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The 1987-88 strike at International Paper's Androscoggin Mill in Jay, Maine severed a longstanding 'social contract' where workers and community residents tolerated the mill's air and water pollution in return for good-paying jobs and a robust local economy. This article traces the development of environmental consciousness among union workers and community residents during the strike and their efforts to protect the environment from the pollution of the mill. The union publicized environmental problems at the mill and the state's failures to regulate pollution when the strike began. After a series of environmental accidents during the strike, including a massive chlorine dioxide gas leak that threatened the safety of the town, Jay residents formed a community environmental organization and pressured the company and the state to close the mill. The environment remained an important issue after the strike, as labor and environmental activists joined forces to uphold a municipal ordinance that allowed the town to enforce state and federal environmental laws. This article studies how labor and environmental politics converged on a local level and also explores the broader themes of the conflict between job prosperity and environmental protection in industrial communities, labor and environmental movement alliances, and the current issues surrounding the 'green economy'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The opening of new archival sources often turns up surprising and interesting information. For example, one of political activist Lillian Hellman's biographers discovered in intellectual Joseph L. Rauh Papers statements by Hellman confirming her Communist Party membership in the late 1930's, an affiliation previously vigorously denied in some circles although suspected in others. Rauh, a leading civil liberties lawyer, had been Hellman's counsel when she prepared for a confrontation with the United States Congress House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) in 1952. Hellman was prepared to testify regarding her own Communist activity but not to name others. Rauh's files contain drafts of a statement regarding her Communist affiliation that Hellman would give should HUAC agree to her condition. Joseph Rauh handled many important internal security cases in the late 1940's and 1950's, and historians will find much of interest in his legal files on his successful defense of playwright Arthur Miller, his removal of the Independent Socialist League from the Attorney General's list of subversive organizations, and his files on the hotly debated lawyer William Remington prejury case. The Ludwig Donath file in the Rauh Papers is an example of chance discovery of an unknown episode in the history of Hollywood Communism and the show business blacklist.

This article describes the labor history of the S.D. Warren Company, a leading producer of high quality coated and plain publication paper that employed over 3,000 by the mid-twentieth century at its principal Westbrook, Maine site. The company was an anomaly, staying non-union for decades after paper had become one of the most unionized manufacturing industries in the U.S., particularly in its home state of Maine. The key to its success in rebuffing unionization and quelling dissent for over a century lay in a distinct mix of paternalistic and corporate welfare practices. Beginning with founder Samuel Dennis Warren, S. D. Warren's executives blended paternalistic familiarity with a nascent welfarism; his descendents and, later, professional managers continued and deepened this hybrid approach to eliciting employee loyalty and warding off worker dissent. S. D. Warren continued to rely on the paternalism of its mill managers and on various forms of generosity and leniency to stay non-union. The company's failure to adopt a systematic approach to supervision, combined with the expectations created by its paternalism, made it vulnerable to worker dissatisfaction and dissent. Such dissent erupted in a 1916 organizing drive and strike, which was nevertheless skillfully defeated by the company. Dissent emerged again in the 1950s and 1960s, when workers and paper unions made several attempts to unionize, finally succeeding in 1967.

This article explores the presidency of Douglas Fraser, who led the United Automobile Workers, America's largest industrial union, from 1977–83. Unlike long-serving leader Walter Reuther, Fraser has received little scholarly attention, yet he headed the union at a decisive time. Between 1979 and 1983, the industry experienced a severe economic downturn, setting the stage for long-term decline. By 1982, over one-third of U.S. autoworkers were jobless. In these years, the union also approved its first contracts containing concessions, giving up $4 billion overall. In following decades, givebacks were common. This article argues that the Fraser era was a crucial one, for both the UAW and American workers broadly, whose post-1980 experience was framed by declining union density and increased economic insecurity. The first account to use detailed archival records of Fraser's presidency, including personal correspondence, UAW executive board minutes, and inter-union files, it uncovers how the union's fortunes changed dramatically during six decisive years. In many respects these years represented a turning point, straddling the era of bargaining gains – which occurred under Reuther and initially under Fraser – through to the concessions and layoffs of the early 1980s. This was, Fraser concluded, "the most troubled time in our history." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores experiences of temporary labor migration that entailed Yugoslav export of know-how (highly skilled knowledge and expertise) between 1980 and 1991, a result of industrial collaboration between Mining and Smelting Combine Bor, a state-owned copper-processing 'giant' in former Yugoslavia, and the biggest copper company in Iran, National Iranian Copper Industries Company. Based on interviews with individuals engaged in the Yugoslav project, supplemented by analysis of documents and historic newspapers from that period, the paper analyzes everyday practices of managerial bureaucratic improvisations and improvisations at work. The article shows how such improvisations helped overcome excessive and rigid Yugoslav socialist bureaucracy and made Yugoslav entrepreneurial capitalist ventures possible. Moreover, it argues that the export of know-how was constitutive of silent acceptances of reproduction of capitalist relations, which helped consolidate the process of liberalization of the socialist market in the late 1980s. We argue that such temporary labor migration and the often improvised work carried out by the Yugoslav workers cannot be seen as a resistance or alternative to the Western/Northern hegemonies. Rather, we argue that such practices were facilitators of the capitalist ventures at semi-peripheries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress seeks to preserve personal papers and organizational records that document the course of America's national experience. Its more than 10,000 collections with more than 40,000,000 manuscript items touch upon every aspect of American history and culture. Collections containing labor-related material are considerable and constitute a major archive for labor history research. Some of the organizational records in the library includes the American Federation of Labor Letterbooks, American Friends Service Committee Work Camp Diary, Brotherhood of the Sleeping Car Porters, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, National Association of Railway Postal Clerks, National Child Labor Committee, National Consumers League, National Women's Trade Union League of America, and People's Legislative Service. Some of the personal papers included in the library are of Henry J. Allen, former governor of Kansas, Otto S. Beyer, a consulting engineer and labor-management relations specialist, Warren K. Billings, a labor militant, William E. Borah, a former U.S. Senator from Idaho, and Andrew Carnegie, a labor activist in the late 19th century.

