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This paper focuses on Pan-Africanism as a critical thought within lens used to engage and critique different approaches to disability of the body. The paper uses the Sankofa (return to the source) conceptualization process as a way to revisit/resurge the Nkrumah's ideology in order to better understand the disabling structures that have created disablement in Africa, which has lead to disabilities for people in Africa. Therefore, it is argued that such a resurgent will lead to a critical Nkrumahist Pan-African disability theory that views disability and disablement from a pre-colonial cultural social political economic context, rather than from a biological or restrictive social lens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the relational journey of direct descendants of enslaved African people in the United States and new voluntary African immigrants to the U.S. born in Africa. The paper begins by tracing the connection between African people born in Africa and the African Diaspora back to the turn of the 19th century when the twin struggles of Black nationalism in Africa and the civil rights movement in the United States reinforced each other, culminating into the birth of Pan-Africanism. The paper then analyzes the apparent social and political disconnect between old and the new Diasporic African people in contemporary America against the background of diminished Pan-African spirit; guided by a Critical Race theoretical framework as the author hypothesizes that mainstream racism inherent in U.S. society plays a prominent role in the dynamics of the social and political distance between old and new Diasporic African people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of the essay is to provide a first-hand account of the proceedings, study sessions, cultural events, cultural trends, Pan-African discussions, and findings during the "2nd Kwame Nkrumah Pan-African Intellectual & Cultural Festival" that convened June 25th-July 1st 2017, at the Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, in Accra. The theme of the festival was "Global Africa 2063: Education for Reconstruction and Transformation." Delegations, students, activists, artists, and statespersons attended the conference with focus on reflecting on the historical contributions of Pan-Africanism and to provide a future projection for Pan-Africanism to assist with the goals and objectives of "Agenda 2063." This article will provide a summary of Pan-African activities currently in African diasporic communities, among theorists and in organizations. Themes in repatriation, Pan-African literature, Walter Rodney, Kwame Nkrumah, current activist-scholars, and an Africological perspective of history, politics and culture are summarized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the film "Black Panther" of director Ryan Coogler. Particular focus is given to the concept of "Pan Africanism" in the film which depicts consciousness and the mutual responsibility of African descendants to free themselves from oppression and exploitation. It outlines the character development in the film and describes their role in the fictitious African nation of Wakanda.

This paper provides a biographical sketch of Pan African activist-scholar David L. Horne and chronicling over forty years of Pan African organizing and scholarly contributions. In addition, the paper explores the significance of his experiences via the Sixth Pan African Congress in Tanzania in 1974, his active participation in the All African People's Revolutionary Party, and his contribution in organizing the African Diaspora as the Sixth Region of the African Union. Horne has chaired the Pan African Studies Department at California State University at Northridge, served as editor of the Journal of Pan African Studies of the Department of Africana Studies at California State University at Northridge, and the Journal of African Studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article informs on the speakers of the journal. Topics discussed include senior editor of Itibari M. Zulu who focuses on African American relationships, and Pan Africanism; historian Runoko Rashidi who focuses on fostering African presence in Asia, Australia, and the Pacific Islands; and ethnomusicologist Doris Green who focuses on writing the music of percussion instruments, and aligning it with dance movements.

This paper probes two major research questions: First, what does the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA) symbolize to its members; and second, what do CODESRIA's symbols represent? In order to answer these questions, the Diopian Methodology is employed. Three sources were utilized to collect the necessary data for the study. One of the sources is an E-mail questionnaire sent to a sample of 299 nonrandomly/ non-probability selected CODESRIA members asking them to answer the following question: What does CODESRIA symbolize to you? The other two sources comprised CODESRIA's Charter and its Emblem. The substantive findings generated after the data collected were systematically analyzed by using the qualitative descriptive and linguistic semantic techniques within the context of the generality of the African presence in the world. Results suggest that CODESRIA symbolizes Abrahamic connections (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam), African Nationalism, essential dignity, gnoseology, and Ubuntu. It is therefore suggested that CODESRIA develop an ambassadorship approach through which its members in various countries might be encouraged to get their governments and young scholars to know more about the institution's ethos and work. Such an initiative is vital because it will give the institution more visibility and penetration comparable to those of foreign institutions of similar stature with presence on the African continent, as many of these institutions undermine CODESRIA's commitment to an alternative narrative on Africa's potential and prospects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of California State University, Los Angeles' Department of Pan-African Studies (PAS), and it mentions the Black Studies educational field/discipline, as well as other programs such as African American Studies and Africology. According to the article, PAS was established as a program in 1967. The Black Lives Matter social movement and Ethnic Studies programs are assessed, along with a new Black Student Movement, Black Power, and Black liberation.

