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An essay is presented on the subject of cigarette smoking among U.S. laborers in factories, corporate spying on workers, and the social culture of shopfloors in the U.S. during the 20th century. It examines the records of Erie, Pennsylvania, paper manufacturer Hammermill Paper Company concerning employee cigarette consumption, how employees attempted to evade corporate surveillance of their smoking, and labor relations in the U.S.

In our collective memory of the 1950s, Frederic Wertham often appears as the spearhead of the conservative anti–comic book campaign. Yet in recent historiography, scholars have championed him as an antiracist who made mental health care more available to African Americans at Harlem’s Lafargue Mental Hygiene Clinic. Named for Karl Marx’s son-in-law, its volunteers provided low-cost care regardless of race from 1946 to 1959. How did someone who might otherwise have been branded a Communist attract white conservative allies at the repressive outset of the Cold War? This paper contends that this leftist was able to keep his subversive clinic open for thirteen years because that white public was unaware its patients and staff were black. The Lafargue Clinic relied on mass media to generate donations. In the 1950s, the clinic’s public image was linked to the anticomics movement. Because Wertham represented the work he did there with children and comics in a race-neutral fashion, white parents thought the clinic was white, flooding it with donations and requests for speakers. Ironically, this radical clinic was forced to close once the anticomics crusade ended, eroding its conservative base. The history of the Lafargue Clinic’s public image highlights the ironies of a postwar United States united by mass media. A carefully crafted public image enabled some subversive institutions to avoid the blacklist and pursue their missions. By generating allies ignorant of their actual activities and ideology, places such as the Lafargue Clinic managed to survive the 1950s—hidden in plain sight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Americans in the early nineteenth century, friendship and faith both carried emotional power. It is no surprise, then, that friendships among like-minded believers intertwined with religious experience. This essay explores the spiritual dimensions of friendship during the early republic by considering one social network that had its hub in the household of Charity Bryant and Sylvia Drake. Bryant and Drake, who lived in Weybridge, Vermont, ran a tailor shop and were fixtures of their Congregationalist community. They formed an unconventional union; their relationship was devoted and passionate, and friends and relatives acknowledged its romantic nature. But in many ways, their household resembled others in early republican New England. Like other families, they fostered piety in their home, which became a spiritual and social gathering point for neighbors as well as far-flung friends who migrated about the region. Bryant, Drake, and their friends sustained emotional and religious connections through prayer, ritual, spiritual conversation, and correspondence and shared reading and benevolent activity. Their intimate connections suggest how friends forged spiritual communities that existed outside the bounds of formal churches and cohered in the face of dislocation. The emotional experience of friendship lent itself to the emotional experience of religion by heightening a sense of obligation and selflessness and focusing attention on matters of the soul. The intersecting experiences of friendship and religion speak to how spiritual networks helped people navigate a rapidly changing and often incomprehensible world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the gendered dimensions of US Army officers' relationships with family, wives and male friends. Openness to more flexible gender roles; Factors resulting such openness; Dissimilarities between officers and the commercial and professional middle class.

In the first half of the twentieth century, many African Americans in the South regarded owls as harbingers of death. This paper examines interviews conducted by the Works Progress Administration in the 1930s to investigate why former slaves repeatedly spoke of the screeching or hooting of an owl as a sign that death was nearby. This belief suggests that African Americans understood these birds to either possess or embody supernatural spirits that were able to move between the spiritual and material worlds, a passage that was very permeable in African- American culture. In an attempt to answer why African Americans regarded owls in this way, this article looks to the characteristics of owls as birds of prey in juxtaposition to black folklore from during and following the slavery era. Many slaves understood that after death, the soul of the deceased returned to the continent of Africa. Spiritual birds of flight facilitated this journey to the land of ancestors acting as guides for spirits or carriers of spirits of dead slaves in the afterlife. As Christianity became more widespread across the antebellum South, the notion of flight enabled slaves to remain confident that their souls would be carried to Heaven upon the snowy white wings of angels and cherubs. Birds and winged creatures were the epitome of liberté totale for enslaved African Americans, a freedom that was achieved through flight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an exploration into the social-religious perspectives of northern U.S. civilians during the Civil War era on death. The article asserts that a religious understanding of death enabled northern Americans to handle the grief caused by the unprecedented carnage of the Civil War through focusing their attention on the hope of eternal reunion in the afterlife. Discussion is given contrasting several constructions on death, citing the non-religious fatalistic view in opposition to the religious faith in a sovereign God.