Economic insecurity represents an existential threat to many workers, not least those in the Creative and Cultural Sector (CCS). Based on recent survey data from Ghanaian musicians gathered between April 2022 and March 2023, this paper presents indicative findings which demonstrate a persistent pension savings gap, with only about one in seven musicians in the sample (14.6%) reporting participation in a pension scheme – explained by both demand-side reasons (i.e. indecision about enrolment, not having the financial wherewithal to contribute regularly or not knowing about existing pension schemes) and supply-side reasons (i.e. limited pension options developed with the involvement of musicians). The paper also finds that while education level, age, location, and marital/family status appear to be important factors, in relative terms, there was little evidence to suggest that any group was more likely than the other to participate in a pension scheme. To improve pensions uptake, the paper argues that a long overdue, deliberate policy strategy should involve piloting a dedicated group personal pension scheme for musicians and testing savings commitments in the case of voluntary schemes over the long term and short term, respectively, with both going hand in hand with pension literacy programmes and incentives, wherever necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces a novel dataset on working-time regulation for 197 territories between 1789 and 2010 to document how working hours have become globally standardised through public policy. Descriptive analysis shows that working-time reforms are global in scope, rare events, sizable once undertaken and tend to reduce hours. Democracies were historically more likely than autocracies to regulate hours, but this is not the case now, and there has never been a large gap in the content of their regulations. Whereas independent states always regulated hours to a greater extent, over half of all dependent states just prior to decolonisation regulated hours with more generous regulations than independent states. Based on these patterns, the paper first makes a methodological plea for more long-term historical studies and, second, sketches two possible explanatory frameworks for working-time reforms. One highlights shocks to the powerbase of antiregulation coalitions; the other highlights international normative change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents information on the papers on New Deal reform and labor history that were produced by the American Catholic History Research Center and University Archives as a result of a grant from the U.S. National Historical Publications and Records center in January 2000. Highlights of the Congress of Industrial Organizations records; Highlights of the Philip Murray papers; Highlights of the John Brophy papers; Highlights of the John A. Ryan papers.

Between 1980 and 1995, while John Sweeney was president, the membership of the Service Employees International Union rose from around 600,000 to over 1.1 million. It continued to increase after 1995, making the SEIU the largest and fastest-growing union in the country. This growth was remarkable because it occurred at a terrible time for unions, one where the overwhelming emphasis – in both the media and academic scholarship – was on labor's decline. While scholars have noted the SEIU's growth, there has been little sustained analysis of how it was achieved. Existing accounts also posit growth largely as a reflection of the union's organizing prowess. Drawing on the SEIU's papers and interviews, this article argues that the union's growth under Sweeney did reflect its commitment to organizing. At the same time, the article makes a fresh contribution by showing that the SEIU also grew because of lesser-known factors, including the affiliation of independent unions and legislative advances in public sector rights. The SEIU also benefited from operating in a growing sector of the economy, where low-paid workers needed unions. These conclusions are developed through analysis of "flagship" drives at Beverly Nursing homes, Blue Cross/Blue Shield, and the high-profile "Justice for Janitors" campaign. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between economic development and inequality has been closely examined by researchers. From the seminal work of Kuznets to the more recent work of Piketty, market forces in boom cycles, on the one hand, and institutional action, on the other, have been featured as the main drivers of change in income distribution towards more egalitarian societies. In the Spanish case, previous research has described varied processes with regard to the period of growth that followed the approval of the Stabilisation Plan during the Franco dictatorship (1959–1973). Thus, Alcaide reportedly detected a limited capacity of the developmentalist growth model to reduce inequality, which he attributed to institutional limitations. In contrast, later studies have highlighted the decline in inequality during the same period. This paper aims to investigate the effects of this growth cycle by examining the behaviour of wages in the most dynamic sector of the Spanish economy, industry. Specifically, by using the wage survey compiled by the Instituto Nacional de Estadística, the paper nuances previous research and shows how despite explosive growth, the developmentalist model and the peculiar institutional framework built within the Franco dictatorship contributed to increasing wage dispersion and income inequality in most industrial sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through historical and anthropological inquiry, this paper addresses the issue of memory antagonisms involving cultural landscapes in the context of a former mining region: the Belgian Black Country. This region, which became increasingly industrialized in the 19th century through the massive development of coal mining and steel industry, subsequently experienced deindustrialization, and now finds itself mobilized in a process of 'post-industrial' mutation. The paper is divided into two parts. In the first part, it examines how the landscapes inherited from industry, and in particular the slag heaps of the coalfield, have over time become repositories of a working-class memory, through the living and working practices of the communities surrounding the mines. It also documents the various representations attached to these landscape objects, whose contradictions echo the oppositions between capital and labor that have marked the development of industrial capitalism. The second part of the paper, which focuses on the present situation, examines how these representations are remobilized in the valorization processes that are initiated by different actors, in the context of a 'post-industrial' urban transition strategy that seeks to produce a unified and pacified historical narrative. We'll be looking at how historical conflicts still permeate the representations of these landscapes, the question of their conservation, and their possible future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates