in which bilinguals are seen to avoid shared lexical items. These best-fit parameters form the basis of a series of multi-agent simulations that show rapid divergence in the lexica of languages with large proportions of bilinguals. We consider the implications of these findings for the psycholinguistic study of bilingual lexical selection, the construction of phylogenies, and the reconstruction of language family histories.

A widespread assumption in the language contact literature is that affixes are never borrowed directly, but only indirectly, that is, as part of complex loanwords. From such complex loanwords, affixes may eventually spread to native stems, creating hybrid formations, in a process of language-internal analogical extension. Direct borrowing is the extraction of an affix based on knowledge of the donor language, without the mediation of complex loanwords within the recipient language. This article suggests that direct borrowing can also be the only or primary process leading to productive loan affixes. Criteria are provided to assess instances of direct and indirect borrowing on the basis of the distribution of borrowed affixes across complex loanwords and hybrid formations. These are applied to corpora of various languages. A scale of directness of affix borrowing is proposed, based on the extent to which speakers of the recipient language rely (i) on their knowledge of the donor language (direct borrowing) and (ii) on complex loanwords within their native language (indirect borrowing).

In this article, I focus on the intonation patterns of Turkish-German bilinguals to discuss intonation within the context of language contact and language variation. The intonational variance involves the realization of terminal rises as produced by second- and third-generation Turkish-German bilinguals living in Germany. These speakers produce two phonetically, phonologically, and pragmatically distinct rises, which differ from what is typically reported for German monolinguals. The primary phonetic differences between the two rises include the relative alignment and slope of the rise, with one rise aligning on the final syllable of the word regardless of the stress pattern and showing a significantly steeper slope than the other. Although the source of these two rises is likely the two languages used by the speakers, this is not a case of intonational code-switching. Rather, the two rises, along with other edge phenomena, form an intonational system in which the rises are in contrast with one another as well as with falls and level edge contours and as such play different pragmatic roles relative to one another.

We present the first proposal of detailed internal subgrouping and higher-order structure of the Pama-Nyungan family of Australian languages. Previous work has identified more than twenty-five primary subgroups in the family, with little indication of how these groups might fit together. Some work has assumed that reconstruction of higher nodes in the tree was impossible, either because extensive internal borrowing has obscured more remote relations, or because the languages are not sufficiently well attested (see, for example, Bowern & Koch 2004b, Dixon 1997). With regard to the first objection, work by Alpher and Nash (1999) and Bowern and colleagues (2011) shows that loan levels are not high enough to obscure vertical transmission for all but a few languages. New data remove the second objection. Here we use Bayesian phylogenetic inference to show that the Pama-Nyungan tree has a discernible internal subgrouping. We identify four major divisions within the family and discuss the implications of this grouping for future work on the family.

Subject personal pronouns are highly variable in Spanish but nearly obligatory in many contexts in English, and regions of Latin America differ significantly in rates and constraints on use. We investigate language and dialect contact by analyzing these pronouns in a corpus of 63,500 verbs extracted from sociolinguistic interviews of a stratified sample of 142 members of the six largest Spanish-speaking communities in New York City. A variationist approach to rates of overt pronouns and variable and constraint hierarchies, comparing speakers from different dialect regions (Caribbeans vs. Mainlanders) and different generations (those recently arrived vs. those born and/or raised in New York), reveals the influence of English on speakers from both regions. In addition, generational changes in constraint hierarchies demonstrate that Caribbeans and Mainlanders are accommodating to one another. Both dialect and language contact are shaping Spanish in New York City and promoting, in the second generation, the formation of a New York Spanish speech community.*

Dans cette note critique consacree a l'article de M. DeGraff Against Creole exceptionalism (Language, 2003, 79.2, 391-410), D. Bickerton reproche a DeGraff de considerer que les creoles ne sont pas exceptionnels et qu'ils sont des descendants legitimes de leur langue lexificatrice. DeGraff propose ensuite une reponse a Bickerton en rappelant que l'objectif premier de son article de 2003 etait de demystifier un certain nombre de croyances passees et presentes selon lesquelles les creoles constituent une classe exceptionnelle et qui sont basees sur des arguments phylogenetiques et/ou typologiques.

Despite extensive research over the past several decades, a number of issues concerning the development of AFRICAN AMERICAN VERNACULAR ENGLISH (AAVE) remain unresolved. These include the regional accommodation of earlier African American speech; the sources of its current, distinctive structural features; and the past and present trajectory of change. To address these questions, this study examines several longstanding, isolated biracial sociolinguistic situations in the coastal and the Appalachian regions of North Carolina. One of these situations involves a core community of African Americans, whereas two of the situations involve case studies of isolated speakers. A comparison of diagnostic phonological and morphosyntactic variables for speakers representing different generations of African Americans and baseline European American speakers suggests that extensive accommodation to localized dialects characterized earlier African American speech. At the same time, the maintenance of an exclusive subset of dialect features suggests persistent substrate influence and long-term ethnolinguistic distinctiveness along with local dialect accommodation. Younger African Americans in some historically isolated rural regions appear to be moving away from the localized dialects toward a more generalized AAVE norm.

