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This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Palestine in Global and Comparative Perspectives; Palestine and the Palestinians; Literature and the Arts; Middle East and the Arab World; Israel and Zionism; and Recent Theses and Dissertations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the face of Israel's ongoing genocidal atrocities in Palestine, Arab activists in the shatat articulate rage, grief, and resistance within the confines of a colonial tongue. They do so in continuity with multiple histories of Arab resistance against European and US imperial and colonial violence. In this context, the author contends that they embody a communal source of strength she calls the psychic life of liberation, a force that sustains a collective struggle for liberation. This essay shows how the psychic life of liberation is constituted by intergenerational grief, collective love and care, and a profound sense of sumud that transcends time and space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Upon capturing Palestine in December 1917, Britain assumed the role of belligerent occupant, and therefore, it had no power to alter the legal order of the country, which it nonetheless did in 1920. In order to grant itself full power of governance over Palestine, Britain drew up the "Mandate for Palestine," a document in which it declared its aim of promoting a Jewish "national home" in Palestine. This article examines this and other documents from the 1920s to argue that Britain did not have the legal grounding to alter its status as belligerent occupant, and that the League of Nations never took a position on Jewish territorial rights or on the legality of Britain's governance of Palestine. It argues further that the United Nations misread this history in 1947 when it took the Mandate for Palestine as a commitment of its predecessor to Jewish territorial rights in Palestine, and thus, as a basis for recommending the partition of Palestine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the fall of 1951, the Israeli military government of the Negev launched an operation to uproot over five thousand Palestinian Bedouin citizens from the relatively rainy northwest Naqab to its arid eastern side in order to take control of the fertile lands. The campaign formed part of a more comprehensive strategy aimed at inducing the Bedouins to leave the country "voluntarily." While the operation had far-reaching consequences, it achieved only partial success, as the army was faced with resistance from the Bedouins, some of whose leaders still had powerful patrons within the Zionist movement since before the 1948 war. The hitherto unexamined story of the 1951 displacement campaign thus captures a particular historical moment in the aftermath of the war in which Bedouins' patronage links were put to the test in the face of the military's attempts to uproot them. It also demonstrates how the settler-colonial regime sought to take advantage of the contradictions of Indigenous society yet repeatedly found itself unable to fully capitalize on internal divisions among the Bedouins. Lastly, a study of the campaign undermines the prevalent image of a modernizing Israeli state promoting permanent settlement and confronted with obstinate nomadic Bedouins. Like other Palestinians, Bedouins insisted that they were rooted in the local landscape, while the settler--colonial state sought to uproot them, combining violent "nomadization" with forced "sedentarization." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Palestine in Global and Comparative Perspectives; Palestine and the Palestinians; Literature and the Arts; Middle East and the Arab World; Israel and Zionism; and Recent Theses and Dissertations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Fi al-adab al-sahyuni (On Zionist Literature, 1967)1, the Palestinian writer and Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) spokesperson Ghassan Kanafani provides an analysis of Zionist literary production from the early nineteenth century through the mid-twentieth century, situating it in a broader schema of Western imperialism, settler colonialism, and dispossession in Palestine. Through a treatment of the early Zionist texts, Kanafani's study traces the evolution of literary representations of the Jewish subject and explores their utility in repudiating integration and advancing racial supremacist logics. The Zionist works in question venerate different relationships to land—extractive, romantic, fraudulent—in contrast to those of Palestinian literary and oral traditions; the former are connected to the ongoing, material efforts of colonizing Palestine. Kanafani's study was drafted in Beirut and is a reflection of the broader sweep of Arab nationalist and anti-colonial cultural production during the 1960s and 1970s, which was targeted by an anti-communist West. These experiences were formative for Kanafani's intellectual project, which sees literary criticism as a revolutionary tool and a direct extension of armed resistance, whereby a cultural reconstitution can be used in service of liberating both Palestinian land and people. Kanafani's study suggests that the "weapons" of literary production will be most effectively brandished by the Arab youth who lead the struggle against Zionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli -conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Palestine in Global and Comparative Perspectives; Palestine and the Palestinians; Literature and the Arts; Middle East and the Arab World; Israel and Zionism; and Recent Theses and Dissertations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Palestine in Global and Comparative Perspectives; Palestine and the Palestinians; Literature and the Arts; Middle East and the Arab World; Israel and Zionism; and Recent Theses and Dissertations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2021 Unity Intifada represented a vital moment in the history of Palestinian resistance. The unification of Palestinian struggle inherent to the uprising can be read as an expression of Palestinian Indigenous sovereignty. Drawing on the critical thought of Palestinians and other Indigenous peoples struggling against settler colonialism, I argue for a theorization of Palestinian indigeneity. Following from this indigeneity, I show that Palestinian Indigenous sovereignty is the embodied political claim to the land of Palestine. This theorization of sovereignty offers uniquely productive ways to account for and