the prevalence and impact of nativist and anti-labor narratives built on the claim that the ‘Molly Maguires’, a vague 1860s and 70s militant Irish labor phenomenon of the Pennsylvania anthracite region, was still active between the 1880s and the 1910s. It finds that such narratives were widespread until the late 1890s, and still regionally significant until the late 1900s, finally fading into obscurity in the 1910s. ‘Molly Maguirism’ as a media narrative was primarily directed at organized labor and the (Irish) working class; it is best understood as a form of ethnicized proto-Red Scare tactic, but could incorporate other elements, such as broader nativist ideology and sectarianism. Based on these findings, prevailing models of Irish acculturation, such as Painter’s ‘second enlargement of whiteness’, are obsolete; the paper recommends a thorough revision of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Irish American working-class history, accounting for the continued and hitherto massively underestimated presence of anti-Irish sentiment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the necessity of promoting national childcare development and establishing corporation childcare within the context of China’s low fertility rate. It emphasizes the significance of traditional Chinese cultural values as foundational elements for promoting corporation childcare initiatives and their growth. It examines the evolving responsibilities of corporations in China’s childcare development amidst varying government policies over time. Given the increasing innovation and responsibility among Chinese corporations. the article categorizes three modes of corporation childcare based on current trends: corporation self-built childcare, collaborative childcare with third parties, and embedded childcare. It advocates for customized childcare services, nurturing the happiness of children, fostering parent-child interactions, building childcare brands, and creating a conducive business environment tailored to each mode. Building these modes, the paper offers recommendations across five dimensions: customizing childcare services, supporting the joyful upbringing of young children, promoting parent-child interaction, branding childcare facilities, fostering a conducive business environment, aiming to establish a comprehensive corporation childcare network. Lastly, the paper explores future development prospects, focusing on promoting the expansion driven by corporation childcare, addressing homogenization among corporation childcare facilities, considering the integration of elderly and childcare to leverage the experience of the elderly and fulfill social responsibilities in elder care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's employment policy has been continuously improved,and the employment situation has undergone tremendouschanges. Based on the economic system and typical employmentpolicy since the founding of China in 1949, this paper dividesthe employment system into five stages: the period ofplanned economic system featuring 'unified contracting anddistribution' (1949-1977), the period of dual-track system featuring'three-in-one combination' (1978-1991), the period of promoting the're-employment project' (1992-2001), the period of implementingactive employment policy (2002-2011), and the period of promotinghigher quality and fuller employment (2012-present). In these fivestages, while China has made great achievements in employmentwork, the pressure still exists and the quality of employmentremains the focus of attention. Can the development of employmentpolicy improve China's labor market? To study the effectivenessof employment policy in each stage, this paper uses two keyindicators of the unemployment rate and structural deviationdegree, then it reflects the economic effect in each stage andconcludes that the coordination degree between employment andindustrial structure is improving, but it still has a long way to go.Finally, the paper puts forward solutions to the remaining problemsand points out the direction for future employment work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes how (post)-migrant media outlets discussed the position of (post)-migrant people in France. (Post)-migrant media are periodicals, radio stations, and other forms of media produced by (post)-migrant actors and addressed to them. I argue that changes in the Global Cold War order, French national politics, and social changes in French (post)-migrant communities fostered a transition from anti-imperialist to multicultural understandings of migration in the examined media. The paper shows how these changes affected the experiences and identities of (post)-migrant people and adds a global history perspective to existing explanations about generational change and national political developments. It tracks how (post)-migrant media offered a space to negotiate the position in France against the backdrop of global developments such as the Cold War, decolonization, the disillusion with postcolonial governments, and the rising human rights movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the analysis of decolonization process and nationalist struggles for political independence of Africa, labour agitations and the press activism for human rights are common features. But most studies have treated labour crisis and the press activism during the period of decolonization as mere subsets of the linear narrative of independence movement. Drawing on the empirical data of the Enugu Colliery Shootings incident, this paper examined labour agitation as an independent event and reviewed the area of overlap with the nationalist struggles. It re-examined the Colliery Shootings beyond the preponderant nationalist view that lumped every social, economic and political protest of the decolonization period as a single metanarrative of nationalist movements. Lastly, the roles of Nigerian newspapers as mediators in the crises between the labour unions and the colonial government, and the nationalists with the colonial government were appraised. The paper argued that, despite the interconnection of labour agitations with nationalist movements of the period, the former was both characteristically independent and coincidental with the latter. Similarly, not all human rights agitations by the newspapers were independence-focused. Finally, the nationalists, through networking process, benefited from labour agitations and press activism by expanding and molding local protests as independence movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides information on the collection of the resources for labor history in the State Historical Society of Wisconsin. The resources gathered are the result of the first attempt to document the rise of industrial democracy in the U.S. The plan of labor historian and economist Richard T. Ely to write a comprehensive history of industrial society was thwarted by scattered and inaccessible source materials. Due to that problem, Ely collected documents on the labor movement even after he joined the University of Wisconsin faculty in 1892.