The article presents the profile of speakers of the Journal of Pan African Studies (JPAS) Speakers Bureau including senior editor Itibari M. Zulu, writer Runoko Rashidi, and ethnomusicologist Doris Green. Topics include the speakers' contributions to JPAS including lectures on critical thinking, teaching African dance, and enslavement study.

This paper critically analyzes Afro-Cuban, African-American solidarity movements and contemporary Cuba from an African centered political ecology perspective. It considers that historically solidarity movements have generally supported the Cuban revolutionary project because of its stated commitment to economic and racial justice. Thus, this exercise addresses four key areas: theoretical assumptions of African-centered political ecology; the historical development of U.S. foreign policy toward Cuba, contextualizing the Obama administration's shift from Cold War strategies; the ideological tendencies that have historically shaped African-American, Afro-Cuban solidarity movements; and the linkages that exist between race, socioeconomic inequality, and the environment, and its implications for ideological clarity within African-American, Afro-Cuban solidarity work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Convinced that pan-phonetic partnership is capable of enhancing knowledge generation while promoting intra-Africa cooperation and cooperation with other parts of the world, the article proposes linguistic pan-Africanism (a platform of synergy among phoneticians of African extraction, working in institutions of higher education both in Africa and elsewhere in the world, with a long term purpose of producing a phonetic map of African languages) as a way of correcting a perceived imbalance in the rating of the linguistic biography of the African when compared with that of his European counterpart, and reversing a seeming tendency of not sufficiently singing the potentials of a continent whose plethora of indigenous languages provide a fertile ground for robust research in Instrumental/Experimental Phonetics. Structured in two parts, the first part of the paper provides a theoretical framework on endoglossic celebration, while the second part outlines the roadmap for pan-phonetic partnerships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interview with Nahas Angula, former prime minister of the Republic of Namibia, is presented. He discusses the establishment of the Pan-African Institute for the Study of African Society (PAISAS) by a group of Pan-Africanists. Angula explains the aim of PAISAS to research and document the African experience and the African condition. He also comments on the relationship between PAISAS and the African Union.

The article explores the aspiration of African people in general to be united with others of African descent within an African nation. It describes the history of the first systematic depopulation of Africa by the Arabs and the impact of slavery on the natural mode of development within Africa. It also discusses Pan-Africanism, an ideology expressing the unity in struggle of the African nation.

The article presents the text of a speech delivered by Julius W. Garvey, a New York-based cardiothoracic and vascular surgeon, in July 2015. Topics of the speech included the vision of his father, Jamaican political leader Marcus Garvey, for Africans, his father's promotion of Pan Africanism and the importance of collective action to realize his father's vision.

This article examines the identity choices of African immigrant youth in a pan-African church in a small U.S. city, illuminating their struggle to define themselves within oversimplified U.S. racial categories that label them as a person of African origins ('black') and African American. First, it argues that segmented assimilation (the concept frequently used to explain how non-white immigrant youth are incorporated into U.S. society) does not sufficiently address how these young people create hybrid identities at the intersection of their racial, ethnic, class, and religious identities. Secondly, it suggests that immigrant youth, particularly those living in smaller U.S. cities, regularly cross, reinforce, and blur social boundaries among a range of social groups in a process better described as hybrid assimilation, which often causes feelings of identity confusion as well as opportunities for daily navigating, contesting, and adding new meaning to an African American identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the aspiration of African people in general to be united with others of African descent within an African nation. It describes the history of the first systematic depopulation of Africa by the Arabs and the impact of slavery on the natural mode of development within Africa. It also discusses Pan-Africanism, an ideology expressing the unity in struggle of the African nation.

