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This article explores the elaboration and application of the Old Testament idea of 'covenant' among Zambian church leaders who are Christian nationalist activists. In this framework, Zambia serves as an analogue of biblical Israel, while contemporary government and church leaders are the analogues of Old Testament kings, priests, and prophets. This covenantal approach presents challenges. On the one hand, government support for Christian nationalism encourages the compliance of church leaders with state‐led religious projects; on the other hand, however, the analogical reading of the biblical text on which this support depends casts the church in a prophetic role, which in turn opens the door for criticism of the government. Christian nationalist activists in Zambia therefore find themselves caught in a double‐bind that simultaneously encourages submission and critique. An analysis of this process contributes an important non‐Western perspective to contemporary discussions of Christian nationalism. It also complicates easy interpretations of Christian nationalism as abetting state power by demonstrating its critical possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese Communist Party is confronted with a growing gap that separates the rhetoric about socialism and party rule from the individualism and materialism caused by capitalism and opening up to the outside world. In response, the Party has developed strategies that draw on an understanding of the dedication to the Party that is specifically religious, yet does not require belief, conviction, or faith in a doctrine. These strategies revolve around the Leninist concept of 'party spirit', which, paradoxically, has been turned into a commodity that can be produced, supplied, and consumed. Drawing on insights from the anthropology of pilgrimage, tourism, and religion, this article discusses these strategies in the context of party cadre education and so‐called 'red tourism'. The article concludes that the Party is shaping its evolution from an infallible bearer of ideological dogma to a sacred object of worship as part of a new 'communist civil religion'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Labour migration from subsistence households in Tamang‐speaking communities of Northern Nepal heralds their transition from an agrarian to a remittance economy. This migration entails the abandonment of subsistence labour processes that once wove households together in reciprocal mutuality. Migration thus dislocates persons from moral economic institutions and norms, and reciprocity is replaced by cash‐calculative decisions about food systems. However, migration is a broader sociocultural response to historical precarities and struggle over de‐territorializing effects of state development. Moving beyond standard ‘peasant economy’ forms of analysis, and domestic autarky in particular, this essay explores neglected areas of the comparative anthropology of subsistence labour, and situates the ethnography of work and power relations in indigenous and other critiques of development nationalism in Nepal. Redirecting labour abroad creates tensions in domestic reproduction. These surface in intra‐clan gift exchange, in managing agro‐pastoral viability, and in the ritual maintenance of order among humans and nonhumans that invokes ancestral migrations for dealing with dilemmas about contemporary dispersals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The anthropology of art and craft has been reinvigorated by new theoretical approaches to materiality, creativity, and skill. While this research has been connected to larger political economic processes such as nationalism, identity, and consumerism, these approaches have not been wholly brought to bear on questions of labour. Based on ethnographic research in San Martín Tilcajete, a woodcarving village in Oaxaca, Mexico, this essay shows how labour is made in artisanal workshops through the social and material relations that take place within them. I argue that rather than ownership of the means of production, in San Martín relations of labour are generated by the intermingling of the art world's ideology of ‘authorship’ with the intimate relations of kinship. The art market locates the production of value in the work of those who are recognized as authors, eliding the labour of many of the workers who produce the carvings. Labourers who work for family members struggle to establish themselves independently in this market because of the multiple and socially salient relations of obligation and respect that are central to kinship and because their own creative work becomes subsumed into the general style of the workshop where they are employed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the Indonesian state's efforts to style itself as an Islamic authority have influenced the behaviour of its Muslim citizens. I present cases in which Muslims in Indonesia's Riau Islands comply with Islamic state directives in order to transfer responsibility for their actions to the state, showing how such a mode of practice can support Islamic governmentality, bolster nationalism, and constrain civic activism. Interestingly, compliance may occur even when citizens harbour deep misgivings towards a directive, leading me to query whether suspicion is necessarily inimical to authority. I conclude that a pronouncement's Islamic authority hinges on how Muslims relate to their suspicions regarding it, and that, for Riau Islanders, suspicion's urgency has been tempered by cultural models of personhood, individual subjectivity, and the moral murk of post-Suharto Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gauri Viswanathan's notion of religious conversion as an 'unsettling' political event has recently figured prominently in the scholarship on conversion. However, although numerous scholars have productively applied Viswanathan's understanding in their work, primarily in the context of conversion to religious minorities within the nation-state, to focus too heavily on conversion's unsettling effects risks overlooking political constellations in which it might have rather settling effects. In contrast to the scholarly focus on conversion's disruptive qualities, this article offers an ethnographic account of the 'settling' ambitions and logics that underwrite the state politics of Jewish conversion ( giur) in contemporary Israel. By looking ethnographically into the mundane discursive, pedagogic, and bureaucratic processes through which the Jewish state converts non- Jewish immigrants from the former Soviet Union, I demonstrate how religious conversion works to restore the bureaucratic logic of Israeli nationalism, thereby reinstating unambiguous forms of Jewish belonging. Religious conversion can also be an act of taxonomic repair. