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This article presents one way of changing the participatory culture of training teachers – the Critical Integrative Teacher Education (CITE) programme now being implemented at Jyväskylä University. For the last ten years the Finnish school system has been the centre of considerable international attention because of its success in PISA. The Finnish school, however, has two faces. In the shadow of those good learning outcomes there lurks a democratic deficit in school and a lack of school wellbeing amongst children. This article examines the nature of the Finnish school and teacher education from the perspective of democracy. If participatory culture in Finnish schools is restricted, then the same also applies to teacher education. The long tradition of education as well as the radical school democracy experiment in the early 1970s resulted in the neutralization of teacher education and the removal of politics and politicality. This led to a teacher education with the emphasis on didactics and psychology but with a social viewpoint conspicuous by its absence. Even though the system offers opportunities to implement even radically different training methods, there is little that is done differently.

This article presents one way of changing the participatory culture of training teachers – the Critical Integrative Teacher Education (CITE) programme now being implemented at Jyväskylä University. For the last ten years the Finnish school system has been the centre of considerable international attention because of its success in PISA. The Finnish school, however, has two faces. In the shadow of those good learning outcomes there lurks a democratic deficit in school and a lack of school wellbeing amongst children. This article examines the nature of the Finnish school and teacher education from the perspective of democracy. If participatory culture in Finnish schools is restricted, then the same also applies to teacher education. The long tradition of education as well as the radical school democracy experiment in the early 1970s resulted in the neutralization of teacher education and the removal of politics and politicality. This led to a teacher education with the emphasis on didactics and psychology but with a social viewpoint conspicuous by its absence. Even though the system offers opportunities to implement even radically different training methods, there is little that is done differently.

Purpose: In 2017, the Government of Québec made a high school financial education course compulsory. Anchored in the social studies, it tackles themes like consumer rights, savings, and employment. This paper strives to understand the types of citizenship education they promote. Design/methodology/approach: Our research is based on a content analysis of Québec’s financial education curriculum and its textbooks. Findings: This paper reveals that Ministry approved educational materials focus on issues of personal finance and information retrieval tasks at the expense of a critical approach and tasks of a higher intellectual value. Québec’s financial education materials therefore seems to foster personally responsible citizens. Research limitations/implications: To understand the use teachers and students make of financial education materials, we must now conduct individual and group interviews with teachers and students, but mostly authentic classroom observations.

• The European dimension in education was formed as a multilateral project of the Council of Europe and the European Union to improve European integration processes. • From the scholarly perspective, the development of the European dimension in education in Croatia is analysed from 1996 until 2020 • Political praxiology of education is introduced as a possible theoretical framework for future development. Purpose: This paper aims to present the twenty-five-year evolving pathway of the European dimension in education in Croatia. Furthermore, the paper critically problematises the lack of a theoretical framework that has marked this concept's research and partly contributed to its conceptual dispersion and scholarly ambiguity. Design: The paper design is based on chronological and content analysis of the European dimension in education development, primarily focusing on the Croatian context. The period analysed is from 1996, when the first paper on the European dimension in education in Croatia was published until 2020. Findings: The development frame of the European dimension in education is proposed, with an overview of appurtenant phases, followed by chronological and detailed elaborated thematic groups. As an answer to detected theoretical deficiencies, the political praxiology of education is introduced as a direction of its future theoretical development and a partly new shift in the conceptual definition of the European dimension in education is proposed.

• At an elite school in Sweden, social science education contradicts the ideals of democratic education. • Micro-power actions change when students outperform their teacher’s subject knowledge. • Micro-interactional power is expressed by recognition and misrecognition in the classroom. • As an observer in the elite school, one simultaneously becomes loud and invisible. • Further ethnographic “studies up from below” are needed in social science education. Purpose: This paper offers insights into the dynamic of misrecognition in an elite school. It presents new findings on micro-interactional power relations in the classroom and argues for additional ethnographies of social science education in elite schools. Methodology: This paper uses an ethnographic method. Its research employs the observational position of a “belonging stranger” is put forward in contrast to the idea of “going native”. The focus is on the power of micro-interaction. Findings: A key empirical finding is the change in power relations that occurs when students outrank their social science teacher in subject knowledge.

Maintaining the high quality of the Journal of Social Science Education is greatly dependent on the dedicated work of the academics who give their valuable time to review the papers that have been submitted to the journal. In the JSSE we are aware of the pressure for time that researchers have to face, and we are extremely grateful for their support to our editorial work. Thus the Editors of the Journal of Social Science Education would like to express our warm and heartfelt thank you to the following people who have reviewed papers for the journal in 2020 and 2021!

• The integration of antisemitism as a topic for teacher education is urgent, especially in the social sciences • Education regarding contemporary antisemitism must be combined with an analysis of racism and historical-political perspectives on the Shoah to succeed in post-migrant society • Slight changes of the curricula are a reliable base for further development • A nexus between schools, universities and actors of civil society is needed in order to target antisemitism • International summer schools, German-Israeli study groups or collaborative workshops are exemplary pilot projects in order to establish competence regarding education critical of antisemitism Purpose: Following the current rise of antisemitism globally and in Germany, this paper examines the current situation regarding Antisemitism in teacher education. The paper aims to make a contribution for the demand of an implementation of education critical of Antisemitism in teacher education. Approach: Combining experience from university teacher training and the field of extracurricular political education we appoint perspectives for a sustainable implementation of education critical of antisemitism in teacher training via best practice examples. We evaluate the potentials of field trips, international study groups and networks between university and agents located in civil society. Findings: The revised curricula for Social Sciences in the state of North-Rhine-Westphalia (and formerly Berlin) name current antisemitism for the first time, indicating an urgent need for professionalization in Social Science teacher education where the facets of antisemitism only play a minor role. Hence, expertise and existing resource must be stabilized, a structural implementation and funding is needed in order to target the challenging topic of antisemitism. Research limitations/implications: This paper functions as a preliminary research in order to examine the given shape of Social Science teacher education and Antisemitism in Germany. A comprehensive, structured analyses of all teacher training facilities as well as extracurricular agents working in the field of education critical of antisemitism could be useful in order to pool expertise. Nonetheless this paper encourages local collaborations between university and civiliety actors.