The paper assesses the prevalent assumption in Malaysia, which equates certain ethnic groups with particular labour roles. It looks at how this situation has developed over the years to the extent that today certain ethnic groups are seen as the ones with the requisite guile and mastery of some particular skills and, therefore, with the ability to fill those roles. The paper investigates this phenomenon and provides a theoretical effort to unpack how ethnicity intersects with other forms of work. The resulting new framings of identity (ethnic, work and otherwise) provide the basis for our paper. The paper finds that this social construction of ethnicity has facilitated its appropriation by ethnic groups and employers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While in recent decades there have been growing bodies of literature on gender and war, on war and military labor, and on various forms and degrees of labor coercion, rarely have these areas – gender, coercion and war labor – been analyzed together as intersecting and interdependent themes. The special issue on Gender, War and Coerced Labor aims to fill this gap, and this introduction to the issue will not only present the five papers but also establish the three intersecting themes uniting these papers. Together the introduction and the papers contribute toward larger debates about the place of coercion, of degrees of exploitation, and of free/unfree continuums in a variety of gendered war work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Labor history and international relations (IR) each offer insights regarding the extent to which women contribute to non-state armed groups and the value of their labor. Yet questions remain about how agency in joining armed movements – and, conversely, the forced participation of women – are operationalized and even fetishized by observers. Positivist empirical work in IR has operationalized agency and coercion as a dichotomy in gendered wartime labor, implying that where women's labor is coerced it may have a lesser impact on the conduct of conflict or conflict outcomes. This paper challenges the existence of an agency-coercion binary, drawing on the case of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Analyzing archival sources in a manner informed by both feminist international relations and labor history scholarship, I show the complex interplay of agency and coercion in women's lived experience within a non-state armed group. I further reflect on how a temporal understanding of labor relations, examining coercion and choice at the moments of entry, work, and exit, contributes to a more complete understanding of the gender dynamics of wartime labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Archives of Labor History and Urban Affairs, Walter P. Reuther Library at the Wayne State University in Detroit, Michigan, was established in 1960 to collect and preserve the records of the American labor movement, with special emphasis upon industrial unionism and related social, economic and political reform movements in the U.S., especially those relating to workers. Later, in 1970, the scope of the Archives was expanded to include urbanization, especially relating to Detroit and southeastern Michigan. The majority of the archival collections relate to the period after 1920, though some collections like those of the Industrial Workers of the World, the American Federation of Teachers, and the personal papers of labor leaders date back to the turn of the century. Archives. From its beginning in 1960, the Archives has adopted a vertical collecting policy for union records. This vertical collecting policy differs sharply from the acquisitions policy of many archives that concentrate almost solely upon key offices of an international union and the personal papers of top union leadership.

The Martin P. Catherwood Library at the Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, is the largest academic collection on labor and industrial relations in the United States. The 813 manuscript accessions and 230,833 documentary items held by its Labor-Management Documentation Center, make the Catherwood Library an especially rich source for the study of labor history. The Library of the New York State School of Industrial and Labor Relations was founded in 1945. It was renamed in 1971 to honor Martin P. Catherwood, second Dean of the School, who subsequently served as New York State Industrial Commissioner. Although its primary purpose has always been to support the instructional, research, and extension functions of the academic unit of which it is a part, the Catherwood Library has, as well, developed a world- wide reputation for the quality of its holdings in the areas of collective bargaining, labor law, labor union administration, labor economics, income security, human resources, personnel administration, and, of course, labor history. The book, periodical, and government document collections housed in the Catherwood's open stacks include convention proceedings, officers' reports, and journals for every major and most minor 20th century labor unions.

This paper makes two major contributions: firstly, following on recent research, it offers a more detailed critical analysis of the historical role and structure of Employers' Associations (EAs), concentrating on a detailed analysis of the range of member services offered by a local Employers' Association within the Engineering Employers Federation (the EEF) during the 1970s. This focus is in contrast to the literature which has concentrated on the EAs national or 'central peak' level. It secondly addresses the 'countervailing power' hypothesis, and in so doing it illustrates the key roles of the disputes procedure. The study, as a typical or representative case, uses a qualitative methodology of documentary research combined with triangulation interviews of former officials: evidence which has so far not been prominent in the literature. This paper is, therefore, a significant addition to our understanding of these institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Industrial espionage has been raised to a sophisticated level today, but pirating labor is still the quickest and surest way to get at a competitor's trade secrets. The loss of trade secrets through changes in employment was a principal topic of discussion at the eighth annual conference of the Patent, Trademark, and Copyright Research Institute of George Washington University held in Washington in July 1964. Conferees agreed that losses occur because employers put a price on their ethics and employees on their loyalty. As professor Richard B. Morris has made clear, pirating of workers and interference with contract relations in American history goes back to the colonial period, when both bound servants and hired workers were enticed away from their employers for their labor and their skills. Stolen manufacturing processes were the basis for the establishment of the textile industry in this country. The seduction of workers by pirates of manufacturing processes was a real and present danger to a community of manufacturers along Brandywine Creek in northern Delaware in the early nineteenth century.