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The long-standing dominance of history in the adjudication of debates on postcolonialism and modernity in India has resulted in the relegation of the knowledge claims of 'classical' performance traditions and aesthetic concepts to the domain of the essentializing and the untrustworthy. This paper argues that performances of music and dance have preserved an understanding of tradition that is more dynamic and agential than that put forward by nationalist understandings of tradition, and that aesthetic conceptions continue to illuminate the values and efficacy of these practices in engaging the affects of spectators. The paper explores in particular the subject position of the rasika as offering a distinctive way of inhabiting the present. The class privilege implicit in being able to take up such an invitation is explored in the second part of the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The application of racial categories to the Jews by Zionist physicians and anthropologists in the first half of the twentieth century has been the focus of several recent studies. In these studies ‘nationalism’ serves as the primary explanatory framework for Zionists' embrace of racial concepts. This article focuses on the discourse of Zionist men of science, both in Europe and in Palestine, concerning the repercussions of mixed marriages on Jewish racial qualities. It argues that Zionist racial discourse, and eugenic discourse in particular, cannot be interpreted in terms of ‘nationalism’ alone. In some contexts ‘race’ was used to establish Jewish unity, whereas in others it was used to establish diversity and hierarchy among Jewish groups. This contradictory use of ‘race’ is explained as stemming from the ambiguity of racial categories and from the tension between a nation-building project and a cultural project of Westernization which took place in the context of Zionist colonization in the Orient. Résumé L'application de catégories raciales aux Juifs par les médecins et anthropologues sionistes de la première moitié du XXe siècle a fait l'objet de plusieurs études récentes. Dans celles-ci, le « nationalisme » est le cadre principal d'explication de l'adoption des concepts raciaux par les sionistes. L'auteure se concentre ici sur le discours des hommes de science sionistes, en Europe aussi bien qu'en Palestine, à propos des répercussions des mariages mixtes sur les qualités raciales des Juifs. Elle avance que le discours racialiste sioniste, et en particulier le discours eugénique, ne peut être interprété uniquement en termes de « nationalisme ». Dans certains contextes, la notion de « race » a été utilisée pour établir l'unité des Juifs, mais dans d'autre elle a servi à diversifier et hiérarchiser les groupes juifs. Cet usage contradictoire de la « race » s'expliquerait par l'ambiguïté des catégories raciales et la tension entre un projet de création d'une nation et un projet culturel d'occidentalisation qui s'inscrivait dans le contexte de la colonisation sioniste au Proche-Orient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an ethnographic account of the rise of Hindu nationalism in a central Indian ‘tribal’ ( adivasi) community. It is a response to the lack of ethnographic attention within wider nationalist discourse to the kinds of social conditions and processes that have contributed to the manifestation of nationalism at the grass-roots level. It is argued that the successful spread of Hindu nationalism in specifically tribal areas is due to the instrumentalist involvement of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a militant Hindu nationalist organization, in local affairs. The outcome of such involvement is the promotion of the threatening ‘Other’ and the attachment of ethnic group loyalties to a wider nationalist agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the ways in which a post-peasant society in the Trentino region of northern Italy reworked its past history at a time of political turmoil when the rise of regionalist parties with an Italian version of Thatcherism in their agenda challenged the legitimacy of the Italian state. It illustrates how making a regional, local history entails representing the past as a period characterized by the repetitiveness of events. It is argued that everyday accounts of the past, because they centre on the ideas of social and political order and private property, form the background against which ‘official’ politics is understood. In this sense, everyday local-level discourses about the past are as political as the ‘official’ ones of party leaders. In making this argument, the article shows that ‘repetitive time’ also represents a device through which social actors place themselves outside ‘national history’ and cast the encompassing nation-state as the outsider. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last twenty years have witnessed animated debates in archaeology about the influence of context on the production of archaeological knowledge. This article argues that social and historical context affects archaeology not only at the level of interpretation but also at that of basic practice. I illustrate this claim about the historical nature of data through a comparison of two Palaeolithic central European sites, Willendorf and Dolní Věstonice, examining the way in which particularities of each context affected the collection, analysis, and subsequent circulation of their lithic collections in regional reconstructions. Beyond a concern for more overt ideological forms of nationalism, I conclude that we need to pay greater attention to the local histories of archaeology, and their influence in transforming facts into data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the kinship relations of the national ‘family’ are not simply a direct appropriation of ‘natural’ kinship relations but involve a transformation of those relations that also takes into account some gendered image of the land as a member of that family. Using comparative research in the Turkish and Greek communities of Cyprus, I propose that what is centrally important in images of national kinship is the common substance that land and people are imagined to share. Moreover, this common substance is regarded as so ‘natural’ that it constitutes an important axiom that is central to understanding the logic of nationalisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With its specific combination of a bureaucratic welfare state and an open, globalized capitalist economy, Norway, along with the other Nordic countries, provides a particularly interesting context for the examination of the relationship between egalitarianism, nationalism, and racism in Europe. A racialization of difference takes place, as immigration emerges as a site for racial and racist discourse, and as a site of conjuncture between the welfare state and its citizens. By presenting an analysis of the contemporary debate on immigration in Norway, this article demonstrates how equality conceived as sameness (‘imagined sameness’) underpins a growing ethnification of national identity. Widely different utterances and points of view refer to metaphors of home and family life, a close link between territory and generalized kinship, and the renewed importance of Lutheran Christianity in contrast to Islam. A model of group identity and relationship is therefore suggested, in which organizational boundaries and cultural substance inflect one another, rather than being the bases of different or even opposed approaches. It is also argued that anthropologists need to take a more serious interest in the European majority populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]