This essay concerns a woman by the name of Adele Gordon. Adele Gordon was a nurse who, during the 1930s, operated a commercially-sponsored birth control clinic in the city of Milwaukee and who, in 1935; was arrested and tried for precisely these activities. However, while her story is the guiding theme of this narrative, her life (as well as the lessons to be learned from the history of medicine) invites us to consider the larger world in which her work took place, in particular the early days of the birth control clinic movement. Indeed, what this essay asks us to imagine is the presence of what I call the Irregular birth control clinic movement, a movement of clinics which continued to embody the supposedly lost radicalism of Margaret Sanger in the teens. And this Irregular clinic movement, in turn, invites us to re-think the efforts of the American Birth Control League in its quest for professionalization and the backing of the American Medical Association. Hence Nurse Gordon's story is an important one in part, because she is an intriguing individual who embodied an uncommon sense of modesty and determination, dignity and pride. But also because Nurse Gordon offers us a new way to tell the story of twentieth-century birth control, encouraging us to appreciate the breadth of the birth control clinic movement, the malleability of the birth control institution, and the American Birth Control League's efforts to contain them both. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research conducted at the New York State Reformatory for Women at Bedford under the direction of founding superintendent Katharine Bement Davis produced some of the most influential data on prostitution in the Progressive Era. While Davis and Bedford have figured prominently in histories of the women's prison reform movement, historical studies of the social response to prostitution in the Progressive Era, and feminist biographical accounts of women in early twentieth century reform crusades, the relationship between penal reform and the changing social organization of labor has been overlooked. This paper undertakes a critical reexamination of the Bedford data, demonstrating that while Davis advocated a social scientific approach to reform, she systematically displaced the significance of structural factors at two crucial levels: her studies of inmates and her own philosophy and practice of reform. Studies of inmates discounted the role of economic factors for women's entry into prostitution in favor of explanations that emphasized familial and personal weakness. The institutionalization, training, and parole of inmates functioned not simply to place inmates in domestic service but to effectively disqualify them from other sources of respectable employment. Viewed through the lens of a social organization of labor perspective, a previously neglected dimension of the logic and practice of reform is illuminated. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the social class origins of U.S. teachers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in the context of education history and quality of teaching. The author makes a review of research resources on this topic from the period and presents the results from the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS-USA ) from 1860 to 1920. The specifics of social class origins in the different U.S. regions are discussed along with the background of teachers' families and other factors determining their social class origins.

The article presents abstracts on the topic of social history which include public speaking in the 20th century U.S., demolition derbies in the U.S., and mustaches and masculinity in the U.S. in the 20th century.

This article discusses the role of dancing in the midst of modernity in popular culture in New Zealand between 1918 and 1945. Public dancing is popular in a farmer dominated society like the New Zealand of 1914. The popular dances at that time were the waltzes and square dances like Lancers, Schottisches and Velettas. Dancing provides entertainment and bonds of mutuality. However, the puritans along with the state has censured dancing as it is considered a vice or social evil like drinking. The Young Women's Christian Association regarded dancing as a danger to purity. Dances in the rural areas are more traditional than urban centers. However, modernity soon reached the rural areas. The arrival of U.S. servicemen challenged the puritanical values of New Zealand.

The author explores the living conditions, as well as the social and political policies of housing, African Americans in Cleveland, Ohio during World War II. Cleveland was a hub of war-time manufacturing during World War II and local companies quickly found that the city's industries had to import workers from the Southern U.S. in order to keep up with production quotas. Before the war started, Cleveland was already facing a housing shortage and the condition of many housing units was already sub-standard in 1940. The author explores local and federal housing guidelines, newspapers articles, and letters written by blacks seeking help from various government agencies.

This article presents a brief history of the mixture of race and censorship in postwar Memphis, Tennessee. The author charts how censors used their power of control over various media as a method to enforce segregation. When the U.S. Supreme Court made 'obscenity' the sole justification for censorship that become the word employed to limit the black population's exposure to depictions of interracial equality. One example was Censor Board member Lloyd Binford's banning of films like "Brewster's Millions" and "Sailor Takes a Wife."