- Schools reproduce scientific knowledge uncritically. - Schools should provide educational opportunities for students’ action, reflection, and interaction. - Participatory approach allows students to expand their agency around climate change. - Participatory approach promotes students’ knowledge of their community’s environmental problems. Purpose: This paper explores the potential of students’ participation in the HW educational intervention programme based on participatory methodologies in promoting their environmental citizenship. Design/methodology/approach: Using a quasi-experimental design, 126 students were randomly assigned to the intervention and control groups and filled out questionnaires before and after the HW intervention to evaluate environmental citizenship dimensions. Findings: The psychometric properties of a 16-item instrument to measure youth environmental citizenship were validated. After the HW intervention, the students’ intervention group had a significant improvement in their sense of environmental efficacy. Research limitations/implications: The cross-sectional design of this study does not allow causal inferences to be made; further research should conduct longitudinal studies. Practical implications: Schools must promote educational experiences where students have opportunities for reflection and action in interaction in a climate of openness to dialogue and diversity with the involvement of different actors.

Purpose: This paper aims to discuss Walter Benjamin's Critical Theory and William Corsaro's Sociology of Childhood contributions to a Human Rights Education approach with children. Our intent is to investigate how children’s personal experiences can enrich the construction of a differentiated pedagogical model, based on the promotion of attitudes and values infused in the human rights tradition. Approach: We address this paper to a reflection on the expressions of agency, social engagement, and cultural productions in the course of childhood. Findings: Our thesis is that Human Rights Education has to recognize the different ethical lives, or subcultures, that compose each educational environment, assuring children’s autonomy and social protagonism in the process of identifying human rights violations and organizing strategies to assure social justice.

Purpose: The aim of this country report is to offer an overview of civic and citizenship education in Spain. Approach: The report analyses the Spanish curriculum and the current legislative framework, examining the way social and civic competences are integrated in both primary and secondary education. Additionally, the paper also examines the latest educational reform, establishing a comparison between how citizenship education was addressed in the curriculum until 2013 and the way a cross-curricular approach has been adopted since then. Findings: The paper has been able to establish a clear difference between two political conceptions. On one hand, from 2006 to 2013, the Spanish government introduced “Citizenship and Human Rights Education” as a core subject. After the 2013 reform, the new government favoured instead a cross-curricular approach that avoided references to the idea of citizenship and limited the scope of civic education. A discussion is provided regarding what policy reforms can be expected in the near future in Spain.

Highlights: • There is a lack of resources and examples of good practice in citizenship education and relevant assessment tools for the teachers to transform and use in their practices. • The teachers experience a lack of pedagogical approaches to work with designing learning activities to enhance normative changes and values relevant to citizenship education. • Teachers experience a lack of time to foster student citizenship competence • When personal opinions are at stake, some teachers find it difficult to give appropriate feedback to non-democratic values and attitudes. • School systems’ and parents’ expectations of high-stakes summative feedback influence teachers’ hesitation to perform formative assessment in citizenship education. Purpose: This study investigates the challenges faced by European teachers when assessing student learning of democratic citizenship competences by asking about their experiences and opinions in their teaching practices. Design/methodology/approach: Through focus group interviews conducted with the teachers, we investigate the underlying reasons for teachers’ choices of using certain forms of assessment methods while excluding other methods. This paper presents the analysis of interviews with 82 schoolteachers from lower secondary schools in eight European countries (average 19 years of teaching experience) participating in an Erasmus + project Findings: The teachers’ responses uncover a need for teachers to be better equipped with relevant knowledge, tools and approaches to practice formative assessment to develop students’ democratic citizenship competences. The current common understanding of the summative assessment of knowledge using simple and standardised tools poses one of the main challenges for teachers to use formative assessment methods. Practical implications: The focus on summative assessment significantly limits the teachers’ room to work on democratic citizenship competence. There is a need to strengthen this as a democratic citizenship education as a cross-curricular element in education, with an emphasis on formative assessment, to monitor and support students’ democratic values and attitudes.

The paper draws from qualitative findings of a wider mixed-methods study that sought to uncover trends and conditions in funding for community education in Ireland. It uncovers a precarious environment for providers, where concepts of individualised work-readiness supersede more holistic, needs-based community concerns. As well as acknowledging how organisations are hamstrung by the limitations funders place on their work, the paper offers a needs-based model of practice that might inform practitioners in planning their work.

Purpose: While research on political participation hardly takes into account the effects of non-formal or informal education, the effects of formal education are well investigated. The aim of this paper is to determine the extent to which non-formal and informal education contribute to adults’ participation in different political activities when formal educational background and other socioeconomic factors are controlled. Method: This paper uses data from the German National Educational Panel Study (NEPS, N=9,084). Binomial logistic regressions are used for the analyses, and average marginal effects (AMEs) are used for the model’s output. Findings: The findings reveal that non-formal and informal adult education significantly affect different political activities. However, the effects of non-formal and informal adult education differ with regard to the different forms of political participation. The results underline the importance of differentiated analyses of political participation and non-formal and informal adult education. In addition, the results show that some types of non-formal and informal education have a greater impact on adults of low socioeconomic status. Research limitations: This paper cannot account for self-selection effects because adults’ participation in different political activities was collected only in one wave.