challenge Zionist/Israeli settler-colonial violence and, ultimately, to forge paths toward decolonial Palestinian futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the institutional attitudes of the Histadrut (the General Organization of Workers in the Land of Israel) toward Palestine’s Middle Eastern Jews (Mizrahim) between 1920 and the late 1940s. Based on archival evidence and secondary sources, it argues that what Mizrahi workers experienced in their dealings with the Histadrut was not the result of random or unintended abuse but of a political culture that promoted social fragmentation and inequality. The corollary of this argument is that the Mizrahim who arrived immediately after 1948 found themselves thrown into a racial binary mold that had been in the making for about fifty years, beginning with the first waves of Zionist immigration to Palestine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay offers a critical reading of the mainstreaming of the narrative, long advocated by Palestinians, that Israel is perpetrating the crime of apartheid against the Palestinian people. It argues that partitioning the land of Palestine, which the Palestinian leadership acquiesced to, is a cornerstone of apartheid, and a legitimation of the Zionist movement. Rather than partition, the piece calls for a political strategy of decolonization that aims at dismantling the regime of apartheid that the Zionist movement instituted in Palestine in 1948. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay offers a genealogy of the phrase “compulsory Zionism” in order to illuminate its vexed and contradictory intellectual foundations, the ethical and political stakes of the discourse surrounding the phrase, and its accompanying racial project. Scholars of late have taken up the use of this phrase to signal how “common-sense” knowledge about Palestine and Israel is naturalized in ways that privilege Israel and subjugate Palestinian existence. However, I argue that the phrase is also useful for understanding how Palestine solidarity politics are micromanaged within transnational leftist social justice movements and academia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early 1960s, Israeli diplomats based in Paris noted that student life there had become political in new ways that threatened to undermine Israel's image and standing in the public mind. In an effort to understand the growing international student body and its nine thousand wellintegrated Arab students, the embassy asked Israeli students to spy on their colleagues and submit detailed reports about their political associations, thoughts, opinions, connections, whereabouts, and much else. Using the reports and other auxiliary material that the Israeli diplomats collected, this article examines the formation process of a unique, student-led intellectual and political ecosystem. Specifically, it shows how, in tandem with the rise of the New Arab Left and other transnational student collaborations, the Palestinian question grew from a marginal and marginalized issue to a major cause that was deeply entwined with other contemporaneous causes of universal resonance, such as those of South Africa, Rhodesia, and Algeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current willingness of major American Jewish organizations and leaders to dismiss the threat from white supremacists in the name of supporting Israel represents a new stage in the shifting relationship of U.S. Jews toward Zionism. In the first stage, during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the majority of U.S. Jews did not take to Zionism, as its goals seemed antithetical to their aspirations to join mainstream American society. In a second stage, attitudes toward Zionism grew more positive as conditions for European Jews worsened, and Jewish settlement in Palestine grew substantially. Following Israeli statehood in 1948, U.S. Jews began gradually to support Israel. Jewish groups and leaders increasingly characterized criticism of Zionism as inherently anti-Semitic and attacked Israel's critics. In a third and most recent stage, many major Jewish organizations and leaders have subordinated the traditional U.S. Jewish interest in combatting white supremacy and bigotry when it comes into conflict with support for Israel and Zionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political Zionism is based on the fallacy that there exists a single nation encompassing all the world's Jews. How can Zionism claim that Israel is the nation-state of the Jewish people, since the only attribute shared by all Jews is Judaism, a religion and not an attribute of nationhood in any modern sense of the word? Jews can belong to various nations--a Jew may be French, American, Indian, Argentinian, and so forth--but being Jewish excludes other religious affiliations. Thus, this essay argues, the Zionist claim that all the world's Jews constitute a single distinct national entity is an ideological myth, invented as a misconceived way of dealing with the persecution and discrimination suffered by European Jews, in particular. Indeed, from its earliest iterations and up to the present day, Zionism--a colonizing project--has been fueled by an inverted form of anti-Semitism: if, as it claims, Israel acts on behalf of all Jews everywhere, then all Jews must be collectively held responsible for the actions of that state--clearly an anti-Semitic position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A careful examination of Palestinian service work in Israeli settlements and of everyday settler-Palestinian contact demonstrates how these encounters play a key role in normalizing the presence and dominance of settlers in the occupied West Bank. Based on ethnographic fieldwork at a settlement supermarket, this article shows that Palestinians are called upon to perform customer service in a setting where they are not only subjugated but are also coerced to help create the ultranationalist climate of their occupiers' holidays. In addition to being compelled to normalize Israeli dominance, Palestinian workers are also the object of a seemingly contradictory orientation, one that favors not having Palestinians around at all. The article thus weighs in on the broader contemporary significance of Palestinian labor for the settler-colonial logics of Zionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses several articles published within issue on topics including Palestine and sexual politics; postcolonial situation in Palestine; and civilizing mission of Zionism in Israel.

