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This special issue of the Kiva is published in honor of Margaret Lyneis, who passed away in 2016 at the age of 78, after a long and influential career as a teacher and scholar. These papers develop...

At the 1988 SAA annual meeting in Phoenix, Margaret Lyneis presented a paper with the title Ceramic Production and Exchange among the Virgin Anasazi. In that paper, she presented evidence that much...

Although ethnographic descriptions of the Southern Paiute usually portray them as hunter-gatherers who only dabbled with farming, historic records demonstrate that Paiutes were growing maize prior to the arrival of the first Spanish explorers. These records further suggest that in the St. George Basin of southwestern Utah, Southern Paiute farming was relatively intensive in the decades before the arrival of Mormon settlers. Numerous Late Prehistoric and Protohistoric archaeological sites have been excavated in the St. George Basin, but subsistence activities at most excavated sites appear to be centered around wild plant gathering and processing. This essay describes excavations of two Protohistoric features near the Santa Clara River that provide evidence for Southern Paiute horticulture, including wheat grains and abundant maize cob and kernel fragments. The evidence for Southern Paiute horticulture in the St. George Basin remains ambiguous, however, with apparent contradictions between the hist...

Red Knobs is a large Anasazi site in southeastern Utah. It was a community center twice—first around A.D. 900, then again in the early to mid-1100s. The later occupation incorporated some of the architectural symbolism associated with Chacoan great houses, including a great kiva and a prehistoric road. Other characteristics, including having been built on top of an earlier community center, seem symbolic but are not clearly Chacoan. Also, ceramics suggest substantial local production with economic ties strongest to the southwest rather than the southeast toward Chaco or Aztec. It appears that connections to Chaco, if any, were relatively indirect. Other southeastern Utah great houses are highly variable, but share both the Chacoan architectural symbolism and the tendency to be located on the ruins of large, late Pueblo I villages. This suggests attempts to evoke connections both to the large, distant Chacoan centers and to local precursors.