So-called NEW ENGLISHES, distinct forms of English which have emerged in postcolonial settings and countries around the globe, have typically been regarded individually, as unique varieties shaped by idiosyncratic historical conditions and contact settings, and no coherent theory to account for these processes has been developed so far. This article argues that despite all obvious dissimilarities, a fundamentally uniform developmental process, shaped by consistent sociolinguistic and language-contact conditions, has operated in the individual instances of rerooting the English language in another territory. At the heart of this process there are characteristic stages of identity construction by the groups involved, with similar relationships between the parties in migration contact settings (i.e. the indigenous population and immigrant groups, respectively) having resulted in analogous processes of mutual accommodation and, consequently, similar sociolinguistic and structural outcomes. Outlining a basic developmental scenario, I suggest that speech communities typically undergo five consecutive phases in this process - FOUNDATION, EXONORMATIVE STABILIZATION, NATIVIZATION, ENDONORMATIVE STABILIZATION, and DIFFERENTIATION - and I describe the sociolinguistic characteristics of each one. This framework is then applied to case studies of seven different countries (Fiji, Hong Kong, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Australia, and New Zealand) which, I argue, are currently positioned at different points along the developmental cycle.

1. List of contributors 2. Foreword 3. Introduction (by Putz, Martin) 4. Part I: Theoretical orientations: The interaction of language and culture 5. Radical cultural difference: Anthropology's myth? (by Keesing, Roger M.) 6. Culture, cognition, and grammar (by Langacker, Ronald W.) 7. Areal influence on grammaticalization (by Heine, Bernd) 8. "Cultural scripts": A new approach to the study of cross-cultural communication (by Wierzbicka, Anna) 9. Language and cross-cultural communication (by Bamgbose, Ayo) 10. Communication disruptions: On benefits and disadvantages of language contact (by Ehlich, Konrad) 11. Part II: Case studies: The manipulation of language in intercultural contact 12. European languages in African society and culture: A view on cultural authenticity (by Tengan, Alexis B.) 13. The context of language planning in Africa: An illustration with Nigeria (by Adegbija, Efurosibina) 14. A prognosis for language management in the Third Republic (by Brann, Conrad Max Benedict) 15. Revalorizing the autochthonous languages of Africa (by Webb, Victor) 16. Cultural variation in the interrelation of speech acts and turn-talking (by Clyne, Michael) 17. Intercultural contact and communication in South-East Papua New Guinea (by Dutton, Tom) 18. Towards an independent and ethnically pure Flanders (by Deprez, Kas) 19. Subject index

The Chamic languages of Vietnam have undergone phonological restructuring in the last two thousand years. In contact with the Mon-Khmer languages, all have developed final stress with consequent phonotactic restructuring. Since then, some languages have remained essentially unchanged (Roglai, Rade, and Jarai), but others have undergone radical restructuring: in contact with register languages, Western Cham has become a register language; in contact with the phonology of Bahnar, Haroi has become a restructured register language; in contact with the tonal Vietnamese, Phan Rang Cham has become incipiently tonal; and, in contact with the fully tonal languages of Hainan, Tsat has become fully tonal. The internal paths of change are relatively clear, because of their shallow time depth combined with the richness of the comparative data. However, despite the existence of phonetically plausible internal paths of development, the available evidence makes it clear that external contact set the changes in motion and determined their direction.*

List of figures List of tables List of abbreviations The language and its name Language contact in the early years: 1265 - 1865 Language contact since 1865 Language contact and the Bislama lexicon Beach-la-Mar to Bislama: Emergence of the grammar More reent developments: More on substrate superstrate and independent development Lukluk Bak:Recurrent themes References Bibliography

Among the important issues dealt with in studies of languages in contact have been the universality of the linguistic processes characteristic of these situations, and the role that a primary language may play in the shaping of the secondary language-as against the possibility of autonomous developments constrained by the linguistic system of the latter. This paper addresses these issues through an examination of the extension of estar in the speech of 27 bilinguals who represent different generations and degrees of Spanish language loss. It focuses mainly on three questions: (a) the path followed by the innovation; (b) the possible changes in the meaning of the form; and (c) the effect of bilingualism on the actuation of the change. The major results of the study are that language contact tends to accelerate internally motivated changes in the system of the less-used language; that direct influence from English is difficult to posit; and that syntactic/semantic changes proceed step by step, in a manner reminiscent of the lexical diffusion of phonological change.*