Historians strongly associate the 1960s as marking the beginnings of radical changes in patients' orientation toward their rights. Yet the social and political context of the decades prior to the Second World War distinctly shaped the patient experience in much the same fashion that it gave form to the Civil Rights Movement, The patient struggle for autonomy at the US Public Health Service Hospital in Carville, Louisiana, in particular, must be located in the postwar period. Against the backdrop of how the institution was organized and administered from the 1920s to the 1930s, I focus in this paper on the conflict between patients and hospital administrators over control of institutional life in the 1950s, Their encounters exposed tension between Carville as home and as hospital. Given this focus, the patient challenge to the institutions, which reached a national audience, began to coalesce around the home in general and the kitchen in particular, mirroring the growing prominence of the political dimensions of suburban domesticity as a powerful democratic ideal. At Carville, the private "surburban" home represented freedom from the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comparative studies of the uses and changes of free time have been relatively rare in social history, especially in the 20th century. By reflecting on some of the ideas and findings generated by a new study that John Walton and Gary Cross conducted concerning the changes in the meanings and behaviors of playful crowds in the U.S. and Britain across the 20th century at Coney Island, Blackpool, Disneyland, and the Beamish Museum, this paper raises some of the possibilities and difficulties of doing a comparative social history of 20th century pleasure crowds. National and other differences will be considered in explaining why the Blackpool resort area survived much social change in the 20th century and Coney Island did not, as well as how Disneyland and the heritage site of Beamish reflected differing adaptations to middle class crowd and aesthetic sensibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to outline the social history of cheerfulness using the constructivist perspective on emotions. The role of cheerfulness in American society grew in relation to modern ideological frameworks and various economic and social factors. Embraced by the middle class since the eighteenth century for reasons of social identity and philosophical outlook, cheerfulness became a national emotional standard perceived by outsiders of the culture as part of the American character. It was fostered by a tradition of optimism, self-reliance and self-centeredness. Being socially and individually beneficial, it was cultivated in the Victorian family. In the industrial age, cheerfulness was found to be economically productive and was administered in the workplace by the managerial leadership. The lower classes engaged in it through the job market and other social pressures. Cheerfulness escalated in business and corporate culture with competition. Thus, it proved to be the most useful of emotions in an increasingly rational culture and was individually sought and socially encouraged until it became the emotional highlight of the American social landscape. In late capitalism cheerfulness has been commodified, commercialized and recycled by media, possibly with some repercussions on depression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a collection of abstracts for the article published in the March 2004 issue of the "Journal of Social History." Although marriage was invested with significant personal, ideological, economic, legal, and political importance in the late 19th-century in the United States, its endings and beginnings could be more fluid than the law suggested. By the 19th century, privacy was increasingly valued and increasingly scarce. While some culture critics attacked the willingness of publishers to expose private experiences to public scrutiny, others viewed this as an essential weapon in the arsenal of reform.

The article focuses on Michael J. Boyle, a salaried employee with a St. Paul, Minnesota's most prestigious dry goods firm. Boyle settled his debts, but he never attained the wealth and status that he had envisioned when he embarked upon his business "career." Socialized as an American go-getter, Michael J. Boyle learned to equate manhood with economic independence and social mobility. He considered himself a devout Catholic, and defended his beliefs on several occasions, but his diaries do not constitute the autobiographical reflections of a man seeking to reconcile his faith with the vicissitudes of capitalist culture.

Explores the rise of labor racketeering in the U.S in the 1930s. Notoriety of George Scalise, the president of the Building Service Employees International Union, in terms of organized crime; Contribution of organized crime to organized labor; Relationships between individual union leaders and organized crime.