Purpose: This sociolinguistic paper discusses the relationship between language and belonging from the perspective of Arabic-English speaking bilinguals. It explores what knowledge of language(s) means for the minority language speaker and investigates the challenges, consequences and opportunities multilingualism poses for its speakers in a globalised era that is fraught with re-imagining nationalism, country, security, loyalty, and belonging. The project reported in this paper aimed to (1) understand the symbolisms the Arabic language held for its speakers, (2) understand the ramifications knowledge of Arabic had for these bilinguals; and (3) explore how second generation Arabic heritage speakers define their identities and feelings of belonging to the UK. Method: Sixty-two people took part in the project; data was collected through a short survey followed up by interviews that further explored issues of multilingualism, identity and belonging. Data from interviews and qualitative responses from the survey were analysed thematically in light of Ingrid Piller’s emerging linguistic social justice framework. Finding: The findings suggest that English and Arabic are equally important to speakers; additionally Arabic is highly symbolic for reasons of religion, family, and cultural ties. The results however, also point to the apprehensiveness speakers have in using Arabic in public because they fear that they may be deemed too different, weird, abnormal, dangerous, disloyal or untrustworthy. The data implies that such hesitation leads to an anxiety of being viewed as ‘other’ and challenges how some young people envision their current and future belonging to the UK society.

Purpose: In light of the public resistance towards the deepening of European integration (EI) and the role that education is anticipated to have in supporting the process, this paper examines the conceptualisation of EI in lower secondary textbooks for History, Geography and Civics. Specifically, the paper asks whether EI is conceived of as a vehicle for the post-national transformation of Europe or as an instrument for interstate cooperation. Design: Drawing on the insights of EI theories and content analysis, the paper adopts a qualitative approach. Applying this approach, the textbooks currently used in Slovakia’s lower secondary schools are analysed as a case study. Findings: The findings are inconclusive with regard to the research question. Indeed, while the sources are positive about EI, the findings suggest some problematic aspects in terms of how the textbooks analysed conceive the nature of the integration process. Research implications: The approach taken in this paper could be replicated on a larger scale in other countries. Practical implications: Curricula and textbook designers ought to consider how to include a critical discussion on the deepening of EI in secondary education.

Keywords: Systematic review, economic literacy, measurement instruments • Measurement instruments often represent only one domain at a time. • The focus of test instruments is on querying declarative knowledge. • Authentic assessments are rarely being used. Purpose: This paper analyses and classifies currently available English- and German-language measurement instruments for assessing economic literacy. It shows the content-related focuses and gaps of the extracted test instruments, the cognitive level of demand that characterises the instruments, the technical forms of implementation, and the extent to which the lifeworld contexts of test participants were considered. Method: The PSYNDEX, ERIC, German Education Index, and GESIS databases were systematically reviewed, and measurement instruments were examined based on four perspectives of analysis: economic subject dimension, learning psychology, assessment formats and technical design, and authenticity. Findings: Knowledge tests differ substantially from each other. Rather than representing all domains of the subject of economics equally, test instruments usually measure only one domain at a time. The focus of test instruments is on the retrieval of declarative knowledge. Measurement instruments were developed for adults and young people in equal parts. While some test instruments are related to the real world, authentic assessments are an exception.

This paper presents the findings of a research project that sought to interrogate the possibilities of digital storytelling as a pathway towards a more complete understanding of treaties and the treaty relationship in western Canada. This research is situated in the province of Saskatchewan, where treaty education (that is, education about the history of the numbered treaties signed between First Nations people and the British Crown, as well as the subsequent history of the treaty relationship) has been mandatory for almost a decade. The paper details a two-year journey alongside elementary educators as they used digital storytelling to take up treaty education in their classrooms. We present an overview of the research project as well as the narratives of a teacher, a researcher, and a Cree knowledge keeper, all of whom were involved in and reflected on the research journey. We consider the research findings alongside these narratives in order to explore the possibilities that digital storytelling might offer as we, as a Canadian nation, move towards reconciliation with Aboriginal people within a Canadian context of ongoing colonialism. Questo articolo presenta i risultati di un progetto di ricerca che ha cercato di indagare sulle possibilità della narrazione digitale di storie (storytelling) come percorso verso una comprensione più completa dei trattati e del rapporto fra i trattati nel Canada occidentale. Questa indagine è situata nella provincia di Saskatchewan, dove l'istruzione sui trattati (cioè, l'educazione sulla storia dei trattati numerati firmati tra la Prima Nazione e la Corona Britannica, così come la storia successiva del rapporto fra i trattati) è stato obbligatorio per quasi un decennio. Il saggio riporta un percorso di due anni con insegnanti di scuola elementare che hanno usato lo storytelling digitale per fare l'educazione ai trattati nelle loro classi. Presentiamo una panoramica del progetto di ricerca ed i racconti di un insegnante, di un ricercatore, e un guardiano Cree della conoscenza, i quali sono stati coinvolti nella ricerca e riflettono sul percorso svolto. Consideriamo i risultati dell’indagine insieme a questi racconti, al fine di esplorare le possibilità che la narrazione digitale potrebbe offrire dato che noi, come nazione canadese, procediamo verso la riconciliazione con gli aborigeni in un contesto canadese di colonialismo in corso.