The 'new mobilities paradigm' formulated in the early 2000s allowed scholars of labor to explore the possibilities of the concept of im/mobility as an interpretive framework for understanding processes of work and labor. This paper contributes to the continued cross-fertilization between mobility studies and labor studies by exploring the theoretical and methodological prospects of focusing on assemblages of temporal-spatial practices that simultaneously compel and confine movement. The article suggests that means, processes, and extent of labor coercion can be understood by analyzing how people are compelled to move or are confined to specific sites temporarily or permanently. It discusses how employing space and im/mobility as conceptual tools uncover the role of diffused, hierarchical layers through which labor coercion emerges. In this regard, environment emerges as a significant factor. The paper examines how mobility becomes a line of flight from sites/fields of coercion, or locks people into new forms of coercive relations; the legal/formal or informal frameworks that regulate or govern labor im/mobility within specific sites; and how the logics of deployment and coercion overlap and mutually reinforce one another. Ultimately, it aims to contribute to the calls for nonlinear, newly spatialized histories of labor processes and labor coercion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a significant revision of the evolution of labor incomes in Spain, challenging previous assumptions about the effect of Francoist institutions in the postwar era. Administrative data reveal weaker wage declines in the 1940s and consistent growth throughout the 1950s, driven by the growing importance of allowances and family bonuses. This more positive evolution primarily benefited workers in regulated industries (such as manufacturing and private services), while agrarian laborers and civil servants experienced subpar earnings growth. Consequently, for the first group, effective compensation increasingly trended above legal compensation, as evidenced by the results of the 1957 wage survey. These findings suggest that labor markets under Francoism had a more flexible compensation structure than previously believed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Arthur and Elizabeth Schlesinger Library on the History of Women in America in Cambridge, Massachusetts was founded in 1943 when Radcliffe College, Cambridge, accepted the Woman's Rights Collection (WRC) . The WRC documents several woman's suffrage organizations and includes the papers of Maud Wood Park and other women active in the women rights movement. But it does not end with 1920, the year the federal suffrage amendment was ratified, and it includes the library's first labor collection, papers of Frances Perkins, U.S. Secretary of Labor, 1933-45, and the first woman in the Cabinet. Thus despite the emphasis on suffrage and women's political and legal rights, labor issues, from the beginning have been an integral part of the Schlesinger Library. At about the time the WRC arrived at Radcliffe, president Wilbur K. Jordan and Professor Arthur M. Schlesinger, of the Harvard University's history department decided to make it the centerpiece of a growing research library on women, rather than a static memorial to the suffrage movement. Soon after, in December 1945, another major labor collection arrived, the papers of Leonora O'Reilly. O'Reilly's papers make up one major series in the micropublication, "The Papers of the Women's Trade Union League and Its Principal Leaders," a project sponsored by the Schlesinger Library, edited by Edward T. James, and published by Research Publications Inc. in 1981.

The researcher used an archive of British newspapers during the 1926 General Strike. The transcripts included: the government's British Gazette; British Worker, a trade union newspaper; and other newspapers during the conflict. The British Worker stuck to communicating strike-related information, but lost the battle for terminology control to the British Gazette and the majority of the general circulation press. Those papers stressed terms associated with disruptive effects and overall threat to the country. The findings follow past trends in news coverage of strikes, and add supporting examples to game theory, social movement theory, indexing, and political economy of communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents news briefs related to the U.S. labor history. The State Historical Society of Wisconsin and the Department of History at University of Wisconsin will sponsor the conference "Reworking American Labor History: Race, Gender, and Class." LaGuardia and Wagner Archives at LaGuardia Community College acquired the Wagner family papers. The Labor Heritage Foundation held its 13th annual Great Labor Arts Exchange in June 1991 in Washington, D.C.