This paper discusses African American journalist, Claude Barnett, and the role he played in covering the transition of the Pan-African movement of African politicians and activists in the newly liberated nation-states based on the Claude A. Barnett Papers at Chicago History Museum's archives and manuscripts division. Barnett founded Associated Negro Press wire service that served Black Americans and the diaspora from 1919-1967. In 1960, he established the World News Service wire service to document the Pan-African unity conferences which ultimately led to the creation of the Organization of African Unity. Also, he was familiar with the liberated African countries; he had relationships with Liberian President Tubman and Ghanaian President Kwame Nkrumah who played notable roles in the conferences held to determine how Pan-African tenets could be operationalized in independent African nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper calls for a Pan-African vision rooted in the historical struggles of the colonized as a means to think through contemporary challenges facing Africa. The discussion strives to make sense of the current state of affairs in Somalia from a Pan-African perspective, and works to historicize Somalia and draw attention to its nuances by affirming the place of African peoples to exercise true social, political, and economical self-determination. In this inquest, the author locates himself in the conversation to indicate how he comes to engage with Pan-Africanism as he articulates theoretical frameworks and operationalize as he draws on his understanding of Pan-Africanism. Second, the paper discusses the importance of re-thinking Pan-Africanism both as a social movement and as an anticolonial political ideology, and as a guiding framework in the struggle of the Somali people. And finally, the paper concludes by offering pedagogical possibilities of thinking through a Pan-African vision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kwame Nkrumah's Independence declaration speech was widely seen as a key rhetorical moment in the fight towards decolonization in Africa. The purpose of this essay is to unravel reasons why the speech was not only quintessential to Ghana's transition into an independent nation, but also crucial to Africa's long journey towards freedom from Western imperialism. Hence, it is argued that the significance of Nkrumah's rhetorical invention is in the symbolic birth of a new nation, providing rhetorical force to the Pan Africa agenda, and in performing the role of a high priest in a civil religious ceremony with citizens of a new nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a speech by Motsoko Pheko, former president of the revolutionary movement Pan Africanist Congress, delivered at the World-Wide Pan African convention held in Orlando, Soweto, and Azania, South Africa from June 13-15, 2016. Topics mentioned include the Pan Africanism, the advocacy of the political union of all the indigenous inhabitants of Africa, the capitalism in the country, and the financial management.

The focus of this study is to bring out an appropriate methodology and present the function of universities in discussing the need for a collective and institutional portage of the United States of Africa and African Renaissance offers a social, cultural and economic vision of Africa, whereas, the United States of Africa presents an essentially political view of Africa. We insist that be a vision, because of its remote nature from the daily masses concerns, needs specific treatment to gradually take root in the collective memory and serve as a compass for the future. Second, we place particular emphasis on the function of the historical African communities scattered around the world with Africa as their original geographic base. Thus we argue that a collective portage of the binomial concept of African Renaissance-United States of Africa should stimulate the large constitutive movement for African people eager to live together as one, although scattered throughout the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study adopted a survey approach to assess the level of awareness and understanding of Pan-African ideology among African nationals (people of African heritage that live in Africa). The samples consist of 680 African nationals from Nigeria, Mali, Cameroon, Malawi, Kenya, Ethiopia, Zimbabwe and Canada. Findings reveal that Pan-Africanism and African Renaissance are rarely discussed on national media (55.6%) and local media (54.5%); social media (36.4%) and educational institutions (36.4%) constitute the major source of awareness of the concepts among African nationals. However, the ideology of Pan- Africanism has been applied successfully in conflict prevention, management and resolution (but not in respect for human rights), and African nationals are convinced that Pan-Africanism promotes Africa's shared values and identity. We conclude that Pan-Africanism ideology is changing with structural transformation inherent in the globalization process; therefore there is a need for the reconstruction and rebranding of the ideology in order to survive neocolonialism inherent in the capitalist slave-driven and exploitative corporate globalization being promoted in the 21st century. Hence, African governments need to seize opportunity of the booming interned technology to promote the ideology of Pan-Africanism from grassroots to all levels of society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Birthed by Shirley Graham Du Bois and other Black Leftists, Freedomways magazine (1961- 1985) has always occupied a curious position in the history of American quarterly literary magazines, also known as "little magazines." It was a Black intellectual magazine, published by Black Communists and funded by white Communists, that promoted an official Marxist-Leninist philosophy in a time period of significant liberal Civil Rights Movement gains domestically and a revival of Black nationalism and Pan-Africanism domestically and internationally. Among the founding contributors to Freedomways magazine was John Henrik Clarke (1915-1998), the Harlem-based Pan-Africanist historian. This article discusses a 1982 public dispute Clarke had with a leader of the Black Communist Party USA, James E. Jackson, whose wife, Esther Cooper Jackson, was a Freedomways founding editor. It led to Clarke's public resignation from the magazine in 1983. The dispute, the authors argue, was an outgrowth of the editorial conflict within Freedomways between Pan-Africanism and Marxism, a perspective largely ignored by existing scholarship concerning the periodical and the "Popular Front" ideology of the Communist Party USA (CPUSA). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article informs that Cuba has joined Committee of Caribbean Regional Initiation of the Caribbean for promoting actions aimed at the recognition of Panafricanist thinking. Topics discussed include contextualizing the Panafricanist philosophy with the national reality, and visualizing the importance of the Unit of the African Diaspora; promotiing the pan-Africanist knowledge by rescuing Afro-descendant expressions; and promoting spaces of solidary and cooperative economy.