This article explores citizenship education for adult immigrants through informal language education in Amsterdam, the Netherlands. Based on data collected over thirteen months of ethnographic research among volunteer Dutch language coaches in Amsterdam, the primary methods used in this study were in-depth semi-structured interviews and participant observation. While the primary focus of this article is on the ways in which informal educational settings contribute to processes of adult citizenship education, this paper also underscores some of the perceived barriers to integration faced by adult immigrants in the Netherlands. Adopting a Foucauldian theoretical approach to governmentality, this paper considers how volunteer Dutch language coaches both reproduce and challenge contemporary discourses around citizenship and belonging in Dutch society. Experiences and expressions of citizenship among volunteer Dutch language coaches reveal how entangled discourses of cultural difference and neoliberal “active” citizenship shape state and everyday notions of good citizenship practice and integration.

Purpose: This paper seeks to illuminate the background of citizenship and character education in South Korea in order to better determine a means of collaboration between the two goals. Method: The paper is based on the qualitative analysis of the official documents and law in relation to citizenship and character education. Findings: The paper finds the differences and the similarities of citizenship and character education and there are increasing needs for both educational initiatives in terms of social and national development of South Korea.

Purpose: This paper compares citizenship education in Singapore and Australia. While discussions have been made about education and neoliberalism, few have explored the direct connections between citizenship education and neoliberalism. Approach: Though a discussion of country contexts, citizenship education policies and curriculum, ‘Character and Citizenship Education’ in Singapore and ‘Civics and Citizenship education’ in Australia are examined to explore the meanings of ‘Character education’ and ‘Civics education’ and their connections with ‘Citizenship education’. Findings: The distinct use of terms for citizenship education suggests that the two countries hold different citizenship ideals. Set within the context of globalisation, the paper argues that some approaches towards citizenship education can inadvertently work towards supporting the goals of neoliberalism, which can be at odds with the classical tradition of democracy.

Purpose: This paper seeks to illuminate the background of citizenship and character education in South Korea in order to better determine a means of collaboration between the two goals. Method: The paper is based on the qualitative analysis of the official documents and law in relation to citizenship and character education. Findings: The paper finds the differences and the similarities of citizenship and character education and there are increasing needs for both educational initiatives in terms of social and national development of South Korea.

Purpose: This paper compares citizenship education in Singapore and Australia. While discussions have been made about education and neoliberalism, few have explored the direct connections between citizenship education and neoliberalism. Approach: Though a discussion of country contexts, citizenship education policies and curriculum, ‘Character and Citizenship Education’ in Singapore and ‘Civics and Citizenship education’ in Australia are examined to explore the meanings of ‘Character education’ and ‘Civics education’ and their connections with ‘Citizenship education’. Findings: The distinct use of terms for citizenship education suggests that the two countries hold different citizenship ideals. Set within the context of globalisation, the paper argues that some approaches towards citizenship education can inadvertently work towards supporting the goals of neoliberalism, which can be at odds with the classical tradition of democracy.

Purpose: This paper unfolds the ways in which Croatia, as a young post-communist democracy, has aligned its transition and consolidation with the development of education programs that would support the protection of human rights and the creation of a democratic political culture. Design/methodology/approach: By combining the existing studies with the authors’ own analyses of documents and internet sources, as well as interviews with teachers, this paper reveals that by adopting vague and non-binding policies, the Croatian political elite has demonstrated a lack of political will and courage over the past twenty-five years to develop a systematic and quality-based citizenship education. Findings: After long-term negligence, in the most recent five-year period, the need to change the educational path has gained prominence on the policy and political agenda. However, the reform process did not result in bridging, but in the deepening of ideological divides within the Croatian society. With the officially adopted interdisciplinary and cross-curricular approach, the responsibility for carrying out citizenship education was placed in the hands of teachers, with civil society organizations taking a compensating role. Whilst the former lack practical education, as well as guidelines and resources to incorporate citizenship education into the subjects they teach, the latter are incapable of reaching out to a sufficient share of the youth population. The outcome is that the youth continuously displays inadequate levels of citizenship competences.

Purpose: This paper explores social media practices with an exemplarily focus on constructions of space and social movements. It aims at identifying prospects for social science education under digital conditions regarding the reconfiguration of content and possibilities for digital literacy. Approach: By reviewing and summarizing popular strands of discussion on the application of social media practices in constructions of spaces and social movements, we identify common didactical themes from an educational perspective. Subsequently, we discuss social networks as real-world learning contexts in light of creative practices. Findings: Building on this, we derive theoretical implications for social science education for teaching and learning within social networks with a special focus on creativity. Following this, we present implications for social science literacy as well as digital literacy, which are two sides of the same coin. Practical implications: Finally, we present implications for future research and outline prospects for a future social science education.

Purpose: This paper explores the way in which art education advances the goals of citizenship education. In the first section of this paper the similarities between ethical and aesthetic concepts will be outlined and the visual art symbol system will be carefully examined. Findings: It will be argued that the transference of a value-adaptive attitude developed through the study and practice of art to its application in civic literacy and engagement is valuable and warranted. The second section of this paper will investigate the impact that compositional study in both art practice and experience has on the reinforcement of and the alteration of values.

The current financial-economic crisis has actualized important issues regarding the dynamics of the economic system, the relations between economy and politics, and the notions of good society. Thus the question of how economic education in school can support students’ understanding of the crisis is relevant to pose. This article asks what are the strengths and weaknesses, and also the promises and challenges, in the Finnish upper secondary school economic education, concerning teaching about the crisis? The article analyses the core curriculum for upper secondary school economic education in Finland, the available upper secondary school economy textbooks, and a selection of students’ social studies exam papers in the matriculation examination in spring 2010. The focus of the analysis is on how the current financial-economic crisis is presented in the textbooks and in the exam papers, what the competences are that the core curriculum delineates economic education should develope in students, and what capacity Finnish social studies teachers have for teaching about economy. The article proposes that the presence of historical perspectives and political analyses in economic education are important, in particular when teaching about topics like the current financial-economic crises.