Several recent European studies conducted over the past 50 years have documented a positive connection between a person’s height and their salary. However, there are very few studies for earlier periods and for southern Europe. In this paper, we analyze the relationship between the height of conscripts born between 1888 and 1907 and their daily wages in 1924. Data for the Spanish city of Zaragoza was used. The results showed that for every additional 10 cm of height, an individual earned approximately 3% more. Furthermore, the shortest 25% of individuals suffered a considerable penalty in their income (about 15%). To understand the causes of this discrimination, we then analyzed the data by socioeconomic group. We found that people in low socioeco nomic groups essentially suffered wage discrimination. This finding could be linked to the fact that a tall stature conveys an image of strength and productivity. It should be noted that these results were found mainly for the urban areas, with their relatively large labor supply and weak blood ties rather than rural areas or among immigrants. In other words, the height penalty affected the weakest groups of society (low socioeconomic level and immigrants). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This life history account illustrates the covert politics of sabotage, purging, and the defeat of defecting and rival factions that occurred within the United Farm Workers in Texas. I draw on Robert Michels’ framework of competing leadership to illustrate the mechanisms established leadership can use to sabotage, purge, and the eliminate rival leaders, in particular maverick and threatening leaders. This case study draws on the history of the Texas Farm Workers Union, led by Antonio Orendain in the 1970s, and its conflict with the United Farm Workers led by Cesar Chavez. I argue that Orendain’s maverick leadership and independent union activity led the UFW leadership to 1) actively block resources such as money and supplies to Orendain, 2) leverage political connections to blacklist Orendain’s campaign for collective bargaining, and 3) write Orendain out of the UFW narrative and memory in Texas. These moments provide an opportunity to reveal the covert and complex politics of controlling the direction, resources, and objectives of labour movements. Moreover, this paper also seeks to document the organizing career of one of the founders of the UFW who earned the moniker ‘The Cesar Chavez of Texas’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the divergent trajectories of automotive investment and employment in Detroit, Michigan and Windsor, Ontario. Located on opposite shores of the Detroit River, in the United States and Canada respectively, Detroit and Windsor are the founding cities of the North American auto industry. Long dominated by the Big Three, their factories have produced vehicles for the same continental market since 1965. Each has weathered parallel challenges since then, including spikes in the price of oil, the Big Three's loss of market share, the transition to lean production, and the near-collapses of Chrysler and GM. Yet Detroit began deindustrializing decades earlier and lost much more employment than Windsor. To determine why, we compared their automotive sectors from 1900 to the 2010s. Since the Depression, each city has repeatedly confronted the prospect of deindustrialization, but three factors have made Windsor more resilient: (1) federal and provincial interventions on its behalf, (2) Windsor's greater competitiveness with respect to factor costs, quality, and innovation, and (3) Windsor's annexation of outlying territory to capture new factories. These differences show how national, subnational, and regional/local policies have mediated corporate decision-making to produce a variegated North American Rust Belt, with Canada outperforming the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the racialized experiences of industrial closure and economic restructuring of the former Pilpilco coal mine through oral histories and feminist arts-based methods. We argue that Pilpilco's industrial closure illuminates the layers of historical violence exerted on bodies and land as inseparable categories to colonize and extract resources and labour in the Chilean coal basin in Mapuche land. Pilpilco's industrial closure illustrates how coloniality operates in Latin America, perpetuating racial, gender, political and social hierarchical orders and prescribing value to certain peoples and territories while disenfranchising others (Quijano, 2000, Lugones, 2008). The article reflects on the colonial wounds that continue to harm inhabitants and their environments, prolonging their inability to heal intergenerational pain. Finally, we analyse residents' creative strategies to reclaim Pilpilco's land through heritage recognition, women's solidarity, and alliances with indigenous struggles. The study expands the reach and depth of deindustrialization studies, providing insights into how processes of industrialization, deindustrialization, and reindustrialization unfolded through the entanglements of settler colonialism and indigenous dispossessions, authoritarian regime and political repression, and neoliberalism and social demobilization. It also contributes to the field by providing a perspective on industrial closure from women's experience – those unpaid care workers who sustained life in coal mining communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study calls for greater scholarly engagement with the generational experiences of the socialist working class in China. Through an analysis of collective actions in response to the reform of state-owned enterprises at the turn of the century, the paper divides the Chinese socialist working class into the Revolution Generation and the Transition Generation. Amid the restructuring of the state sector, workers from the Revolution Generation exhibited a proclivity for civic activism and petitions, while the Transition Generation, though grappling with unemployment, largely refrained from public dissent, instead expressing sentiments of bewilderment and resignation. The study illustrates how the differing lived experiences of two working-class generations played a pivotal role in shaping their interpretation of grievances and contention repertoire. The article underscores the significance of generational perspectives in gaining insight into the destiny of the Chinese working class, advocating for the integration of such perspectives into the broader fields of deindustrialization and labor studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on something not previously addressed by the literature, labour inspection in Spain in the first decades of the Franco dictatorship. Despite the Franco dictatorship's fascist-style approach of regulatory interventionism, this research shows a relapse into an abstentionist conception of labour inspection that led to worker vulnerability. The study has not only found, as was already known, normative similarities with the contemporaneous Italian and German dictatorships, but also similar (although more severe) limitations to the functioning of the inspection service. The slight improvement registered from 1947 onwards and the effort to achieve a limited equivalence with Western democracies also failed to notably improve working conditions, occupational safety and worker protection. The Labour Inspectorate suffered from understaffing and a lack of resources up to the very end of the dictatorship, something which the incipient democracy then inherited. These human and material resource shortages continue to be a problem and are currently debated in Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the