This paper interrogates the Kwame Anthony Appiah's concept of cosmopolitanism and the new paradigm of Afropolitanism in relation to Pan-Africanism. It argues that cosmopolitanism develops out of racialist discourse of 18th century Enlightenment thinkers, who created codes still operational in the stereotypes attached to blackness today. It challenges the ideas of a post-racial society, by positioning in the violence enacted on black bodies today. It further interrogates Edward Wilmot Blyden's Pan- Africanist concepts to re-situate the trajectory of the Pan-African movement in its beginnings as a global, Afro-humanist tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares speeches made to Harlem audiences by Ghana's Jerry Rawlings ("Harlem Salutes Jerry Rawlings") and Burkina Faso's Thomas Sankara ("Our White House is in Black Harlem") during the 1980s and 90s with the purpose of gaining further insight into the circumstances from which they came to power, although they held different political policies and had outcomes in their governance. Yet, because of their similar backgrounds, friendship and proximity to each other, many scholars during the 1980s were quick to lump Rawlings and Sankara together based on biography and rhetoric rather than policy. In retrospect, this was inadequate and misleading. This paper will explain why this initial assessment was incorrect by noting how critical the 1980s- 90s proved to be as structural adjustment policies began to spread across Africa, altering the political and economic landscape of many countries for decades to come. With the benefit of hindsight and focus on these two speeches made to the diaspora, this paper will take a more nuanced and critical look at each leader, the nations they governed and the revolutions they presided over. Overall, this work will shed light on West Africa's political diversity and the variety of ways post-colonial leaders used Pan-African tropes to engage the diaspora for their own immediate political ends, a trend that continues in the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Pan African struggle for unity, freedom, and independence was intensified in East, Central, and Southern Africa with the establishment of Pan African Freedom Movement for East and Central Africa (PAFMECA) in 1958. The Organization changed its name to Pan African Freedom Movement for East, Central, and Southern Africa (PAFMECSA) in 1962 to include southern African countries. The organization has been mostly ignored by scholars and is seen as having accomplished very little. Closer examination of PAFMECA/PAFMECSA shows that the organization helped advance the struggle for freedom and independence. The organization provided a platform for independence movements from different countries to coordinate their activities and build unity. The organization initiated numerous successful campaigns. One example is the boycott South Africa campaign. The organization initiated the boycott South Africa Boycott campaign in the region and eventually implemented the campaign in Tanganyika (Tanzania) and Kenya. PAFMECSA's campaign to unite independence groups from Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) and efforts made to put pressure on the British colonial government to set a date for Legislative Council elections was a success; the election would allow the African nationalists to gain control of the legislative body and set motion towards independence. While the organization carried out successful campaigns to advance the independence movements, efforts made to establish regional unity through political Federation were unsuccessful. This failure was partly the result of outside interference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The visual arts and art history in general provide a powerful lens to understand the Diaspora. Regardless of what aspect of the Diaspora one examines, images of varying types can add depth to how someone can understand of power and experience. In this article I examine the role visual arts played in the Black Power movement and the positive impact it has had on the field of Pan-African Studies. I accomplish this examination through the discussion of several works of art to illustrate the importance of incorporating more visual arts into the field and its curricula. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the success of the Pan-African Studies Department of the University of Louisville in Kentucky, which has celebrated its 40th anniversary in 2013. Topics discussed include the history of the Pan-African Studies program, the footprint of Black Studies in U.S. higher education as of 2014 and the challenges facing the department in the 21st century.

