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Since the late 1980s, Taiwan has moved away from Mandarin-only language policy in favour of greater recognition of local Taiwanese languages as part of a greater localisation movement. While continuing to implement language policies aimed at promoting local Taiwanese languages, in December 2018, Taiwan announced intent to implement a bilingual language policy to incorporate English by 2030, titled "Bilingual Nation." Applying Ball's (1993) "policy as discourse" framework, this paper endeavours to investigate the "Bilingual Nation" policy planning and rhetoric so as to shed light on Taiwan's official conceptualisation of national identity. The case study finds that English is the primary focus of "Bilingual Nation" policy documents and is relegated to the discursive arenas of internationalisation and global economic competition. English is rarely discussed in tandem with any other specific language or language category, with little consideration for the interaction of English and Taiwan's official national languages. In sum, "Bilingual Nation" acts as an affirmation of the current status quo in Taiwan's official conception of national identity: muddled, with the assumption of Mandarin at its centre. Questions remain for "Bilingual Nation" and its ability to push beyond a symbolic state effort for internationalisation or unproductive labours for international status.

In line with the increased interest in studying implicit language attitudes, this study aims to explore implicit attitudes towards Catalan and Spanish in the multicultural and multilingual context of Catalonia (Spain) using the Implicit Association Test (IAT). A sample of 113 adolescents completed the IAT and a set of explicit measures of attitudinal and motivational variables. Results show a general preference for Catalan over Spanish. However, differences appear when home language is taken into consideration, as participants tend to prefer their home language. The paper discusses the relationship between implicit and explicit attitudes, highlighting the importance of incorporating implicit measures in language attitudes research in Catalonia.

Building on the recent studies revealing that official bilingualism policies in Canada are often used to reinforce a specific racial and linguistic order, this paper addresses the impact of these federal-level policies on education policies at the provincial level. From the policy genealogy perspective, we examine Ontario's Heritage Languages Program (HLP), a highly contentious provincial policy that is still in place today. By analysing the discourses circulating in public and within the Ontario Ministry of Education around a proposed bill in the legislature to bolster heritage-language instruction and a subsequent Ministry initiative, we argue that official bilingualism and policies of multiculturalism functioned as discursive vehicles for resisting an enhanced HLP and to heritage-language education per se in politically more tolerable ways. The first part of the paper describes the research design, and introduces the historical context which produced the HLP and the early conflicts over it. The second part discusses three specific findings: (1) a discussion of the Proposal and its relationship to Bill 80; and (2) the discourses present in the general public; and (3) the discourses present in Ministry-internal deliberations of the HLP in Ontario.

In May 2017, Taiwan's legislature passed the Indigenous Languages Development Act (ILDA), which came into effect in June of that year. This paper traces the process and context that have led to the act's adoption, and provides an overview of its symbolic and substantive content. In doing so, this paper draws attention to the importance of contextual factors in the act's adoption. The ILDA had been in the works since the early 2000s, and it is only through a piecemeal approach to Indigenous legislation that it came into being. Its ultimate adoption was enabled by a conjuncture of social and political developments, most directly the election of the Democratic Progressive Party in 2016, after a campaign that emphasised issues of transitional justice, decolonisation and reconciliation. The momentum toward these trends has also been influenced by Taiwan's fragile political status. In fact, Taiwan's limited international recognition has incentivised the use of minority rights initiatives, together with the conduct of cultural diplomacy with the country's diplomatic and trade partners sharing Austronesian heritage, as sovereignty-building and soft power projection tools.

The current paper describes a study that sought to determine the beliefs, practices, and needs of parents living in Montreal, Quebec, who were raising their children bi/multilingually. The parents (N = 27) participated in a total of nine focus group and individual interviews in which they discussed their family language policies (language ideologies, practices, and actions taken to maintain a language). Through rounds of deductive and inductive coding and analysis, family language policies regarding English and/or French were compared with policies regarding heritage languages. The participants' family language policies were further examined in light of Quebec's official language policy of interculturalism. Findings indicate a complex co-existence of family and official language policy in which parents both support Quebec's official language policy by converging towards French as a common public language and questioning the policy's stance on official institutional support for heritage languages.

