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An adequate response to the environmental and sustainability issues we now face cannot be limited to single perspectives, disciplines, or ways of knowing, and instead requires an interdisciplinary approach. Despite the connections between the fields of citizenship-, character- and sustainability education, they have thus far run parallel to each other, without any substantial convergence. This paper focuses on the conceptual and historical reasons for this lack of integration, exploring the tensions among them perceived by many scholars and practitioners, such as an individual vs. a social vs. a global focus, a deliberative vs. fact based pedagogic approach, and an individual vs. socio-political educational context. The paper ends by exploring different ways in which these three fields of education might be integrated.

This paper explores how children (aged 7-11) in the UK are educated about sustainability and climate change, through exploring a sample of 155 learning resources from public, private and third sector organisations. Using qualitative content analysis, key codes captured (a) how sustainability was represented; (b) how responsibilities for sustainability are imagined and allocated within society; and (c) how children are encouraged to act for sustainability. The paper shows how sustainability resources represent children as powerful agents of social change charged with the responsibility and means to change their (and their close relatives') behaviour within the household and school. Drawing on critical debates about sustainability education, I argue these representations are problematic because they do not equip children with an understanding of the political and moral economies that shape their actions (or inactions) as citizens, nor provide them with opportunities to develop collaborative competencies.

This paper makes the case for including "critical harmony" as a complement to justice within civic education. The concept of harmony is significant for civic education because it acknowledges the crucial role that relationships play in society--an important moral, ethical, and social ideal in many cultures around the world. Harmony must also incorporate a critical dimension, however, by embracing conflict and tension, valuing difference and diversity, and striving for balance among divergent voices. By using examples of public issues such as housing and gender identity to illustrate the relational dimension of public policy, this paper argues that the concept of critical harmony can contribute to a more comprehensive foundation for students' deliberation of civic issues.

This paper is concerned with the civic significance and cultivation of three constructs that involve different ways of having an expansive and virtuous concern for others. Identification with all humanity involves caring for an expansive domain of others, identifying with humanity generally and not just with one's ingroup. Others-centeredness involves caring about others to an expansive extent, putting others' interests ahead of one's own. Last, the virtues of intellectual dependability involve caring for an expansive range of others' goods, including their intellectual goods. Our aims are to explain the nature of these traits in further detail, to present evidence of their relationship to certain kinds of civic engagement, and to identify strategies for cultivating them and educating for them.

A robust literature indicates that when people feel that they are expressing and aware of their true selves, they show enhanced psychological health and well-being. This feeling, commonly referred to as authenticity, is therefore a consequential experience. In this paper, we review a program of research focused on the relevance of authenticity for civic engagement. We describe how a virtuous orientation to civic engagement might make civic actions feel more authentic and how the experience of authenticity might help sustain civic behavior. We then discuss the role that education might play in fostering a deeper connection between civic engagement and the subjective experience of authenticity.

Conceptions of the "good citizen" have implications for defining the goals of civic education and formulating civic education programs. In Mainland China, the concept of "good citizen" is clearly defined by the authorities in the official curriculum guidelines. Teachers' perceptions of a "good citizen", however, may differ from any official definition and will influence their approaches to the implementation of civic education in schools. The research reported here used qualitative methods to explore some Chinese junior high school teachers' perceptions of a "good citizen", drawing on Westheimer and Kahne's identification of three "visions of citizenship" used in the US as a baseline. We argue that an effective civic education curriculum must consider teachers' actual perceptions of a "good citizen" in practice and that Chinese teachers' awareness and understanding of citizenship needs to improve. [This paper was presented at the 10th Annual Conference of the Asia-Pacific Network for Moral Education at The University of Sydney (Dec 4-7, 2015).]

It seems often to have been thought that we need to make some kind of theoretical and/or practical choice between (liberal) moral, social and political conceptions of social order and citizenship focused on principles (rights and/or duties) and (communitarian or other) perspectives focused on virtue and character. This essay argues that no such tensions arise on a more universalistic virtue ethical conception of moral formation divorced from communitarian or other attachment to politics of local identity. In the course of making this claim, the paper argues that: (i) no account of social and moral responsibility--and hence of citizenship--could be given in terms of rights alone; (ii) virtue ethics, properly construed, is far from eschewing reference to general principles; (iii) an ethics of virtuous character can be conceived independently of communitarian or other social constructivist perspectives on the source of moral virtues and values. The paper concludes with an exploration of some implications of such a virtue ethical conception of morality for citizenship education. (Contains 1 note.)