As part of the 40th annual celebration of the Department of Pan-African Studies, the department took the time to reflect upon the roles that five of its "Elders" - Professor Jan Carew, Dean J. Blaine Hudson, Dr. Robert Douglas, Dr. Susan J. Herlin, and Dr. Yvonne V. Jones --played in the development and sustenance of the department. This article draws from their observations at the September 2013 event, subsequent follow-up interviews, and archival materials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the history, relevance and successes of the graduate programs in the Department of Pan-African Studies at the University of Louisville, through the perspectives and voices of former graduates. The findings reveal that students are motivated to pursue graduate programs in Black Studies because of exposure to African American courses, the need to learn more about the Black experience, and mentorship by Black faculty. They collectively agreed that although many of them were born after the Civil Rights Movement, and that conditions and outcomes of racism appear different, the relevance of Black Studies remains. They also reported that the PAS graduate program and faculty, along with other Black faculty members who mentored and tutored them along the way, reignited their passion and commitment to keeping a social mission tied to their academic pursuit and work. Overall, the results bore several similarities to the original social, economic and political factors that gave birth to Black Studies as a discipline. The graduates voiced several examples of how the methodological, theoretical and epistemological training they received in the PAS MA program prepared them for doctoral programs, other graduate programs, and for professional careers 'lifting as they climbed'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black students enrolled in predominantly White colleges and universities (PWCs) have historically had difficulty persisting and graduating at the same rate as their White counterparts. In constructing services for Black students in their transition to college, institutions have overlooked the academic programs designed to support Black students and their intellectual and interpersonal development and thereby positively impacting their retention and graduation rates. At the University of Louisville, the growth and development of the Department of Pan-African Studies (PAS) over the past 40 years has contributed to the "Black Studies Effect." This article examines the empirical research on students who have taken courses in or graduated from PAS and its impact on their academic performance, rate of persistence, and racial identity formation from the theoretical viewpoint of resiliency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the immediate aftermath of World War I, later historian and journalist Rayford W. Logan, became interested in the international plight of black people and joined the Pan-African Congress movement of W.E.B. Du Bois in the 1920s. As a Pan-Africanist, Logan was critical of European colonialism in Africa and the West Indies through the Mandate System established in the Treaty of Versailles by the Allied victors of World War I. His subsequent career interest as a historian and professor of history was in part focused on the failure of the Western powers through the League of Nations to improve conditions in their respective colonial territories and to prepare blacks for eventual self-government. Although a World War I veteran, Logan was an astute critic of U.S. foreign policy and inequality in the U.S. military. This was coupled with his subsequent rise within the ranks of the Pan-African movement although much lesser known than his contemporaries such as Du Bois, Marcus Garvey and Cyril Briggs. Logan's involvement in the early Pan-African Congresses between 1921 and 1927 perpetuated his development into a Pan-Africanist thinker. He wrote dozens of scholarly articles about colonialism in Africa and the West Indies for nearly twenty years between the two world wars. After becoming the chairman for the Committee for the Participation of Negroes in National Defense Programs [CPNNDP] for the Pittsburgh Courier in 1940, he began to advocate for the full inclusion of blacks in the defense industries and combat units in World War II. At the end of the war, Logan was commissioned by the Courier to cover the founding conferences of the United Nations. In this capacity, Logan's vast background as a World War I veteran, a Pan- Africanist, a historian, a civil-rights activist and a professor of history prepared him to critique the Charter established by the UN and its impact on the future of Africa and the African Diaspora. The African diaspora is a triadic relationship linking a dispersed group of people to the homeland, Africa, and to their host or adopted countries. Diasporas develop and reinforce images and ideas about themselves and their original homelands, as well as affect the economies, politics, and social dynamics of both the homeland and the host country. Diasporas are therefore significant factors in national and international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Six years after assuming the presidency of a newly independent Senegal, Leopold Sédar Senghor, with the support of UNESCO, convened the First World Festival of Negro Arts and Culture in Dakar held from April 1-24, 1966. The Dakar Festival was Senghor's attempt