Language ideologies shape ways in which different learners' linguistic repertoires are positioned as resources or problems, with significant implications for educational access and equity. In Tanzania, tensions between the national language of Kiswahili and high-status English have given rise to two parallel schooling systems, while 130+ local languages are effectively muted in formal schooling. This comparative study explores how Maa (Maasai language), Kiswahili, and English are discursively constructed by parents and teachers at one Kiswahili-medium government school and one English-medium private school in a predominantly Maasai community in northern Tanzania, and examines how these languages are positioned pedagogically at both schools. Education for Self-Reliance (Nyerere 1967/2004. "Education for Self Reliance." In "Nyerere on Education/Nyerere Kuhusu Elimu," edited by Elieshi Lema, Marjorie Mbilinyi, and Rakesh Rajani, 67-88. Dar es Salaam: E&D Limited) and Duchêne and Heller's (2012. "Language in Late Capitalism: Pride and Profit." New York: Routledge) work on 'pride and profit' provide theoretical lenses. Findings show that parents' strong appreciation for multilingualism contrasts with schools' monoglossic ideologies; discourses of nationalism and identity vary dramatically depending on parents' educational background; and Maasai language and culture are constructed unambiguously as problems in schooling. The linguistic, ideological, and cultural divide between home and school, and between respective schools, is problematised. This paper addresses implications for debates on language education in Tanzania and beyond, exploring possibilities for pluralistic ideologies of nationalism that create space for multilingual and multicultural resources.

Multicultural European societies increasingly demand internationally oriented citizens, who are willing to actively participate in civic life and able to successfully access the labour market. The European dimension in education supposedly endows youngsters with civic values, multiculturalist attitudes and plurilingual competences which ultimately lead to raising awareness of their Europeanness. Formative years at university, pivotal to students' individual life course and projects, are a decisive stage in the development of supranational, collective identity-formation. Similarly, pan-European study programmes are aimed at inspiring a sense of European citizenship and identity, the most renowned of which within the Higher Education context is Erasmus+. By conducting focus group interviews, this paper probes Andalusian university students' understanding of their European identity and verifies the causal dynamics between European identity-taking and foreign country sojourns, comparing the perceptions expressed by returnees to those by students who have not had the opportunity to participate in international study programmes (ISP) at higher education yet. Results evidence students' apparent supranational orientation, general awareness of commonalities across Europe and utilitarian outlooks on the EU, although not a clear discernment of its institutions or a marked European identity.

Based on a database composed of 1500 pictures, belonging to 401 analytical units from the Linguistic Landscape (hereafter: LL), and representing mainly the signs on the shop of migrant traders in two multi-ethnic neighbourhoods in Milan, this paper will describe the positioning strategies of Latin American (hereafter: LA) communities in a multilingual urban space, and the processes of identity negotiation in which they are engaged. We will use a scale-sensitive and contextualised interdisciplinary approach to the analysis of LL (Vandenbroucke, Mieke. 2015. "Language Visibility, Functionality and Meaning Across Various TimeSpace Scales in Brussels' Multilingual Landscapes." "Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development" 36 (2): 163-181), combining quantitative and qualitative methods. The aim is to show how the presence of Spanish in the LL indexes the collective identities, as well as the language and social attitudes of the LA communities living in Milan. We will analyse the emerging practices of flexible multilingualism, or translanguaging (García, Ofelia, and Ricardo Otheguy. 2014. "Spanish and Hispanic Bilingualism." In "The Routledge Handbook of Hispanic Applied Lingusitics", edited by Manuel Lacorte, 639-658. New York: Routledge), as a creative response to linguistic differences and potential conflicts.

Sociolinguists have adopted the concept of 'super-diversity' from cultural anthropology to analyse multidimensional changes in ethnolinguistic identities resulting from recent mass migration. Sociolinguistic super-diversity is thus understood as a central aspect of shifts in migration patterns that have increased the complexity of cultural identities beyond traditional, more static 'multicultural' diversity, both in Britain and globally. How is the presence of more complex and diverse linguistic identities viewed by the public? This paper explores attitudes towards perceived increased multilingualism and multiculturalism expressed in the BBC's "Have Your Say" Internet forum. The majority of postings blame immigrants for communication problems with the British 'home' community and allege their unwillingness to learn English; many also assume that (only) a monolingual national community guarantees social coherence and they are dismissive of any language mediation services. In view of these 'folk-sociolinguistic' assumptions and linguaphobic attitudes, the notion of super-diversity needs to be reconfigured so as to include the (unintended) adverse impact of the migration-induced increase in the diversity and complexity of imagined ethno-linguistic identities.