From 1911 to 1966, the United States government operated a savings bank at local post offices. Throughout the early 20th century grassroots agitation to expand the Postal Savings System served as an oppositional political force to the power of bankers. Working people advocated a postal bank that would prioritize financial security, affordable credit, and macroeconomic stability. The banking fraternity aggressively opposed efforts that workers and farmers made to expand postal savings. The failure of more than one-fifth of the nation’s banks during the early Great Depression placed the private banking system’s future survival in doubt. The extension of postal savings was a distinct possibility. However, New Deal programs responded to the banking crisis by guaranteeing bank deposits and providing affordable credit to homeowners and farmers. These reforms reduced popular interest in extending postal savings. By 1966 the political opposition facing banking interests was much diminished. Bankers finally succeeded in terminating the Postal Savings System. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This multidisciplinary essay examines the hugely influential—yet surprisingly overlooked—Birth Series sculptures. Created in 1939 by Dr. Robert L. Dickinson (obstetrician-gynecologist and leader of the Planned Parenthood Federation of America) and sculptor Abram Belskie, they illustrate the process of human development from fertilization through delivery. First displayed at the 1939–1940 World's Fair in New York City, they were reproduced in a variety of forms and sent out across the United States and overseas. Hardly a brief fad, their popularity persisted into the 1980s. This essay has four purposes. First, it tells the stories of Dickinson and Belskie to appreciate their contributions as artists to twentieth-century medical knowledge. Second, it demonstrates that the sculptures serve as the missing link in the rise of modern twentieth-century visions of pregnancy, decades before Lennart Nilsson's much-heralded photographs in Life magazine in the 1960s. Third, it assesses the uniqueness of the visual story the Birth Series told, in that it depicted in utero development as a romantic tale that began with the union of sperm and egg and unfolded to reveal the birth of a precious child—imagery that would later become the hallmarks of the modern pro-life movement. Fourth, it addresses the conundrum of Dickinson's intent. A deeply religious man, Dickinson hardly intended to make a visual case against abortion. Rather, he believed firmly in the necessity of its practice, not despite his religious views but because of them. He then set out to make the religious case for contraception and abortion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Demonstrates that traditional pre-war notions of gender solidarity and women's special place in politics continued to exert powerful influence on white middle-class women's organizations in the era after suffrage in the United States during the 1920s. Peace movements; Transformation to modern feminism; Vision of female moral reform.

Focuses on industrial capitalism and its impact on the relationship between people in 19th-century Lowell and Lawrence, Massachusetts. Environmental aspects of industrial transformation; Social conflicts; Consequences of industrialization.

Early American concepts of spiritual friendship became increasing important in the wake of religious revivalism and denominational growth during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. White, middle class Protestants forged intimate relationships based on common religious beliefs, which developed into spiritual friendship. They exhibited friendliness by nurturing it in themselves and others and by spreading the love of Christ. Yet spiritual friends were to be selective; believers were to form friendships only with likeminded Protestants--both across classes and between genders--to keep each other on the path to righteousness. Spiritual friendship was not merely a social practice; it was a Christian duty that created a bond among true believers through Christian fellowship. Church meetings, household gatherings, leisure activity, conversation, and letter writing maintained spiritual friendship. The intimacy and depth of spiritual friendship generated by these wholesome pursuits resulted in sympathy as well as intimacy. The benefits of spiritual friendship included devoted companionship and intense interaction; through mutual feelings and shared beliefs, spiritual friendship became "this union of the soul." Spiritual friendship contributed to the development of modern notions of friendship, which were based primarily on emotional closeness rather than geographic proximity, familial connection, or class status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents abstracts on social history topics which include an article by David Prior on nationalism and international affairs in the U.S. during the postbellum period, an article by Sandra Swart on humor during and after the South African War, and an article by John C. Weaver on suicide in rural New Zealand.

