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The scholarly literature on US–UK relations has been marked by recurrent debate over the health and utility of the special relationship, recently enlivened by the policy tensions and political turbulence of the Trump presidency. The literature has also seen a social and cultural 'turn', with a growing focus on the broader linkages between the two countries' societies and cultures. However, there has been limited analysis of public opinion in Britain in recent scholarly research. This article examines the 'image of America' in British public opinion in the twenty-first century, across recent Republican and Democratic presidencies. It uses data from the annual Pew Global Attitudes survey series and Transatlantic Trends survey series to undertake systematic analysis of these quantitative data sources. It examines the following areas: the performance and policies of presidents from Bush to Biden, the US and its people, the state of bilateral relations, and NATO. It examines aggregate-level opinion and also pays close attention to views across different societal groups, based on demographic characteristics, party support and left–right ideology. The paper makes a significant and distinctive contribution to scholarly research into US–UK relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the tensions between the American Colonization Society and Thomas Fowell Buxton's African Civilisation Society. Despite their common purpose and the ostensibly humanitarian nature of their organisations, the two societies were never able to work together to pursue their common ends of promoting 'Civilisation, Commerce, and Christianity' through settlement in West Africa. The paper explores the nature of the public debate between American Colonization Society Secretary Ralph Gurley and African Civilisation Society founder Buxton, arguing that although anti-colonisation opinions in Britain and America did contribute to the division, the under-examined role of commercial and expansionist rivalries between the colonies of Sierra Leone and Liberia may have contributed substantially to a growth of imperial ambition in both organisations, thus limiting their willingness to cooperate in anti-slavery squadron activities along the coast or fundraising efforts in the metropoles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Britain emerged from the Second World War with a huge aviation industry dedicated primarily to military production. During the war, in agreement with the USA, Britain used US transport aircraft, thereby giving the USA a huge potential advantage in post-war civil aviation. Nevertheless, during the war Britain charted a course of aircraft development that would allow new, competitive civil aircraft to be in place by 1950. Under the Labour government of 1945–51, Britain imposed a "Fly British" policy to encourage production of civil aircraft and required the national airlines to buy British aircraft. However, American competition, the demands of rearmament and the tightly controlled ordering process for civil and military aircraft made the production of British civil aircraft costly and uncompetitive. Faced with changing technology, rising costs and the development of US jet aircraft, the British aviation industry was forced into a radical consolidation by the Macmillan government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post Second World War economic relationship between Britain and America has been an aspect of the relationship that has been heavily examined by scholars for decades. This paper seeks to contribute to this body of work by providing an investigation into the 1945 Anglo-American Loan and the factors surrounding its implementation. From Victory in Japan (VJ) day through to President Truman signing the final Loan agreement into law in 1946, this episode of Anglo-American economic affairs demonstrates the conditional nature of the relationship. This article explores this episode through investigating the negotiations of the Loan before looking at the role that US public opinion played in affecting the acceptance of the Loan and demonstrates how deep the sentiments of the special relationship ran in the USA after 1945. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

On the basis of a study of American, British and Canadian records, this article examines the relationship of France to the negotiation of the North Atlantic Treaty from the perspective of the ‘ABC’ countries, particularly Canada. How did the perceived vulnerability of France influence the approach of the members of the ‘North Atlantic Triangle’ to the justification, timing and contents of the proposed pact? How did France's inclusion in Western Union and its exclusion from the preliminary talks in the Pentagon affect American, British and Canadian attitudes to the development of the draft alternatively known as the ‘Pentagon Paper’ or the ‘State Department Draft’? These questions are addressed, as well as the impact on the later ambassadorial talks of France's priority to immediate rearmament and its determination to include the departments of Algeria within the defensive perimeter of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation. Finally, the article assesses the extent to which France and its requirements influenced the policies and actions of the Canadian government throughout the negotiation of the North Atlantic Treaty. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Throughout the Second World War a central component of the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration's post-war planning was an attempt to win the support of Great Britain for a multilateral economic system, based on the internationalist principles of free and equal access to the world's markets and resources. This paper explores the impact on Anglo-American economic diplomacy of a faction within the Roosevelt administration, defined as 'Hemisphere isolationists'. United by a preoccupation with Latin American affairs, alongside an instinctive disdain for the European powers, this group pursued policies which had the effect of excluding British interests from Latin America for the post-war era. As such, they represented a regionalist challenge to broader internationalist conceptions of the post-war world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the negotiation, implementation and impact of the four-year contract for delivery of Canadian wheat to Britain (July 1946). The notion of such an agreement was controversial within government and industry, not only in Canada and the United Kingdom but also in the United States. This assessment concludes that, in spite of its negative reputation, especially in Canada, the wheat contract met the principal aims of both sides. For the Canadian government especially this episode interwove many of its anxieties and ambitions in an uncertain financial, commercial and political situation after the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]