The Lao People's Democratic Republic (Lao PDR) is one of the most ethnically and linguistically diverse nations in Southeast Asia. The post-1975 government's policies regarding ethnic minority peoples are often considered to represent an ideological shift from earlier monocultural orientations to a discourse of interethnic equality and solidarity. Yet a deeper reading of official policies, combined with an examination of planning measures, reveals a persistent discourse of ethnic Lao centrality. This paper first examines the apparently contradictory official discourses on language, ethnic minorities and education in Laos, and how these discourses are reproduced, adapted or contested on the ground by teachers and students in ethnic minority classrooms. I first present a discourse analysis of selected policy documents, supported by interviews with key policy-makers followed by an analysis of teacher code choice in three ethnic minority classrooms together with data from teacher interviews. The paper is based on ethnographic fieldwork carried out in Nalae district, Luang Nam Tha Province and five years of experience working in education development in the Lao PDR. (Contains 6 notes.)

Students enter pre-service teacher education programmes with certain preconceptions about what the world is like, what classrooms are like and how students acquire literacy. In our increasingly multicultural society, teachers in pre-service teacher education courses are often not representative of the wider population. The present paper reports on a study in which reflective writing by first-year students was used to illustrate the sorts of questions teacher trainees are asking about classrooms, and the extent to which their preconceptions as to their learners' needs have been disrupted by their readings about diversity. Themes to be explored are dialects and varieties, importance of pupils' talk, cultural diversity and creative thinking. A critical discourse analysis also revealed students' beliefs and developing understandings about second language learners. It will be argued in this paper that a small amount of information, though provided with the best of intentions, may inadvertently reinforce previously held negative opinions about second language learners, and that care needs to be exercised in how information about ESL pupils is presented. (Contains 1 table.)

This paper examines Tibetan ethnicity by studying the language ideologies among Tibetan students and their persistent roles in shaping ethnic boundaries at a Minzu University (MU). MU attracts the highest achieving ethnic minority students throughout China and explicitly aims to turn them into patriotic minority cadres. Hosting extremely heterogeneous Tibetans from different dialect groups, MU is an ideal field for studying inter-ethnic relations and in-group interactions among Tibetans. Ethnographic data reveals that Tibetan language has been a significant ethnic boundary marker and a crucial toolkit for ethnic empowerment. On one hand, it has been used as an exclusive way of distinguishing between 'pure' and 'non-pure', 'authentic' and 'fake' Tibetans, the latter of which are discriminated against on campus by both Tibetan and Han students. On the other hand, Tibetan language has been conveniently appropriated by the so-called authentic Tibetans to organise many ethnic cultural practices, resist the marginalisation of the Tibetan group, and achieve a higher ethnic status. Yet, Tibetans' discourses on 'authenticity' are rooted in the same principles of alterity and hierarchy under which minorities are subject to by the majority, that they unavoidably marginalise and stigmatise certain 'non-standard' yet culturally Tibetan populations.

This paper proposes a contribution to the investigation of the relation between multilingualism and creativity. Past evidence of a correlation between multilingualism and creativity is reviewed in a generalist perspective, that is, without focusing on a specific population such as migrants or highly proficient bilinguals. This review is also anchored in contemporary cognitive psychology and specialised research on creativity, allowing for a consideration of different levels and domains of creativity, as well as a distinction between creative potential and manifest creativity. On this basis, we test various hypotheses with a sample of 596 participants, using multiple regressions that incorporate several control variables. Key results show that L2 skills are systematically and positively related to virtually all indicators of creativity. Additional results reveal effects of other linguistic variables, along with effects of control variables related to cultural diversity (travelling and experience of living abroad), as well as interactions between linguistic and control variables. These results are contrasted with earlier findings and then discussed in terms of language policy implications and perspectives for future research.

This paper is an introductory survey of the evolution of multiculturalism in Britain and Germany over the past two centuries. The historical approach argues that the main determinants of difference between these nation states lie in their long-term traditional attitudes towards immigrants and ethnic minorities. It focuses upon the patterns of immigration into Britain and Germany as well as the differing imperial traditions, which have both left differing legacies. An equally important historical factor has been the legal position of aliens in the two states, in which, until very recently, Britain adopted a policy of "jus solis", whereas Germany pursued one of "jus sanguinis". The paper then examines the realities of multiculturalism in the two states. Due primarily to the historical traditions of nationality legislation, immigrants and their descendants in Britain have come to play a more important role in recent British history than their contemporaries in Germany, particularly if we examine their role in the political process and in popular culture. While the conclusion reiterates the differences, it also stresses that we should not view Britain and Germany as the opposite ends of the multicultural spectrum, as both are modern liberal democracies with significant ethnic minority populations.