Highlights • the goal of school social science education is development of learners’ civic and social competencies; • social and civic competencies are defined in the framework of universal values, national and European identity, patriotism, democracy and sustainable development; • the school social science education is undergoing a reform within the New Ukrainian School strategy; • the key challenge relates to better provision for the competency-based learning by competency inventory and application of the integrative approach to teaching. Purpose: The paper provides an overview of the current state of school social science education in Ukraine, whose development is considered in the context of its internal and external challenges. Design/methodology/approach: The analysis of the regulatory documents, school social science curriculum and course syllabi as well as publications and interviews with the stakeholders are the methods applied to identify the mission, content and current challenges of social science education. Findings: The underlying concept is based on universal human, European and national values, respect for Ukrainian traditions and the traditions of other cultures and ethnic groups, principles of democracy, human rights and freedoms. Being a dynamic area of education, school social science is undergoing a transformation under the New Ukrainian School reform focusing on competency based integrative approach to education. The Russian military aggression against the country is another transformation factor that is currently being addressed.

Purpose: The paper maps recent developments in civics and social education in primary and lower secondary Romanian education systems, pointing to significant curriculum changes, within the broader competence-based curriculum reform. The analysis aims also to formulate policy recommendations, based on identified challenges. Design/methodology/approach: The methodology uses documentary analysis of curriculum and thematic studies, relevant for the policy reforms and practice conceptualisations in civics/social education. Research limitations/implications: The main findings document the important step forward in promoting civics competencies in Romanian primary education, and social competencies in the lower secondary curriculum. Various challenges affecting the effective implementation of these changes are identified, both at system and school-level. Practical implications: Focus on formal written and taught curriculum. As curriculum reform in upper secondary education is ongoing, the analysis is limited to primary and lower secondary education.

Highlights • Constitutional freedom of education affects democratic citizenship education policy. • Citizenship education legislation in 2006 and 2007 placed little demands on schools. • Legislation introduced in 2021 has further specified what is expected from schools. • Studies of citizenship education in practice are largely critical of the extent to which schools teach about, through and for democracy. Purpose: This paper discusses developments in citizenship education policy and practice in the Netherlands, and outlines key challenges as faced by the different stakeholders involved. Design/methodology/approach: Our discussion is based on existing research and policy documents in the Netherlands. The authors, from three Dutch universities, are experts in the field of research on citizenship education. Findings: Promoting citizenship education in primary, secondary and vocational tertiary education in the Netherlands has been challenging, particularly in light of the constitutional freedom of education in the Netherlands. Five issues are discussed in this regard: the contents of CE legislation, the normative character of legal requirements, integration of CE legislation in national curriculum aims, clarifying expectations from schools in teaching CE, and teacher education and professionalization.

This paper presents the findings of a research project that sought to interrogate the possibilities of digital storytelling as a pathway towards a more complete understanding of treaties and the treaty relationship in western Canada. This research is situated in the province of Saskatchewan, where treaty education (that is, education about the history of the numbered treaties signed between First Nations people and the British Crown, as well as the subsequent history of the treaty relationship) has been mandatory for almost a decade. The paper details a two-year journey alongside elementary educators as they used digital storytelling to take up treaty education in their classrooms. We present an overview of the research project as well as the narratives of a teacher, a researcher, and a Cree knowledge keeper, all of whom were involved in and reflected on the research journey. We consider the research findings alongside these narratives in order to explore the possibilities that digital storytelling might offer as we, as a Canadian nation, move towards reconciliation with Aboriginal people within a Canadian context of ongoing colonialism. Questo articolo presenta i risultati di un progetto di ricerca che ha cercato di indagare sulle possibilità della narrazione digitale di storie (storytelling) come percorso verso una comprensione più completa dei trattati e del rapporto fra i trattati nel Canada occidentale. Questa indagine è situata nella provincia di Saskatchewan, dove l'istruzione sui trattati (cioè, l'educazione sulla storia dei trattati numerati firmati tra la Prima Nazione e la Corona Britannica, così come la storia successiva del rapporto fra i trattati) è stato obbligatorio per quasi un decennio. Il saggio riporta un percorso di due anni con insegnanti di scuola elementare che hanno usato lo storytelling digitale per fare l'educazione ai trattati nelle loro classi. Presentiamo una panoramica del progetto di ricerca ed i racconti di un insegnante, di un ricercatore, e un guardiano Cree della conoscenza, i quali sono stati coinvolti nella ricerca e riflettono sul percorso svolto. Consideriamo i risultati dell’indagine insieme a questi racconti, al fine di esplorare le possibilità che la narrazione digitale potrebbe offrire dato che noi, come nazione canadese, procediamo verso la riconciliazione con gli aborigeni in un contesto canadese di colonialismo in corso.

This paper focuses upon the community engagement of young peoplegrowing up in socio-economically disadvantaged areas and the creation ofapt civic learning spaces. It is in direct response to public policy within theUK, as in many other democratic countries, giving continued attention tohow young people’s active citizenship can be best supported. As aconsequence of processes of globalisation, social change and technologicaladvancement it is being increasingly recognised that young citizens faceunprecedented challenges in the 21st century. At the same time youngpeople growing up within areas of socio-economic disadvantage arecommonly identified as being most at risk of social exclusion anddiscouragement with regard to their civic participation.This paper draws from the EngagED project, a two-year study based inEngland that used a mixed methods research approach to explore the civicaction and learning of young people living in both inner city and rural areasof socio-economic disadvantage. It presents an eco-systemic model of thehost of factors and agencies that influence young people’s civic identity andpatterns of community engagement. It outlines two new civic learningspaces that were created in response to these complex ecologies and fromthese experiments in ‘pre-figurative practice’ proposes a set of keyprinciples for the effective civic pedagogue. This radical notion of the civiceducator moves away from educational strategies that seek to ‘transform’young people into good future citizens, towards finding personalised waysof supporting young people ‘as’ citizens.