This article investigates the relationship between American political culture and grassroots environmentalism in the 1970s. To do so, it examines how the white working class residents of Love Canal, New York, claimed health and a healthy environment as rights of citizenship. To date, the Canal has remained a sore spot for environmental scholarship; this article demonstrates how the analytic difficulties posed by the Canal stem from the crosscurrents of American political culture in the late 1970s. Canal residents put their local experience into several larger frames of reference: the rights and responsibilities of citizenship, the plight of Cuban and Vietnamese refugees, and a culture of skepticism toward government and medical authority. Residents' use of these frameworks illustrates two broader points about American political culture in the late 1970s. First, the claim to health as a right rather than a privilege, articulated by health radicals throughout the 1960s, had by the late 1970s been decoupled from its origins in left-liberal struggles. Second, the crosscurrents of localism, nativism, racism, and anti-authoritarianism characteristic of the reactionary populism of urban working-class whites could, quite logically for their proponents, co-exist with rights-based claims to health and a healthy environment. Love Canal demands that we embed our narratives about the development of environmental politics--environmental justice in particular--within a broader story about deregulation, the rise of the New Right, and the political and economic marginalization of the working class in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates grassroots mobilization around the 1964 Becker Amendment, which aimed to guarantee the constitutionality of religious exercises in American public schools. The proposed amendment was at the heart of a bitter public debate that followed two landmark Supreme Court rulings banning mandated prayer and Bible-reading. Yet in line with church/state scholarship more broadly, scholars of the Becker Amendment have privileged the voices of the elite, from church leaders to journalists and politicians. This article focuses instead on an extraordinary archive of some 13,000 letters for and against the amendment that were written by ordinary Americans. These letters, which have been overlooked by historians, offer a revealing window into popular opinion concerning religion in schools and the relationship between faith and government. Focusing on the letters shifts our understanding of the school prayer controversy in several ways. It brings to light the central role of women as activists. It shows the kinds of issues that resonated at the community level. The letters also demonstrate the complex role of emotion in driving and shaping the public debate. Finally, close scrutiny of the letters offers a grassroots view of the shifting alliances within the American religious landscape that would help power the rise of the Religious Right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented concerning the ritual of public execution of African Americans in U.S. southern states in the decades following the U.S. Civil War. The author discusses the social significance of public executions to African Americans and argues that the large crowds that attended the public execution of African Americans resembled an African American camp meeting or religious revival and challenged white authority. The article also discusses the gradual abolition of public executions by state legislatures.

The article discusses changes in women’s employment as clerks in the U.S. and Canada. The authors discuss the perception of clerical positions as work for women and comment on changes in those perceptions. The expansion of office work created greater demand for workers, leading to increased work opportunities in service industries for women following World War II and the feminization of clerical fields such as stenography and typing. The authors use census data and oral histories to reveal how women's employment related to demographic qualities such as marital status, education, race and age. The retention of women employees by banks following World War II and the use of office technology by women are noted.

The article interrogates two dominant, competing narratives concerning Iowa State University's (ISU) first African American student-athlete Jack Trice which were constructed between 1923 and 1984 along with the ways that each story has been used to suit particular political agendas. The first narrative, produced at the time of his death, represents Trice as a heroic figure and the second rendering surfaced in the early 1970s when ISU students rediscovered his legacy and invested it with contemporaneous socio-political issues of the civil rights movement. Students construed Iowa State administrators' opposition to Jack Trice Stadium as the continuation of a narrative of discrimination and bigotry that defined Trice's life is also explored.

The author discusses the problem of desertion during the Seven Years' War in Colonial North America. Between 1755 through 1762, over 2000 soldiers were listed in newspapers from Nova Scotia to Georgia as deserters with rewards offered for their return. The author offers an analysis of the advertisements to determine the possible reasons for desertions and the general traits that were reported about the deserters. A discussion of the two different armies, the King's Army, or Redcoats, and the provincial army, units composed from each individual colony, that fought in the war are also discussed.

This article argues that Milwaukee's anti-Chinese riot implicated a number of overlapping social anxieties. These include various volatile elements. Firstly, the meaning of "Chinese" in the United States at a time when a nationwide exclusion regime was being formed. Secondly, the fears of both "unruly" girls and the formation of urban girl subcultures during the late 19th century. In the end, the Milwaukee incident would be resolved with the direct punishment of Wisconsin's Chinese population and the indirect disciplining of Milwaukee's white girl population.

Focuses on the appearance of Richard Moore, a former slave and Union veteran before a Republican-controlled committee of Tennessee Assembly to testify against the whipping of masked men. Presentation of pistol and voter registration certificate; Identification of the entire gang; Assessment of civic equality law.

Focuses on the cultural aspects of strikes during 1934 to 1935 in New York City. Details on messages inherent in the strike-drama; Discussions regarding the strikes in Klein's and Ohrbach's stores; Factors causing strikes.

Provides information on newsboy funerals in the U.S. Details on historical studies of child mortality and mourning practices; Association of newsboys to the press; Attitudes of the society towards poor youths.

Examines reform campaigns to restrict U.S. children's access to the city at night from 1880 to 1930. Improvements in the scheduling of urban life; Boundaries of permissible sexuality; Significance of curfew movements.

Investigates the economic and living conditions of Afro-American workers in Chicago, Illinois during the 1920s. Discrimination in hiring and promotion policies; Surplus in labor supply due to the migration of blacks from the South; Residential segregation in the Afro-American neighborhoods of Chicago.