After distinguishing several ways in which the notion of the moral roots of citizenship and citizenship education can be understood, this paper focuses on the question "Is there some underlying attitude that citizens should have towards their fellow citizens?" It argues for respect, rather than love or care, as being the appropriate attitude, in part on the grounds that the emphasis on respect helps to make moral sense of the notion of global citizenship. The rest of the paper argues that while understanding a person's cultural background is necessary to respecting the person, there are two further connections between respect and culture. First, respect itself is in part a cultural phenomenon. Secondly, there is a case for saying that persons should respect not only other persons but cultures as such. It is argued that this case is flawed in its presupposition that distinct cultures can be identified. What is needed, rather, is respect for human cultural contexts in all their diversity. (Contains 6 notes.)

Recent critics have suggested that character education (either in and of itself or certain instantiations of it) is overly individualised and, as a result, fails to engage adequately with the political. In this paper, I offer an account of character education which takes issue with such criticisms, and seeks to make clear connections between the moral and the political necessary for character formation and expression. Drawing on an Aristotelian understanding of the political, I argue that individuals are intimately connected with their social associations, which in contemporary plural, westernised democracies include the sort of engagement with the political advocated by critics of character education. Through a focus on civic virtue and deliberative engagement, it is argued that an Aristotelian-inspired account of character addresses the precise concerns, including recognising and challenging social injustices and deliberative engagement with difference, which critics suggest are lacking from character education.

This article analyses the unique challenges and needs of moral and citizenship education in post-war Peruvian society. It assumes the explanation of the roots, the facts and the enduring negative consequences of violence as described in the final report of the Comision de la Verdad y Reconciliacion (CVR) [Truth and Reconciliation Commission] presented to the country in 2003. Drawing on the argument made by the CVR, the paper begins by discussing the fundamental role that education played in the expansion of violence. Secondly, and within the framework of the CVR, the article undertakes an evaluation of the current state of Peruvian education, emphasising the role and main characteristics of moral and citizenship education within it. Through this examination, the many problems and challenges of moral education in contemporary Peruvian society are highlighted. Finally, the paper presents some general conclusions about the state of moral and citizenship education in Peru and the essential and delicate role it should have in a post-war society. (Contains 3 notes.)

School behaviour policies in England have developed in recent years as a direct result of government policy attempting to address issues of poor behaviour in schools, against a background of wider social concerns about anti-social behaviour and loss of respect. Since the 1980s there has been an acceptance that earlier authority-based approaches need to be broadened to include more collaborative approaches with students that involve elements of discussion and negotiation. A commonly stated aim of behaviour policies is to encourage personal responsibility on the part of students. However, on examination, many school behaviour policies are morally ambiguous, confuse the moral and conventional domains and take insufficient account of what it means to become genuinely self-directing, as discussed in the literature on moral development. Approaches advocated by many schools towards helping students discuss, negotiate and internalise school rules are superficial and ineffective. The paper argues that clearer links need to be made between school behaviour policies, moral development and citizenship education. The English citizenship curriculum framework is described in terms of its developmental structure, its broad conception and its concept map, which allows citizenship learning to be identified across a wide range of school contexts. The importance of cognitive challenge in the progress towards moral maturity is discussed. Teachers often fail to provide sufficient challenge in relation to behavioural issues and often infantilise students in denying them opportunities to take responsibility. It is argued that a concept-based map of citizenship education allows teachers to construct a morally rich curriculum framework from the early years upwards and to make links with a wide range of citizenship issues across the life of the school, optimising opportunities to promote social and moral responsibility. (Contains 2 notes.)

The paper aims to investigate the role assigned to state schools in France and Italy in constructing social cohesion and a common citizenship. The theme will be treated by individuating three different stages of a process of progressive mutual rapprochement between state and civil society. From the separatist phase, passing through an intermediate time denoted by a "totalitarian" reaction, to the present time, the paper illustrates the dynamics and the substance of the action of the state as an "educative" actor. In particular, the different characteristics of the French and Italian approaches to civic education will be pointed out by emphasising the different role attributed to the Catholic Church in nation building in the two countries. (Contains 22 notes.)