This article explores citizenship education for adult immigrants through informal language education in Amsterdam, the Netherlands. Based on data collected over thirteen months of ethnographic research among volunteer Dutch language coaches in Amsterdam, the primary methods used in this study were in-depth semi-structured interviews and participant observation. While the primary focus of this article is on the ways in which informal educational settings contribute to processes of adult citizenship education, this paper also underscores some of the perceived barriers to integration faced by adult immigrants in the Netherlands. Adopting a Foucauldian theoretical approach to governmentality, this paper considers how volunteer Dutch language coaches both reproduce and challenge contemporary discourses around citizenship and belonging in Dutch society. Experiences and expressions of citizenship among volunteer Dutch language coaches reveal how entangled discourses of cultural difference and neoliberal “active” citizenship shape state and everyday notions of good citizenship practice and integration.

Keywords: classroom engagement, political interest, political knowledge, television drama Highlights: • Combining television shows allows us to increase student interest and knowledge of politics • Use of only one show can increase either interest or knowledge, but not both. Purpose: The typical Introduction to American Politics course has a plurality (if not majority) of students who take the course to satisfy a general education requirement rather than having a deep interest in the subject. It is also difficult because students lack interest and knowledge about the topic. Yet, many believe they know everything they need to in order to have opinions on the topic. This paper seeks a way to increase political interest and knowledge among students who are taking an introductory course. Design/methodology/approach: Using two well-known television programs, The West Wing and House of Cards, the study tests whether students gain an interest in politics and learn more about the topic when a class incorporates clips from popular shows. The study consists of 4 semesters with different treatments to determine the effects of each show and when the shows are combined on student interest, knowledge, and perceived political engagement. Findings: Students report being more interested in politics in a course that uses The West Wing because of its positive views toward American democracy. Yet, they are not necessarily more knowledgeable or feel that participation is important for doing well in courses. On the other hand, students in the House of Cards condition felt more knowledgeable about politics but were actually less interested in politics. Research limitations/implications: This study was completed in a small, rural, and largely conservative liberal arts college in the United States. While the students accurately reflected the student body at the institution, they were not representative of college students overall.

Keywords: Citizenship education; Measuring citizenship competences; Output-driven approach; Data-use in education; Social outcomes of education Highlights: • Research on effective characteristics of citizenship education is still scarce. • An output-driven approach may improve the effectiveness of citizenship education. • We reflect on the feasibility of an output-driven approach to citizenship education. • We conclude that such an approach seems feasible for citizenship education. • Normativity and the availability and quality of measurement instruments need attention. Purpose: Scholars are increasingly paying attention to the characteristics of effective citizenship education. The systematic use of data to maximise student learning, also called an output-driven approach, is often presented as a powerful predictor of student outcomes. However, its effectiveness has not been studied in citizenship education. Therefore, this paper aims to theoretically reflect on whether an output-driven approach is also feasible for citizenship education. Methodology: We distinguish five building blocks of an output-driven approach and elaborate on their applicability in citizenship education. While doing so, we draw attention to the normative notion in citizenship education and the quality and availability of measurement instruments for citizenship competences. Both may challenge the application of an output-driven approach, particularly given the relatively young tradition of measuring citizenship competences. Findings: We conclude that an output-driven approach in citizenship education seems feasible, provided that the characteristics of citizenship education are carefully considered.

Theoretical approaches to constructivism have put learner autonomy into the spotlight of didactic discourse. Apart from the matter of pedagogic actions on how (constructivisticly) organised education might be arranged, this paper focuses on the perspective of didactic reconstruction. Thus, an observation-based research perspective is being adopted in this paper. The epistemic beliefs that have emerged over the course of the global financial and economic depression are reconstructed. The goal of the paper is to provide an insight into these different interpretations. In order to do this, university students were surveyed regarding this topic and the results of this qualitative study on these epistemic beliefs will be represented in this article. The paper tries to give answers on how students, who have been experiencing the financial and economic depression for nearly three years now, define its causes and what subsequent actions they would recommend. The results show that the main issue is not misinterpretation of political and economic knowledge but rather incomplete constructs based on only approximate knowledge.