The Great Revolt (1936-39) represented the most fervent and sustained Palestinian challenge to British and Zionist colonialisms during the thirty years of British rule in Palestine. Although its ultimate defeat has led to negative appraisals of its historical significance, the uprising was in its day the largest mass mobilization in Palestinian history and, at its apex, threatened to overturn the British regime. The rebellion was characterized by considerable organizational ingenuity as Palestinians created novel institutions that embodied their drive for popular sovereignty and an end to colonial domination. This article principally examines two such sets of institutions, the national and popular committees of 1936, and the rebel court system from 1937-39. In doing so, it argues that much like revolutionary peasant-based movements elsewhere in the colonial world, insurgent forces in Palestine embarked on a process of state formation from below. This process aimed to sap the colonial regime of its authority and weaken its capacities while augmenting those of the rebels by integrating broad segments of the population into insurgent frameworks. It further contends that it is the dynamic of state formation from below, and the popular character and leadership of the rebel movement, that lent the revolt its resilience and enabled it to push the colonial state to the wall. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 1May 2017, Hamas released its "Document of General Principles and Policies" following years of periodic speculation that the movement was working on a new political platform. Heralded by some as a significant milestone in Hamas's political thought and practice, the document reiterates longstanding positions but also lays out some new ones. Given the timing of its release, as well as its contents and possible implications, the document could be considered Hamas's new charter: it details the organization's views on the struggle against "the Zionist project" and Israel and outlines its strategies to counter that project. This essay aims to provide a fine-grained analysis of the substance, context, and ramifications of the recently released document. The discussion starts with an overview highlighting aspects of the document that could be considered departures from Hamas's original 1988 charter, and pointing to changes in the movement's discourse, both in form and substance. A contextual analysis then probes the regional, international, and internal impetuses behind the issuance of the document. Finally, the discussion concludes with a look at the possible implications for the movement itself, as well as for the Palestinians and for Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) are a major recipient of global aid flows, ostensibly aimed at improving development outcomes for the Palestinian population. This article presents a critical analysis of the ways that development is being conceived and practiced by major actors in the oPt. By analyzing different conceptions of power, the article examines how dominant approaches to development hide the ongoing reality of Israeli settler colonialism by dehistoricizing Zionism and its project; incorporating the structures of Israeli occupation into official Palestinian development strategy; and promoting an economic perspective that views development as an objective and disinterested process operating above (and outside) power relations. After considering some of the ramifications of current approaches to development, the article concludes with brief remarks on how this critique can help to reframe and articulate an alternative strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Zionist claims to rightful rule of most or all of Palestine/the Land of Israel ultimately depend on naturalizing those claims into common sense, for Jews, of course, but also for the international community. Following the 1967 war, Israelis in favor of withdrawing from occupied territories have relied on distinguishing between the justice of the 1949 Armistice Lines, and the process that led to the State of Israel within those lines, versus the injustice of the occupation of territories conquered in 1967 and of their settlement and gradual absorption. But as the truth of the expulsions and forced dispossession of Palestinians in 1948 becomes accepted by wider swaths of both Israeli-Jewish and international public opinion, the traditional narrative distinguishing the justice of 1948 and the injustice of 1967 breaks down. Ari Shavit's book, My Promised Land, can be understood as a response by Israeli two-staters to accusations of hypocrisy by the extreme right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses several Palestinian-related news items, including in regard to politics, the Nakba commemoration on May 15, 2014, U.S. popular culture and a U.S. university protest in support of Palestinian civil rights. An excerpt from the section of the Internet news media company Buzzfeed known as reThink Israel in regard to Israelis' use of traditional Arabic food is presented. The suspension of Northeastern University chapter of the Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) organization for issuing mock eviction notices is discussed. An excerpt from the television program "The Daily Show" regarding the relationship between the U.S. Republican Party and Zionism is also presented.