In this article we elaborate on the relationship between morality, moral development, moral education and capitalism. Based on Narvaez's (EJ1111256) correct critique of the Western way of life, which is destroying the environment and may one day lead to extinction of life on Earth, we argue that this critique should not be stripped of its political side, meaning that it will not be complete if does not explicitly include capitalism as one of its roots. In the remainder of our commentary, we will try to show that in addition to heart, reason has a strong place in indigenous peoples' life that is frequently misunderstood. Finally, and taking all this into account, we maintain that moral and citizenship education need to be critical and intercultural, and explicitly discuss economic and political issues that underlie and affect human moral development.

This article contains the responses of the author of Aristotelian Character Education (Routledge, 2015), Kristján Kristjánsson, to responses by three commentators, Randall Curren, Daniel Laspley and Christian Miller, published in this same issue of "JME."

Ideological indoctrination is explicit and pervasive in China, with the school curriculum used to mould the spirit and character of adolescents, fulfilling ideological and political purposes. But the exact content varies over time. Comparing two versions of textbooks published in 1997 and 2005, this paper depicts the continuities and change in the curricular discourses centred on the notion of "good citizen". While keeping the official status of socialism and the Party leadership untouched, the new textbooks soften the presentation and packaging of the ideological content, very much in tandem with the soft authoritarianism practised since the post-Deng era when China has been deeply involved in the processes of marketisation, liberalisation and globalisation. The new textbooks also adopt a stance of greater reconciliation with human rights and global citizenship. While being granted more autonomy and rights, young citizens are still expected to shoulder the mission of national revival and socialist modernisation--very much derived from official policies. (Contains 4 notes.)

In response to the difficult social, economic and political problems that Colombia faces, such as inequality, discrimination, weak civil society--fuelled by illegality and drug trafficking--the Colombian Ministry of Education has embarked on an ambitious citizenship education program, with the hope of strengthening the role of education by establishing alternative solutions. This innovative program attempts to counteract Colombians' recourse to violence as a means of solving the country's endemic problems by developing the competencies of students, teachers and other participants in education. The competencies include sound reasoning, care for others, communication skills, reflection on action, knowledge and active participation in classroom, school and community matters. This six-and-a-half-year-old project has started to create an educational system that takes into account many of the elements and relationships fundamental to the socio-political and moral behaviour of all involved. The paper indicates the horizons that this program opens up and discusses some of the problematic aspects that still need to be addressed for the program to be sustainable. (Contains 1 table and 2 notes.)

This article describes the Ethics and Citizenship Program, a moral education project developed by the Brazilian government to promote education in ethics and citizenship in Brazilian fundamental and middle schools through four key themes: ethics, democratic coexistence, human rights and social inclusion. Some findings from a research project that investigated whether such a program did in fact promote the ethical and citizenship awareness of participating students are outlined. As an introduction to the paper's main concerns, the Brazilian socioeconomic context is characterised, followed by a description of the historical background of moral education in Brazil. (Contains 3 tables and 8 notes.)

An adequate response to the environmental and sustainability issues we now face cannot be limited to single perspectives, disciplines, or ways of knowing, and instead requires an interdisciplinary approach. Despite the connections between the fields of citizenship-, character- and sustainability education, they have thus far run parallel to each other, without any substantial convergence. This paper focuses on the conceptual and historical reasons for this lack of integration, exploring the tensions among them perceived by many scholars and practitioners, such as an individual vs. a social vs. a global focus, a deliberative vs. fact based pedagogic approach, and an individual vs. socio-political educational context. The paper ends by exploring different ways in which these three fields of education might be integrated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The importance of motivational beliefs and, more specifically, religion, is identified as central for both citizenship and citizenship education. Whether they take an expressly religious form, or appear in a purportedly more open form, such as faith or world view, beliefs are at the core of human being. The tendency to speak more of shared values than beliefs in the context of educating citizens is open to question--values are not necessarily any more universally agreed, since they too are affected by beliefs. Moreover, the presumption of secularisation, that religious believing is fast disappearing, is itself now exposed as strangely dated. Beliefs, often explicitly religious beliefs, are fundamental in national constitutions. Thus, religion may inspire a critique of a nation's behaviour; religion will also need to be subject to critique. How to build an opportunity for understanding and critiquing beliefs into any public educational system is a major challenge. The provision for Religious Education (RE) in England is taken as an example of this challenge being directly addressed as a necessary complement to any separate policy for character education, citizenship education and/or moral education in whatever form they exist. RE is able to home in on the religious plurality which figures in national and international life. Understanding of the insights and contentions of religions in all their plurality is a source of illumination for citizens wherever they are in the world. (Contains 15 notes.)