In describing the different types of codeswitching used in Dakar, this paper questions the frequent assumption that the use of two languages within a single conversation violates a norm. In Dakar there is a fluid and unmarked switching between Wolof and French, "Urban Wolof," that has become the most common mode of speech among urban bilinguals. (37 references) (Author/LB)

As the result of global changes, government policy and university initiatives, institutions of higher education in Canada have become increasingly linguistically and racially diverse. Traditionally--through policy, curriculum, instruction and assessment--Canadian universities have promoted a subjective, monolithic and racialised "Standard" English. Efforts to limit linguistic heterogeneity in higher education, however, are increasingly at odds with the global flows and hyperdiversity of the world in which we live. Internationalisation of Canadian campuses has implications for university policies and practices around English language variation. Drawing on a review of relevant literature, policy document analysis and semi-structured interviews with academic staff and international students, this paper explores the relationship between settler colonialism, race and English language variation at a Canadian university.

This paper addresses language policy and policy-making in Canada as forms of discourse produced and reproduced within systems of power and racial hierarchies. The analysis of indigenous language policy to be addressed here focuses on the historical, political and legal processes stemming from the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism (1963-1969) to the 1982 Canadian Constitution and its aftermath. Through a critical historical and discursive analysis, we demonstrate how racial hierarchies and language ideologies favoured French and English dominance and reinforced the marginalisation of indigenous groups defined in terms of the socially constructed and assigned category of race. We relate these race-based language policies to contemporary indigenous language struggles in Canada, including the Task Force Report on Aboriginal Languages and Cultures (2005), and describe the logic imposed by colonial constitutional arrangements on indigenous language promotion, revitalisation and mobilisation in Canada.

Australia's language and multicultural policies have constructed the intercultural dimension of Australian identity and practice in a number of different ways relating to different community groups. This paper traces the evolution of multicultural policy from the 1970s until the present through the main national policy documents in order to examine how understandings of multiculturalism and the participation of various cultural groups within a multicultural society has changed over time. It demonstrates that although the ways in which multiculturalism and the interrelationship of ethnic groups within Australian identity has evolved over time, the positioning of the monocultural majority and ethnic minorities within the overall multicultural framework has consistently been understood in different ways. The result is a policy context in which there are multiple ideologies of multiculturalism at play and the existence of tensions between the forces of diversity and integration within the same policy context. (Contains 10 notes.)

With its recent entry into the European Union (EU) and the adoption of multiethnic democracy as a national policy, a key challenge for Poland is to transform its education policy and practice in ways that are consistent with multicultural and pluralist values. This paper examines Poland's efforts to address these issues by exploring changes in the national education policy, school curricula and history textbooks. The author argues that despite greater representation of minority languages and cultures in schools in Poland, a disjunction exists between the policy discourse of multicultural education and the reality of education practice that conforms to traditional Polish conceptions of interethnic relations. The study further shows that history textbooks sustain a discourse promoting the existence of Poland as an ethnically defined nation state, exclusive of minority identities and cultures. Ethnic minority integration continues to be associated primarily with a one-sided process of minority adaptation, rather than a process of interactivity and mutual recognition. (Contains 4 notes.)

This paper reports on the results of survey data examining English-speaking preservice teachers' (PSTs) attitudes toward and beliefs about foreign language teaching and learning. Part of a larger international study aimed at answering the research question: "What are the national, social, economic, and institutional "social-suggestive norms" (Miele, 1982) that encourage (or discourage) foreign language learning?", this survey was administered to PSTs enrolled in the Faculty of Education at the University of Manitoba. The data presented here raise interesting questions about PSTs' attitudes with regard to their futures in multicultural, multilingual classrooms. Findings suggest that this group of PSTs believe that knowing English is sufficient for themselves and their students, and therefore that foreign language learning is not considered important. While English-speaking PSTs respect bilinguals, they do not seem to respect language study. (Contains 2 notes.)

This paper describes the impact of European Union accession negotiations on language ideological debates regarding minority (language) and citizenship rights in the Baltic Republics. It explores issues pertaining to the transferability of standards developed for established democracies in the West to the situation of democratising countries in Central and Eastern Europe, where the demographic legacy of the Soviet past has left its imprint on the structure and outlook of society. Finally, it considers a range of factors which need to be taken into account in Western discourses on diversity and integration, or sameness and difference, when applied to postcommunist or post-imperialist contexts. (Contains 11 notes.)