This densely argued essay offers an original approach to the study of Israel-Palestine through the lens of colonial studies. The author's argument rests, inter alia, on the distinction between colonialism, which succeeds by keeping colonizer and colonized separate, and settler colonialism, where ultimate success is achieved when the settlers are "indigenized" and cease to be seen as settlers. Referring to the pre-1948 and post-1967 contexts, the author shows how and why Israel, itself a successful settler colonial project emerging from the British mandate, has failed to create a successful settler project in the occupied territories; indeed, and paradoxically, the occupation's very success (in terms of unassailable control) renders the project's success (in terms of settler integration/indigenization) impossible. Also addressed are the consequences of occupation, particularly what the author calls Israel's "recolonization," and the implications of the approach outlined for the Israel-Palestine conflict and its resolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an in-depth examination into the Palestinian Western Wall riots of 1929, focusing on the violence seen in the cities of Jerusalem, Safad and Hebron. The authors analyze the outbreaks as Arab attempts to control or re-define communal boundaries within the region in opposition to the rising immigration which came with the emerging Zionist movement. Details are given mapping the specific results of the riots as well as discussing the event's conceptual influence on contemporary nationalist politics among Palestinian Arabs.

An essay is presented reflecting on the history of Palestine as a political and ideological concept since the formation of Israel in 1948. The author reflects on the polarizing nature of the debate between Zionism, philosemitism and antisemitism in the region since World War II. Focus is given to the global ideological associations which are implied when addressing the region. Concluding remarks are given discussing the prospects of 21st-century peace work.

The article presents an in-depth examination into the ethnic and religious politics during the British Mandate era of Palestinian history, focusing on the activities of the Greek Orthodox Church. Details are given regarding the existence of an intra-church controversy over ethnicity and power between the Greek hierarchy and the Arab laity in the region. Further discussion is offered noting how this power struggle led to diverging support for Zionism and the Palestinian nationalist movements between the two groups. Concluding analysis is offered addressing the legacy of the issue after 1948.

An essay is presented which looks at the film "Munich," focusing on the perceived moral stance of director Steven Spielberg towards Zionism, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and anti-terrorist efforts. The similar portrayal of Zionism in the film "Exodus" is discussed. The author also comments on how Spielberg's morality has been shaped by his Jewish background and experience directing the Holocaust film "Schindler's List."

The article presents an examination into the foreign policy of U.S. President Harry S. Truman regarding the emergence of the state of Israel in the late 1940s. Particular attention is given to the domestic political dynamics of the Truman administration's interactions with the U.S. Zionist activism lobby. Discussion is given analyzing Truman's personal political philosophy and ambitions, suggesting that his decision-making process over Israeli-support made a larger priority of domestic political logistics than the greater need of the Middle Eastern situation at the time of the state's formation.

The article presents an examination into the motivations behind the 1948 Israeli War of Independence. The author challenges dominant historiographical narratives suggesting that the conflict was one of self-defense and alternatively asserts that the Zionist movement was always inherently militaristic from its inception in 1897. Comparisons are made between the 1948 War and the Iberian Reconquista of the late Middle Ages, highlighting its similarities in alleged desire for land occupation, irredentism, and disregard for indigenous populations.

The article presents an examination into the Jewish historiography of the 1948 Israeli Independence War, focusing on the major transitions within the Zionist narratives in the second half of the 20th century. Focus is given to the shift from "classical Zionism" to the "New History" methodology in the 1980s and the "neo-Zionist" school of the year 2000. Discussion is provided highlighting the major characteristics of these historiographical schools, their connections to contemporary political movements, and their impact on the scholastic history of modern Israel.