During its evolution Chinese moral education has developed pronounced ideological aspects. This stems from traditions of first equating politics with morality, phrasing them both in the same language, and then of encouraging correct moral and political relations and behaviours through education. This trend dates back three thousand years to Zhou Gong and continued through Confucius and his followers. From 1949, through the Cultural Revolution and the present transition to a market economy, a similarly unified approach to political, ideological and moral education has been effected through the organizational medium of "deyu". As well as providing a historical overview, this paper examines the ideological function and political structure of "deyu" and the changes that are occurring within it. In the light of current changes in China, "deyu" is now starting to shift its focus away from ideological education and towards citizenship education. This reflects important changes in core values, to include individualism, economic initiative and consumerism, all of which confront Chinese society and education with distinct challenges and opportunities, and suggest even further reform of "deyu" during the 21st century.

Questions whether morality should not be discussed in schools. Considers claims for the importance of morality by drawing on the work of John Wilson. Argues that the best strategy for public school environments would be to focus on morality in the narrow sense. (CMK)

This paper expands the political liberal case for ‘education for justice’ to include climate justice education. It begins with the case for empowering and motivating learners to promote institutions for basic global and institutional justice. Beyond this, three challenges emerge. Firstly, the political liberal model is premised on free and equal citizens cooperating for mutual advantage. In fact, the flourishing of some has long been enabled by systematic disadvantaging of others, along race, gender, class and other lines. Thus, climate education must include critical, historically informed climate justice. Secondly, philosophers increasingly include duties to non-humans within climate justice. This poses a dilemma: must any ‘reasonable’ citizen accept this expanded view? Two ways forward are outlined, though the practical difference between them may be comparatively small. Finally, climate justice education, as outlined here, necessitates motivating learners to challenge political institutions. This makes it implausible that the current school system will provide it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transcribes a conversation between Dieter Misgeld and Abraham Magendzo on human rights education. Misgeld envisions a moral climate based on the preservation of human rights while Magendzo articulates a vision of human rights education to produce democratic institutions and moral practice. Both call for a political analysis of moral education. (DSK)

Evaluates efforts to incorporate ethical instruction into schooling through emphasis on citizenship and moral competence. Labels such efforts "moral vocationalism." Suggests that the movement has a weak knowledge base, relies upon behaviorist principles, and is exclusively instrumentalist. Recommends fortifying the approach with previously developed moral education techniques. (SG)

Discusses importance of symbolic value in teaching. States that students will value something if they perceive the institution values it through a serious commitment of time and resources. Supports the Personal, Social, and Moral Education (PSME) programs in English schools. Focuses on the concept of citizenship by teaching critical thinking. (NL)

This paper makes the case for including critical harmony as a complement to justice within civic education. The concept of harmony is significant for civic education because it acknowledges the crucial role that relationships play in society—an important moral, ethical, and social ideal in many cultures around the world. Harmony must also incorporate a critical dimension, however, by embracing conflict and tension, valuing difference and diversity, and striving for balance among divergent voices. By using examples of public issues such as housing and gender identity to illustrate the relational dimension of public policy, this paper argues that the concept of critical harmony can contribute to a more comprehensive foundation for students' deliberation of civic issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tensions between character education and citizenship education have existed for a long time. Some argue that character education is harmful to citizenship education; others claim that they are mutually beneficial and that we can and need to organise them synergistically. In this paper, I argue, through an exploration of civic virtue and ethical virtue in Aristotle’s theory, that citizenship education and character education are compatible and mutually supportive within Aristotelian educational frameworks, and that both are beneficial for students’ moral development and overall flourishing. First, the debate between character education and citizenship education is explored. This is followed by identifying the roles of citizenship education and character education in Aristotelian theory. Next, I examine more specifically the role of ethical virtue and civic virtue in Aristotle’s original works, and I argue that they are compatible (and sometimes overlap) to form an ideal educational outcome. In conclusion, synthesising citizenship education and character education based on Aristotle’s theory can effectively guide students toward flourishing lives, both as individuals and members of society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduces a conversation between Dieter Misgeld and Abraham Magendzo on the topic of human rights education. Provides a brief background on the two discussants, describes the tone of the conversations, and outlines points of agreement and disagreement. (DSK)