to highlight the development of his country and "his" philosophy, Négritude. Margaret Danner, a Afro-North American poet from Chicago and attendee of the Festival referred to him as "a modern African artist, as host; / a word sculpturer (sic), strong enough to amass / the vast amount of exaltation needed to tow his followers through / the Senegalese sands, toward their modern rivers and figures of gold." For Danner and many other Black cultural workers in North America, the prospects of attending an international festival on the African continent intimated that cultural unity among Africans and Afro-descendants was rife with possibility. What is more, for a brief historical juncture, Senghor and his affiliates were able to posit Négritude as a viable philosophical model in which to realize this unity. However, upon critical reflection, a number of the Black cultural workers who initially championed the Dakar Festival came to express consternation at the behind the scenes machinations which severely weakened the "lovely dream" of "Pan-Africa." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although interdisciplinary research is not new, combining mathematics and the study of African culture in this manner is a relatively new approach. Bridging various disciplines allows for the creation of new ideas and innovative ways of learning and introducing new concepts. Pluridisciplinary methodology, the approach utilized in this paper, allows one to use qualitative and quantitative techniques to analyze text. Looking at Alexander Crummell's work through a pluridisciplinary lens offers a new way of analyzing research in African Studies specifically. The paper, to the best of my knowledge, is also the first major systematic analysis of The Future of Africa. The purpose of this paper is to delineate the fractal complexity of Alexander Crummell's work that influenced Black Nationalism and Pan-African thought. Alexander Crummell has been called the eloquent voice of the Pan-African movement. He was known not only as a Black Nationalist but also as a Pan-Africanist for his belief of uniting Africans in the Diaspora and on the continent. The analysis indicates what W.E.B. Du Bois called double consciousness. Crummell, an American, returned to Liberia to spread Christianity where he represented the views of the colonizers and his homeland America; however, he still wanted to connect and represent the views of Africans as a Black man. The findings demonstrate this internal struggle faced by many in the Diaspora at the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The search for Africa's political unity has been one of the underlying ideas drawn from Pan- Africanism for several decades. Besides political leaders such as Sékou Touré and Modibo Keita with similar ideas on continental unity, Kwame Nkrumah was the central figure who vigorously championed the cause for Africa's political unity. The role of Nkrumah as the iconic personality for the unification movement continues to attract scholarly attention and debate. This article contributes to the literature on Pan-Africanism and African unity by examining Nkrumah's ideas and decision making through the lens of his leadership traits and personality styles. Grounded on the existing scholarly works in the field, the article employs the theoretical framework of Leadership Trait Analysis (LTA) to examine the way Nkrumah's leadership traits shaped his decision making on Pan-Africanism and African unity. The article finds some utility in the theory (LTA) and concludes that Nkrumah's decision making was partly driven by his leadership traits and personality styles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the occasion of the celebration of 50 years of Kiswahili as a language of African Liberation, unification and Renaissance, this paper seeks to appraise the historic role Ghana has played in the bid to support the promotion of Kiswahili on the continent. In addition, it argues that although Nkrumah's Pan-Africanist ideologies and advocacy for its adoption as a continental lingua franca formed the key motivational factor for the adoption of Kiswahili by institutions such as the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation, Ghana Institute of Languages and the University of Ghana, today, there is still a legitimate need for the adoption of Kiswahili as a continental lingua franca. Notwithstanding the fact that the promotion of Kiswahili in Ghana has declined, in view of the potential that it still possess as a possible continental lingua franca for Africa, Ghana and other stake holders such as the Kiswahili speaking states and indeed the African Union (AU) ought to do their best to pursue the worthy quest for the adoption of Kiswahili as a continental lingua franca as a common language will be a catalyst to the achievement of political, economic and social unity in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an annotated bibliography of selected electronic journals in the field of Pan-African studies, which the author believes reflect the vision of Pan-Africanists Reverend Alexander Crummell, Dr. Martin Delaney and Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois for a platform of knowledge transmission. A vision of Pan-African knowledge transmission is realized in various journals including "Spectrum: A Journal on Black Men," "Cadernos de Estudos Africanos," and "Journal of Pan African Studies."