Gerechtigkeit ist eine der Voraussetzungen für Nachhaltigkeit. Eine der wichtigsten Aufgaben der Bildung ist deshalb die Vermittlung von Gerechtigkeitsstandards. Was aber ist Gerechtigkeit? Unter Bezugnahme auf philosophische Betrachtungen sowie auf Forschungsergebnisse aus Soziologie, Sozialpsychologie und Neurobiologie kommt die vorliegende Untersuchung zu dem Ergebnis, das Gerechtigkeit eine Synthese aus Verstand, Vernunft und Gefühl ist, die sich auf die Freiheitsbeschränkung individuellen Handelns bezieht. Während uns Verstand und Vernunft abstrakt bleiben, geht der eigentliche Handlungsimpuls vom Gefühl aus. In den aktuellen Bildungszielen spielen Gefühle als motivationale Grundlage gerechten Handelns praktisch keine Rolle. Dem gegenüber dominiert die Ausbildung instrumentellen Verstandes. Welche fatalen Folgen eine Überbetonung der Verstandesbildung gegenüber Vernunft und Gefühl hat, zeigen die Arbeiten der Aufklärungskritik. Die Verfasser kommen zu dem Schluss, dass Bildung, die dem Leitbild der Nachhaltigkeit gerecht wird, verstärkt auf Vernunft und Gefühl setzen sollte.“If we do not act, millions of people will suffer.” The relationship between sustainability, justice and education. Justice is a precondition for sustainability. Therefore one of the most important tasks of education is the communication of standards of justice. But what is meant by justice? With regard to philosophical reflections as well as results of the latest research in the fields of sociology, social psychology and neurobiology, this paper concludes that justice is a synthesis of understanding, reason and compassion. This synthesis refers to the restriction of freedom of individual action. Whereas our understanding and reason remains abstract, the real impulse of action comes from compassion. Compassion as a motivational basis plays no role in current educational goals. In contrast education is dominated by instrumental understanding. The fatal consequences of overemphasizing education of understanding versus reason and compassion can be seen in works on the criticism of enlightenment. The authors of this paper conclude that education, which meets the model of sustainability, must emphasize reason and compassion.

This paper reports on the role of the narrative arts in young people’s political subjectivity and democratic learning. Drawing on theoretical insights into the process of subjectification and the relationship between politics and aesthetics, the paper discusses a number of findings from an empirical research project carried out with young people in two arts contexts. Interpreting these in the light of a theoretical framework that privileges a performative understanding of subjectivity, the paper argues that narrative art forms such as literature, film and television play an important role in the ways young people construct and perform their political subjectivity, and that this is an important part of their overall democratic learning. The implications of this for democratic education are discussed and the paper concludes with the suggestion that we need to rethink political literacy, civic engagement and democratic learning in aesthetic and imaginative terms.

The civic mission of schools in nurturing political literature, critical thinking and participatory citizens has always been played down in Hong Kong schools. On one hand, teaching civic education has never been ranked high in the education agenda. On the other hand, because of the conservative nature of schools, students are rarely encouraged to participate in school governance for the enhancement of their citizenship development. Funded by the General Research Fund (GRF) in Hong Kong, the authors conducted a quantitative survey on students’ participation in school governance and their citizenship development in 2013 to explore 1) students’ conception of “good citizens”; 2) the level and scope of student participation in school governance; and 3) the facilitating and hindering factors influencing student participation. This paper is a report on the simple statistical results of the survey findings. With reference to Westheimer and Kahne’s typologies, the findings revealed that the students had an eclectic understanding of citizenship, with higher scores for Personally Responsible Citizen and lower scores for Participatory, Justice Oriented and Patriotic Citizen, reflecting a conservative orientation. Concerning the implementation of school civic mission through student participation in school governance, it was found that students were rarely allowed to engage in important school matters, such as formulation of school rules and discussion of the school development plan. Our findings also revealed that schools were more inclined to inform students and consult them rather than confer real participation and powers to them. The paper concludes that the current practice of student participation in school governance does not facilitate the nurturing of active participatory citizens, particularly of a Justice Oriented nature, and this is urgently needed for the democratic development of Hong Kong.

This paper reports on the role of the narrative arts in young people’s political subjectivity and democratic learning. Drawing on theoretical insights into the process of subjectification and the relationship between politics and aesthetics, the paper discusses a number of findings from an empirical research project carried out with young people in two arts contexts. Interpreting these in the light of a theoretical framework that privileges a performative understanding of subjectivity, the paper argues that narrative art forms such as literature, film and television play an important role in the ways young people construct and perform their political subjectivity, and that this is an important part of their overall democratic learning. The implications of this for democratic education are discussed and the paper concludes with the suggestion that we need to rethink political literacy, civic engagement and democratic learning in aesthetic and imaginative terms.

This paper, informed by a critique of traditional understandings of citizenship and civic education, explores the use of social media as a means of fostering activism and dissent. Specifically, the paper explores the ways in which the Idle No More Movement, which began in Canada in 2012 marshalled social media to educate about and protest Bill C-45, an omnibus budget bill passed by the Federal Government. The paper argues that Idle No More is demonstrative of young people’s commitments to social change and willingness to participate in active forms of dissent. As such, it presents opportunities for fostering ethically engaged citizenship through greater knowledge and awareness of Indigenous issues in Canada, which necessarily requires an understanding of the historical and contemporary legacies of colonialism that continually position First Nations, Métis, and Inuit peoples as ‘lesser’ citizens. Finally, the paper suggests that the example of Idle No More stands in contrast to the notion of a “civic vacuum” that is often used to justify the re-entrenchment of traditional civic education programs in schools and as such, can be used as a pedagogic tool to teach for and about dissent.

The civic mission of schools in nurturing political literature, critical thinking and participatory citizens has always been played down in Hong Kong schools. On one hand, teaching civic education has never been ranked high in the education agenda. On the other hand, because of the conservative nature of schools, students are rarely encouraged to participate in school governance for the enhancement of their citizenship development. Funded by the General Research Fund (GRF) in Hong Kong, the authors conducted a quantitative survey on students’ participation in school governance and their citizenship development in 2013 to explore 1) students’ conception of “good citizens”; 2) the level and scope of student participation in school governance; and 3) the facilitating and hindering factors influencing student participation. This paper is a report on the simple statistical results of the survey findings. With reference to Westheimer and Kahne’s typologies, the findings revealed that the students had an eclectic understanding of citizenship, with higher scores for Personally Responsible Citizen and lower scores for Participatory, Justice Oriented and Patriotic Citizen, reflecting a conservative orientation. Concerning the implementation of school civic mission through student participation in school governance, it was found that students were rarely allowed to engage in important school matters, such as formulation of school rules and discussion of the school development plan. Our findings also revealed that schools were more inclined to inform students and consult them rather than confer real participation and powers to them. The paper concludes that the current practice of student participation in school governance does not facilitate the nurturing of active participatory citizens, particularly of a Justice Oriented nature, and this is urgently needed for the democratic development of Hong Kong.