Christians United for Israel the Zionist lobby group that has grown by leaps and bounds since its founding two years ago, held its second annual conference in Washington, D. C., July 2007. Attended by political figures and rank-and-file members alike, the AIPAC-style conference showcased the group's formidable financial, organizational and political strength, signaling that the group seems poised to set the agenda for future Christian Zionist work in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An iron law of the conflict over Palestine has been the refusal by the Zionist movement and its backers, first Great Britain and then the United States, to make room for the existence of Palestinians as apolitical community. This non-recognition is rooted in historical forces that predate the existence of the Zionist movement and the Palestinians as a people. Consequently, there is a tension between identity and territory, with obvious repercussions for the following questions." Who are the Palestinians? What do they want? And who speaks for them? This essay calls for a critical reappraisal of the relationship between the concepts "Palestine" and "Palestinians," as well as of the state-centered project of successive phases of the Palestinian national movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the terminology used in the Hebrew Labor picketing campaign of the 1920s and 1930s. It considers the framework within which the Histadrut conceived its efforts--using metaphors of war, religion, morality, and medicine and illness--and surveys the terms used to describe the Palestinian worker. Finally, the language of Hebrew Labor opponents--grove owners and parties to the left of the mainstream Labor Zionists--is examined in the context of rebuttals to Histadrut claims and charges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses how the official communist position on the Zionist project in Palestine went from hostile condemnation in the early 1920s to wary support after World War IL In so doing, it focuses on the ideological struggle between the traditional party line and "Yishuvism," a theory that sought to reconcile Zionist and communist ideas, as it played out in the two bodies most closely involved in shaping Comintern policy on Palestine (the Palestine Communist Party and the Communist Party of Great Britain). In following the tortured justifications for evolving positions, the author identifies the key actors shaping the debate and turning points impacting it, especially the 193 6-39 Arab Revolt, Britain's 1939 White Paper, and the wartime fight against fascism. The author contends that an important reason for the USSR's post-war about-face on Palestine was the success of the Yishuvist ideological campaign. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Placing Israel's separation wall in the continuum of the Zionist project in Palestine since the late nineteenth century, this essay sees the wall as the latest component of long-held policies of exclusion, control, and containment. In particular, it sees the wall as the culmination of Israel's quest to deal with its "native problem," which had been largely solved with the 1948 war, but which returned full force with the 1967 conquests. The author traces the evolution of Israel's approach to this problem, from "partial integration" (and direct military rule) to separation (with indirect military rule and limited Palestinian self-government); settlement and land alienation have been constants. After deconstructing Sharon's current policy, the essay ends by examining Palestinian options for confronting a bleak future, focusing in particular on an as-yet inchoate strategy of nonviolence, campaigns for enforcing international law, and nurturing the most important potential alliance in the struggle against occupation: the Israeli peace camp. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a list of several articles and books on issues relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. History and geography; Palestinian politics and society; Israeli politics, society and zionism.

The essay focuses on the "travel" of various debates--orientalism, post-colonialism, postzionism--between the U.S. and Israel, between one institutional zone and political semantics and another. Through a comparative history of these critical intellectual debates, the author considers some key moments and issues in the "translation" of Said's ideas into Hebrew. The reception of Said's work is engaged in its contradictory dimensions, especially in liberal-leftist circles, where the desire to go-beyond-Said offers some ironic twists. The issues examined include: the nature of the "post" in the concepts of the "post-colonial" and "post-Zionism'," the problem of "hybridity" and "resistance" in the land of partitions and walls; and the mediation in Israel via the Anglo-American academy, of the "subaltern" intellectual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a bibliography of articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and Arab-Israeli conflict. Articles on Palestinian politics and society; Publications on Jerusalem, Israeli politics, Society and Zionism; Papers about international relations.

The self-critical approach applied by Israel's "New Historians" to the 1948 war needs to be extended to the study of Palestinian history as a whole. Harking back to earlier periods and other sources, the author exposes the Orientalist bias of the traditional Israeli historiography of Palestine by focusing on three of its common contentions: that there was no distinct Palestinian nationalism, that Palestinian society was primitive and backward, and that the speed of the Palestinian collapse in 1948 was a function of inherent flaws in the society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]