Many scholars of Pan-Africanism acknowledge W.E.B. Du Bois as one of the movement's ideological progenitors. With his intellectual and organizational endeavors, he helped establish the Pan African Congress (PAC) in the early part of the 20th Century. However, while many accounts of Du Bois focus intently on his leadership of the PAC through the late 1920s, he remained actively involved in Pan African liberation movements up until the time of his death in 1963. This article examines the evolution of Du Boisian Pan-Africanism, focusing specifically on the role that the Fifth Pan-African Congress in 1945 and the subsequent independence of Ghana played in radicalizing his political and intellectual position on African unity. For, in addition to his commitment to exposing the racist and capitalist forces that oppressed Black people, the issue that dominated much of Du Bois's later scholarly and activist endeavors was his unwavering commitment to revolutionary Pan-Africanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The apartheid governance which was practised in South Africa was not a human error, as we have been made to believe by Western academics. It was a deliberate machination of the desperate settlers in terms of human mental, spiritual, physical and cultural decapitation of South African majority Black population to completely obliterate their traditional, cultural and customary norms. During the struggle for Black emancipation, many prominent South Africans made contributions towards peaceful settlement of the impasse perpetrated by the apartheid government. The significant contribution made by Steve Bantu Biko still lies unveiled. His untimely death -- which I consider as deliberate murder -- has never been theoretically and epistemologically explained to reveal why he was brutally murdered in his prison cell. This paper is the first brave attempt to reveal the theoretical epistemology behind his untimely murder to alert other fellow Blacks worldwide who want to emancipate their compatriots of the need to know and be on their guard to avert sick brutal killings should their ideological postulations, like Biko's Black Consciousness, pose any visible threats to the survival of the capitalist hegemonic society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The endeavors of the Pan-Africanist movements not only united historical personages across continents and across centuries but also provided a meeting point for both historical and histrionic representations of Pan-Africanism. This paper observes that both the history and the histrionic representation of Pan-Africanism are unified by the theme of Africa and the goals of validating African history and culture. They are also united by the tropes of struggle--including solidarity, resistance and optimism. However, there are also substantial differences in histrionic representation across African entities globally. This paper compares the Pan-Africanist aesthetics of some of the acknowledged masters in African drama (for example Soyinka and Osofisan), and some of the acknowledged masters in Caribbean drama (for example Walcott, Hill and Braithwaite), in terms of how their dramas relate to historical Pan-Africanism. The paper shows that, where the latter tends more towards historical representativeness in the relevant drama, the former has tended more towards mythology in its representation of Pan-Africanism. The difference shows in an interesting way how the mode of representation of history in drama is itself subject to exigencies of history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the works of writers who are innovative and traditional at the same time with a keen eye on the "universal" to reach towards humanism via Paulo Colina, Salgado Maranhão, and Márcio Barbosa. Hence, their comparative commonality within the trope of "interfacial archetypes" is conceived since all these cultural producers choose the urban setting for their imaginative works even when their subject matter transcends a fixed setting and includes a traditional or rural setting. The choice between the urban and the rural is a false option for the exigency of modernity and postmodernity demands that even the "rural" become subject to the critique of "primitivism" and "exoticism" that is usually associated with subaltern and indigenous societies. The very urban nature of slavery in Brazil especially in the geo-economics and politics of Coffee in São Paulo, Sugarcane in the Northeast, and Gold in Minas Gerais, ensured the post-emancipation location of African descendants in the urban areas. Even with the effects of labor migration from "arid" to "greener" pastures, such as from the Northeast to the South, did not have a significant economic reconfiguration or betterment of life as these "migrant populations" were contained within a space that is now known as favela [Slum]-- a space that may be seen as both private and public. Within this shifting space and location, African cultures and religions survived in Brazil to the extent that the relics take on their own identity with universal ethos--hence the interfacial connections between the ancestral, the urban, and the human condition. This essay was originally part of the book, Afro- Brazilians: Cultural Production in a Racial Democracy (2009) which partly explains the 1987-2003 references, the period wherein Afro-Brazilian cultural production was at its best due to the centennial celebration of the abolition of slavery (1888) in Brazil in 1988 that allowed Afro-Brazilian artistic and cultural production to flourish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the annual Cheikh Anta Diop International Conference which will be sponsored by the Diopian Institute for Scholarly Advancement (DISA) in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania from October 12-13, 2012.