This paper, informed by a critique of traditional understandings of citizenship and civic education, explores the use of social media as a means of fostering activism and dissent. Specifically, the paper explores the ways in which the Idle No More Movement, which began in Canada in 2012 marshalled social media to educate about and protest Bill C-45, an omnibus budget bill passed by the Federal Government. The paper argues that Idle No More is demonstrative of young people’s commitments to social change and willingness to participate in active forms of dissent. As such, it presents opportunities for fostering ethically engaged citizenship through greater knowledge and awareness of Indigenous issues in Canada, which necessarily requires an understanding of the historical and contemporary legacies of colonialism that continually position First Nations, Métis, and Inuit peoples as ‘lesser’ citizens. Finally, the paper suggests that the example of Idle No More stands in contrast to the notion of a “civic vacuum” that is often used to justify the re-entrenchment of traditional civic education programs in schools and as such, can be used as a pedagogic tool to teach for and about dissent.

The aim of the paper is to examine the effects of the current economic crisis in the way teenagers experience and report interethnic relations with emphasis on interethnic violence in the school environment in Cyprus. It will report findings from an EU funded project which was recently completed (2012) titled: “Children’s voices: Exploring interethnic violence in schools”. Through an eclectic analysis on interview transcripts from group interviews with teenagers (16-17 year old) it emerges that in Cyprus there is an environment of growing concern about the presence of migrants in society and this has direct and indirect effects on education. Overall there are mixed perceptions about interethnic tolerance in schools ranging from negative to (politically correct) positive ones. While the prevalent discourse of multiculturalism in Cyprus uses the rhetoric of integration, what appears to be happening in the Cypriot educational system, is assimilation practices focusing on language acquisition. The findings of the empirical investigation point to interesting directions for educational policy regarding the whole gamut of interethnic relations in Cyprus at a period in time when the current economic crisis appears to have largely negative effects on multiculturalism. The paper concludes with a discussion on the way the Ministry of Education and schools in Cyprus respond to the above challenges and the prospects for the near future.

The aim of the paper is to examine the effects of the current economic crisis in the way teenagers experience and report interethnic relations with emphasis on interethnic violence in the school environment in Cyprus. It will report findings from an EU funded project which was recently completed (2012) titled: “Children’s voices: Exploring interethnic violence in schools”. Through an eclectic analysis on interview transcripts from group interviews with teenagers (16-17 year old) it emerges that in Cyprus there is an environment of growing concern about the presence of migrants in society and this has direct and indirect effects on education. Overall there are mixed perceptions about interethnic tolerance in schools ranging from negative to (politically correct) positive ones. While the prevalent discourse of multiculturalism in Cyprus uses the rhetoric of integration, what appears to be happening in the Cypriot educational system, is assimilation practices focusing on language acquisition. The findings of the empirical investigation point to interesting directions for educational policy regarding the whole gamut of interethnic relations in Cyprus at a period in time when the current economic crisis appears to have largely negative effects on multiculturalism. The paper concludes with a discussion on the way the Ministry of Education and schools in Cyprus respond to the above challenges and the prospects for the near future.

This paper discusses the contribution of the public system of citizenship education to the development of civic attitudes of the youth in post-communist Romania. As one of the goals of the state is to create “good citizens”, there is a discipline called Civic culture in the compulsory system of education. However, the fact that the discipline lacks consistency determines young people not to manifest the desired civic attitudes, as shown in public surveys targeted on youth. Therefore, the paper discusses the failure of the state to develop “good citizenship” through citizenship education.

The main aim of this paper is to demonstrate the limits of European citizenship and European collective identity in the context of the latest enlargements of the EU, i.e. the accession of postcommunist countries of Central and Eastern Europe in 2004 and 2007. The introduction of transitional periods for the free movement of persons with regard to the ‘new European citizens’, as well as the deportation of Roma from France in 2010, demonstrate that something is amiss with the concept of EU citizenship and the ‘European identity’ which would permit such practices. It is a fear of the Other as an essential element of European identity. The paper concludes by drawing on the work of Emmanuel Levinas and Jacques Derrida, examing the prospects that they open up for thinking differently about European identity.

This paper discusses the contribution of the public system of citizenship education to the development of civic attitudes of the youth in post-communist Romania. As one of the goals of the state is to create “good citizens”, there is a discipline called Civic culture in the compulsory system of education. However, the fact that the discipline lacks consistency determines young people not to manifest the desired civic attitudes, as shown in public surveys targeted on youth. Therefore, the paper discusses the failure of the state to develop “good citizenship” through citizenship education.

The main aim of this paper is to demonstrate the limits of European citizenship and European collective identity in the context of the latest enlargements of the EU, i.e. the accession of postcommunist countries of Central and Eastern Europe in 2004 and 2007. The introduction of transitional periods for the free movement of persons with regard to the ‘new European citizens’, as well as the deportation of Roma from France in 2010, demonstrate that something is amiss with the concept of EU citizenship and the ‘European identity’ which would permit such practices. It is a fear of the Other as an essential element of European identity. The paper concludes by drawing on the work of Emmanuel Levinas and Jacques Derrida, examing the prospects that they open up for thinking differently about European identity.