This article addresses the robust market in "Indian medicine" that flourished in the nineteenth century—partly due to the influence of urbanization, industrialization, and new technologies of print—and the specific roles that Indian doctresses played in that phenomenon. Indian doctresses in the United States operated at the intersection of cultural values and beliefs regarding womanhood, medicine, and American Indians. Not all of these women were of Native ancestry, but they all mobilized widespread ideas about Native peoples while seeking entrepreneurial success as healers. Using print culture, the author analyzes strategies employed by women who worked as Indian doctresses and patterns of reactions to their efforts. By combining profiles of women who worked as Indian doctresses with popular but not always positive representations of the type, the article offers a kind of composite biography of an occupation. Women from a wide variety of backgrounds fused caregiving skills with popular assumptions—particularly those involving "indigenous anti-modernity"—to make a living. In this way, Indian doctresses also became useful symbolic figures upon whom changing conceptions of race, gender, and class could be projected and debated. The author thus aims to shed new light not only on histories of American medicine but also on the labors of American women and the business of Indian representation during the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Investigates the process of the development of illegal drug distribution in Chicago, Illinois between 1890 and 1940. Legislation sought to control the legal distribution of drugs; Problems emerging from the distribution of cocaine; How drug sellers conducted their business.

This essay traces the evolution of the motto "health is wealth" from its origins as an anticapitalist argument made by antebellum sanitary reformers to its acceptance as a fundamental principle of organized public health in the United States. Sanitarians originally coined the phrase "health is wealth" to counter the capitalist maxim "labor is wealth." Because city leaders were businessmen who understood economic arguments, public health reformers increasingly gave health a monetary value in order to win over this audience and change urban governance. Although "health is wealth" momentarily co-opted the logic of capitalism in order to successfully make the case for institutionalizing public health within municipal and state governments, the phrase ultimately wrote economic values into the purpose and functions of public health boards and departments. In the course of advancing a proactive public health that prevented both endemic and epidemic diseases, sanitarians reduced the perception of health from a common good to a commodity. The economic logic employed by early reformers is critical, not only for understanding how the long reach of early American capitalism touches us today but also for recognizing that modern public health functions in the way it was created, as a capitalist system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies the allegations of the use of government-funded birth control programs to promote Afro-American genocide in the 1960s. Causes of dispute between male genocide theorists and black women and their supporters; Anti-birth control in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, which mirrored national developments; Claims of Afro-American women on the their use of birth control.

Focuses on the two aspects of prison life at the Massachusetts State Prison at Charleston in the nineteenth century. Behaviors of the prisoners and its specific nature; Highlighting of important contradictions in the rehabilitative agenda of the institution; Examinations on its educational program; Key features of the rehabilitative objectives of the institution.

Examines the Ursuline convent in Charlestown, Massachusetts, that was destroyed by a Protestant working-class mob in the year 1834. Compares the experiences of Rebecca Reed, a farmer's daughter whose allegations against the nuns caused the riot, with the superiors of the Ursuline community; Causes the convent's destruction.

Studies the creation of a middle-class identity in the 18th-century Philadelphia, Pennsylvania during the yellow fever epidemic of 1793. Event as a window onto the values, sensibilities, and behaviors of those who defined themselves as part of the middle class.

Evaluates the inequality of wealth and income among professional employees in the Chicago, Illinois area between 1870 to 1920. Extent of inter and intraoccupational inequality and stratification; Income comparison of elite and practitioners; Concept of occupational stratification.

Discusses the changing role of women in society focusing on how middle-class mothers relate to their daughters in light of this change of role. How women were viewed in previous decades; Examples of some problems which face maternal relationships; What may have contributed to women's success in the nineteenth and twentieth century; Importance of the mother-daughter relationship to society.

Focuses on the emergence of merchants in rural market towns in eighteenth-century Northampton, Massachusetts. Role of merchants in the development of capitalism; Retail trade as a full-time occupation; Influx of new settlers into western Massachusetts.

Examines the implications of the paper ballot election regarding the issuance of licenses for the retail sale of liquors in New York in 1846. Authority of issuing permits to taverns and public houses to serve liquor; Limitations of the law; Opposition of temperance men on the prohibition of liquor sales.