This article examines African American participation in the anti-apartheid campaign to expel the South African Olympic Committee from the 1968 Olympics as a lens into the influence of Pan-Africanism on the development of Black Power in the U.S. in the 1960s and 1970s. The first two sections demonstrate that continental Pan-Africanism rejuvenated racial Pan-Africanism among African Americans, including participation in the anti-apartheid in sports campaign. Many U.S. civil rights activists hoped that by allying with the emergent African bloc, they would strengthen their own movements. The latter sections explain that although most nationalists and liberals' agreed that African liberation was critical to the legitimacy of the Black Freedom Struggle, their responses to African liberation movements, including the anti-apartheid in sports campaign, differed, primarily because of Cold War concerns. The situation was emblematic of the differences between Cold War liberals, those advocating working through the federal government and courts as the best means of civil rights advancement, on one hand, and Black Power and nationalist-minded intellectuals, who suggested that eliminating institutionalized racism required socioeconomic reforms that exceeded gradual liberalism, on the other. The article concludes that despite continuing influential Cold War concerns, the influence of Pan- Africanism moved most African American activists toward an uncompromising position of support for African liberation by the late 1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses way the principle of sovereignty influenced the ideological framework of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and its successor, the African Union (AU). While both the OAU and the AU represent the institutionalization of Pan-Africanism, this paper argues that by entrenching the notion of popular sovereignty in its constitution and peace and security institutions, the AU has a greater capacity to achieve the ideals of Pan-Africanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The African independence movement of the second half of the twentieth century achieved only a part of its goal to disconnect the imperial tether to African natural and human resources. The African Liberation Movement was first led by the Pan-African Nationalists of the African Unity Movement but eventually was sidelined by neocolonialist maneuvers. The African Union has the potential to revitalize the African Unity Movement and continue the work to consolidate African Independence by building the United States of Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the general history of African education from ancient times to the modern day efforts made at institutionalizing Pan-African education. It states that the history affirms that African people's educations have not always been in the hands of Arabs, Europeans, and Americans. It notes that the African treatment of African people's education could motivate a few scholars and students to examine how and where their own peculiar interests in African people's education fit.

Integral to Kwame Nkrumah's vision of Pan-Africanism was the concept of Continental Union Government for Africa. Nkrumah was one of several leading radical Pan-Africanists of the 1960s such as Julius Nyerere, Modibo Keita, Patrice Lumumba, and Sékou Touré. Aside from his passionate commitment to building and realizing Continental unity, Nkrumah's prolific written work and speeches contain other equally important bequests. These intellectual and political legacies are the focus of this article. For analytical purposes, whilst the two i.e. the intellectual and the political are inextricably linked, they will be interrogated separately. They shall be examined in no order of priority. The objective of this article is to critically examine these legacies and illustrate their continuing relevance to acute developmental problems and issues confronting Africans today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concerns of Pan-Africanists, their philosophies and politics naturally depended on the times they were living in. Nevertheless the call for unity, whether overt or implied has been there for well over a century. This need was perhaps easier to espouse when the proposal was for unity against the imperialist oppressors. Once this was obtained (though it is quite reasonable to argue that it is still there, in new forms), the issue became - and is - far more complex and complicated. Another complication that arose with independence is the whole issue of 'nationalism'. After all, the countries of Africa were created in Berlin by Europeans who ignored existing empires/kingdoms/polities, languages, traditions, religions, cultures: how is a new nation to be created from the plethora of many people's whose histories vis-à-vis each other were often 'problematic'? Or, in the name of African unity, should the boundaries be withdrawn? But then how would you administer - and whom? This paper will examine the meaning of 'pan-Africanism' as espoused at the at the 1900 and 1945 Pan-African Conference, and by the West African National Secretariat, Kwame Nkrumah and George Padmore, until and including pan-African conference in Kumasi in 1953. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]