end of World War Two 1.2 million people were officially labelled Displaced Persons (DPs). Stateless, or refusing to return home, the majority were resettled in other countries including Australia which, like most receiving nations, saw these refugees primarily as a labour force for post-war economic recovery and expansion. However, unlike other nations, DPs destined for Australia signed a work contract which committed them to two years of assigned labour after arrival. This paper considers two specific subsets of these DPs, the 'unsupported mothers' (single, widowed, and divorced mothers with young children) and female unaccompanied teenagers. It illuminates the intersections of gender and displacement on the labour status of female DPs in post-war Australia and traces the continuities of coerced labour in their experiences of war and migration. We argue that the early life of female DPs in Australia provides an example of a continuum of forced and coerced labour which had begun under the shadow of war in Nazi Germany and continued after migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While T.H. Marshall's famous three-tiered general analysis of citizenship stands as a landmark development, no one has examined how during the Progressive Era (1890–1920) and thereafter a female group of thinkers and labor leaders in the United States redefined the previously restricted definition of citizenship to produce an ameliorative response to the new trends of urbanization, industrialization, and immigration. Reformers such as Florence Kelley and Jane Addams established the principles of industrial citizenship in various publications. Kelley then started a movement called social justice feminism to effectuate this new theory. Social justice feminists' goal of a gender-specific agenda to provide an entering wedge for the eventual inclusion of all workers under the state's protection originally centered on court action and legislation. Then, labor leader Rose Schneiderman brought the fight of industrial citizenship in the United States to female workers even extending the concept to African-American female laundry workers from 1925 to 1933. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides empirical evidence on the effect that occupational segregation by gender (excessive or insufficient representation of women/men in certain occupations) has on the probability of employment and underemployment of women in Spain in 2008 and 2018. The results seem to contradict the findings of previous studies and show that in female-dominated occupations, there is a greater risk of underemployment only for wage earners in the private sector, but not for wage earners in the public sector. In this type of occupation, seniority, working in the private sector and living with an employed partner with higher education are the factors that have the greatest influence on the probability of underemployment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We remain without an adequate understanding of the process through which militant dissent was managed, and marginalised, during the inter-war development of British industrial relations. The industrial cooperation conferences between trade unions and business associations during the late 1920s reduced industrial conflict and reinforced the state's strategies to avoid a crisis during the interwar years in Britain. The TUC's involvement in the cooperation talks helped to legitimise trade unionism in the view of the state and capital. Furthermore, in joining the industrial conversations, the TUC reinforced its strategy of side-lining industrial dissident organisations, notably the National Unemployed Workers' Movement (NUWM). Scholarship on industrial relations has inadequately grasped the relevance of the industrial cooperation talks in reducing industrial conflict and marginalising dissent during the interwar years in Britain. Using archival research and documentary analysis, this paper contributes to the literature on British industrial relations, highlighting the TUC's attitudes against the NUWM during the late 1920s. In doing so, it advances an Open Marxist account, emphasising the role of the state in seeking to oversee smooth processes of exchange, distribution and production, which in turn has an impact upon the operation of trade unions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While much recent literature has focused on the environmental cost of carbon fuels, these sources of energy generated large human costs in the work environment as well. Work in coal mines was famously dangerous. And while petroleum, gas extraction and refining were also risky, this paper demonstrates that they were far less dangerous than was coal, while energy productivity per worker was also higher in oil than coal. Relying in part on previously unexploited data, the paper also shows that on the eve of World War II, the human costs of energy – measured by fatalities per btu of output – were sharply less in oil and gas production than in coal mining. Thus the great twentieth century energy transition from coal to liquid and gaseous fuels reduced both the environmental and the workplace costs per unit of energy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A great deal of literature focuses on exogenous forces transforming industrial relations in liberal and neoliberal contexts. Further, most scholars claim that the transformation occupies a similar trajectory of convergence across the globe. However, very little is known about the evolution of industrial relations in Nepal. Therefore, this paper considers the labor movement of 1947, the royal coup d'état of 1960, the ban on the trade unions, and the alliance of the trade unions with the political parties and political economy as endogenous drivers in explaining the evolution of industrial relations in Nepal. Thus the objective of the paper is to investigate the evolution of industrial relations in Nepal through an evolutionary perspective. This analysis shows that the evolution of industrial relations in Nepal is a 'punctuated' (discontinuous or revolutionary) one compared with a traditional, incremental model, which employs the construct of the institutionalization of industrial relations, using a standard, union-based paradigm of employment relations against the growing nonstandard employment model of more flexibility and irregular work that is growing in the West and Asia. Further, the theoretical contributions are put into perspective in the context of the broader industrial relations backdrop. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Labor History Resources in the University of Iowa Libraries (UIL), the State Historical Society of Iowa/Iowa City (SHSI), and the Herbert Hoover Presidential Library (HHPL), all located within 12 miles of one another in east central Iowa, have long been known as a major repository of source materials concerning the politics of American agriculture, Iowa history, and the Hoover Presidency and Commerce Secretariat. UIL sources mentioned here. Pertinent oral history collections at UIL are the Communications Workers of America-University of Iowa Oral History Project, and the Quad Cities Oral History Project, along with a 1936 typescript history of the area's labor and radical movements by R.F. McNabney. The SHSI holds a magnificent and in some ways unparalleled collection which, due to staff shortages in recent years, remains largely unprocessed and therefore somewhat difficult to access. The HHPL, opened to scholars in 1966, holds the Hoover papers, totaling some 2450 linear feet, and the papers of more than 100 of Hoover's associates and contemporaries, totaling over 2200 linear feet.