The development of the Russian intelligentsia is closely related to discourses concerning Russia's position vis-a-vis Europe and the Western world, such as those of Slavophiles and Westernisers. This paper is about Russian authors and painters who are now becoming part of Europe, as the country in which they live, Estonia, has recently entered the European Union (EU). More precisely, it examines the ways in which these people perceived their position and felt related to Estonia, Russia and Europe at a time when the Estonian state was implementing a vast policy of integration of non-Estonians and preparing for its entry into the EU. The perception that these members of the Russian arts community of Estonia have of this integration process reveals their multiple attachments to Russia and Estonia, as well as to the Russian and Estonian languages and cultures. As the state's definition of integration seems to associate the loyalty of non-Estonians with the knowledge of the Estonian language, these different forms of identification to Estonia and Russia suggest that the Estonian authorities might do well to consider forms of loyalty expression other than or in addition to knowledge of the republic's official language. (Contains 11 notes.)

Discusses the problems encountered in defining a language minority. Lists four basic criteria common to all language minorities: (1) self-categorization; (2) common descent; (3) distinctive linguistic, cultural, or historical traits related to language; and (4) social organization which places the group in a minority position. (SED)

Illustrates some of the difficulties inherent in bilingual education, including inadequate appraisal of matters such as ethnicity, cultural pluralism, and language maintenance and shift. The paper suggests that bilingual education and its implications must be considered in the broadest possible sociocultural perspectives. (Author/PJM)

Examines the effect of a particular inherited ideology on the language practices of a particular intercultural community. The ideology may be characterized as "difference-equals-conflict." The community is a multinational student body at Europe College in Bruges, Belgium. Argues that this unwanted process results from the failure to examine the constituent elements of this ideology. (Author/VWL)

Contrasts two language ideologies, one associating language with individual identity and the other associating language with specific territory, in terms of their effect upon language ecology. Shows that there is an unacknowledged conflict between these two ideologies. (Author/VWL)

Responds to Alan Davies's review article "Ironising the Myth of Linguicism," summarizing principles for the analysis of linguistic imperialism and demonstrating that the phenomenon is far from mythical. The article responds to some of the points raised by Davies to show that his generalizations are not justified. (41 references) (Author/CK)

Following previous reports, this paper contains additional information about the multilingual situation in the multiethnic town of Bukavu in Zaire. Focus is on codeswitching, an important characteristic of the overall dynamic picture of linguistic interaction. Myers-Scotton's markedness model is discussed. (13 references) (Author/LB)

Twelve papers on codeswitching are reviewed briefly in this introduction to a special journal issue. The following topics are covered: borrowing versus codeswitching, codeswitching in a political discourse context, situational uses. (16 references) (LB)

The growth of a multicultural Australia is generating debate on the economic effects of multiculturalism. This paper examines the extent to which competing claims can draw support from the literature and the extent to which economic issues arising from the growth of a multicultural Australian society have been identified and assessed.(30 references) (VWL)

Responds to three articles that appeared in the same journal in 1984 which dealt with Great Britain's multi-ethnic society. Compares Great Britain's situation with the current school population of the United States and shows how a number of teacher training institutions are preparing teachers for the expanding multilingual and multi-ethnic body. (SED)

The National Council for Mother Tongue Teaching presents its response to the Swann Report, with particular reference to the report's discussion of the role of ethnic minority languages in Great Britain. The Council concludes that the thinking of the Swann Report is far behind that of current research and educational trends. (SED)

Presents a review of literature and a historical and sociopolitical overview of ethnic relations and intergroup processes in Malaysia and Singapore. The paper reviews data on intergroup relations and ethnolinguistics in these countries from a social-psychological perspective, and in terms of assimilation and integration. (SED)

Asserts that in order to participate in and contribute to the development of a cohesive multicultural society, it is not necessary for the members of minority groups to become monolingual speakers of English, and that the goal of a multicultural society should be to appreciate the value of each cultural group. (SED)

Argues that Australians from different ethnic backgrounds are not a threat to cohesion as long as they share the overarching values which are reflected in Australia's democracy, economic system, legal institutions, and in Engish as the common language of communication. Discusses the Greek-Australian tradition of family life. (SED)

Discusses and evaluates currently accepted theories of ethnic or linguistic identity and maintenance. Lists factors which have a bearing on the long-term fate of a minority. Analyzes the data for the European linguistic minorities using the data matrix reported by Erik Allardt in his monograph on ethnic revival in Western European societies. (SED)

French, Spanish, and Yiddish community activists claim revivals in their communities in recent years, and consider their mother tongues to be their most vital and visible expression. The Hispanic groups are admitted to be the most positive about the revival, although they are less commonly concerned with a puristic standard of language usage. (MSE)