The American labor movement has been heavily Catholic for more than a century, both in its rank and file composition and top leadership. From its inception in 1948 the Department of Archives and Manuscripts at the Catholic University of America, Washington D.C., has therefore devoted a substantial portion of its holdings to collections in the field of American labor history. Many of these collections were acquired with the help of clerical faculty who had themselves been important figures in early 20th century social reform. The records of the National Conference of Catholic Charities, the Catholic Interracial Council of New York, and the National Council of Catholic Women/National Council of Catholic Men contain much material on Church welfare work, Catholic social programs, and efforts to influence government social and economic policy. The National Catholic War Council undertook extensive social surveys among the Catholic urban population with particular emphasis on the conditions of women and child laborers, extent of immigrant citizenship and health conditions at home and in the armed service camps. The John Brophy papers is the most consistently useful of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) holdings. The Philip Murray Collection covers the period 1943 to 1952 when Murray was simultaneously president of the CIO and United Steelworkers of America.

This article surveys the holdings gathered on social and cultural movements at the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace in the U.S. The Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace was founded at Stanford University by Herbert Hoover in 1919 to collect materials documenting the causes and consequences of World War I. The Hoover Institution is available without charge to all individuals regardless of citizenship, residence, academic affiliation, or lack thereof. Socialist activities during World War I are illuminated by the microfilm collection (10 reels) assembled by Frank L. Grubbs, Jr., as research material for his book "The Struggle for Labor Loyalty." Grubbs' topic was the competition between the pro-war American Alliance for Labor and Democracy and the anti-war People's Council of America, both founded in 1917. The Archives' holdings on the Communist Party, U.S., are far more extensive, and, without question, the single richest source is the Jay Lovestone Papers (330 linear feet). Lovestone a founding member of the party in 1919, played a central role in its internal factional wars of the 1920s, became its general secretary in 1927, and was expelled together with a core of followers in 1929 at the insistence of Communist International headquarters in Moscow.

"We are going to have to find some way to secure the approval of organized labor," warned Aubrey Williams, as he and Harry Hopkins began planning a work relief program in October, 1933. As the New Deal struggled to meet the winter's unemployment crisis, the two social workers knew they had to placate the American Federation of Labor, which had historically opposed government !made jobs. As the nation's largest single employer during the winter of 1933-34, the Civil Works Administration created jobs for four million Americans on "economically and socially desirable" public projects. Although half the applicants would come from relief rolls, the remainder would be among the self-sustaining unemployed, who could avoid a demeaning investigation and simply register at the local United States Employment Office. By reaching out to skilled artisans and even white collar workers and professionals, many out of work for the first time and too proud to accept charity, Hopkins intended to preserve skills and boost morale.

Trade union unity was a central idea around which the debate in the labor movement coalesced during the later stages of the Franco regime. The initial aim of this paper is to examine the positions and actions of the protagonists of the new workers' movement, Comisiones Obreras, that emerged in the 1960s, and then to interpret its evolution from the following decade onwards. The aim is to identify the antinomies and paradoxes of the projects for the creation of a unitary trade union organization during the period. With the transition from dictatorship to democracy between 1975 and 1982, a plural model of trade union organization finally became consolidated in Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on the penetration of sovereign power in regulating Vietnamese labour migration to the French colonies and Establishments in the Pacific Islands in the late 19th to mid-20th centuries. It argues that the French colonial authorities in Vietnam played an overt and directly intervening role in the labour migration system in their colonies, in contrast to the British approach, which was much more hands-off. First, this paper shows the interaction between the French colonial states to solve the labour shortage problem in the Pacific Islands under Metropolitan France's regulations. Then, it provides a detailed account of how the French colonial government exercised its power over the inhabitants by organising, monitoring, and transforming Vietnamese migrants into docile subjects even when they were in other French colonies. Finally, this study points to some legacies of the colonial government's migration policy for Vietnamese migrants in decolonisation. From there, it provides new insights into studying the relationship of the colonial state with migrant workers and adds more knowledge about Vietnamese indentured labourers under the domination of French colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-indenture has largely been neglected in historical examinations of Chinese indentured labour in colonial contexts. We know little about what happened to workers after their contracts expired. Through the life of one Chinese man, Chi, and his small farming community in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Illawarra, New South Wales, Australia, I consider this issue. Drawing chiefly on church and other records usually used for research into local and family history, sources in which Chi's voice is often audible, this paper highlights a continuity between indenture and post-indenture. Indeed, Chi's 'freedom' after indenture was qualified. This indicates, I argue, that further attention to post-indenture could enable us to better understand indenture itself, as a system that may have endured well beyond the expiration of the labour contract. Concentrating on the individual and small community, I also contend, holds value in this respect, as a way of further exploring the continuity between the two states, and as a means of incrementally forming a fuller picture of post-indenture in its own right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]