Citizenship and Citizenship Education are at the centre of curriculum reform in Kenya. Weak implementation processes have previously watered down similar novel curricular reforms due to a need for an elaborate curriculum implementation model. This article reviews existing Citizenship Education models to develop an effective curriculum implementation model. As a result, the paper formulates the ‘Transmission, Transactional and Reflection’ Citizenship Education curriculum instructional model. Unlike existing models that view the three phases as distinctive independent categories, the current model conceptualises it as a continuous process. The model further specifies the resultant transformation and change to include Disciplined, Participatory and Critical Citizenship. The model is similar to the vision of the basic education curriculum framework, which aims to enable every Kenyan to become an Empowered, Engaged and Ethical citizen. If adopted, this model will improve the implementation of Citizenship Education, instilling requisite citizenship values for effective citizenry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maintains that imaginative philosophical dialogue is an essential and necessary condition to education. Contends that the development of an autonomous person who has the ability to think well and to think for him or herself about matters of importance is essential in a democracy. (Author/JDH)

Provides a conceptual analysis of the motivation of virtuous behavior. Suggests educational practices which will aid in the development of kind, sincere, just, reliable, and helpful people. (JDH)

Political education focuses on the issues of citizenship, socialism and development, and because this implies a definite stance towards man and society, it can be viewed as moral education in the Tanzanian context. Explores the nature of the political education, its effects, and the problem of indoctrination. (Author)

Recent critics have suggested that character education (either in and of itself or certain instantiations of it) is overly individualised and, as a result, fails to engage adequately with the political. In this paper, I offer an account of character education which takes issue with such criticisms, and seeks to make clear connections between the moral and the political necessary for character formation and expression. Drawing on an Aristotelian understanding of the political, I argue that individuals are intimately connected with their social associations, which in contemporary plural, westernised democracies include the sort of engagement with the political advocated by critics of character education. Through a focus on civic virtue and deliberative engagement, it is argued that an Aristotelian-inspired account of character addresses the precise concerns, including recognising and challenging social injustices and deliberative engagement with difference, which critics suggest are lacking from character education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the unique challenges and needs of moral and citizenship education in post-war Peruvian society. It assumes the explanation of the roots, the facts and the enduring negative consequences of violence as described in the final report of the Comision de la Verdad y Reconciliacion (CVR) [Truth and Reconciliation Commission] presented to the country in 2003. Drawing on the argument made by the CVR, the paper begins by discussing the fundamental role that education played in the expansion of violence. Secondly, and within the framework of the CVR, the article undertakes an evaluation of the current state of Peruvian education, emphasising the role and main characteristics of moral and citizenship education within it. Through this examination, the many problems and challenges of moral education in contemporary Peruvian society are highlighted. Finally, the paper presents some general conclusions about the state of moral and citizenship education in Peru and the essential and delicate role it should have in a post-war society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the proceedings of the Network for Moral and Citizenship Education in Latin America conference in Lima, Peru from March 2-6, 2009. The presentation of papers detailing the state of moral education research in Latin America at this conference, which will be published in an issue of this journal in 2009, is described. The presentation of information on financial and intellectual networking opportunities for moral educators in Latin America is also noted.

Teachers in Asia are often perceived to occupy passive roles as citizens, subject to collectivist goals which take precedence over the interests of the individual. This assessment typically stems from a liberal-democratic perspective, which prioritises the individual as autonomous and self-responsible. While many endeavours have been undertaken by scholars outside education research to debunk the simplistic understanding of Asian thinking as passive, there remains a lack of attention to the distinctive features of Asian cultures and thought within the field of citizenship education. This article aims to provide a more nuanced understanding of citizenship education in Singapore, and challenge the perceived passivity of teachers in Asia by exploring—particularly from a Confucian perspective—how a group of social studies teachers made sense of citizenship. We identify three emergent themes from the interview samples: Relationality, Harmony and Criticality and discuss them accordingly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Higher education institutions have a responsibility to promote the development of students' ethical and citizenship competencies, especially in contexts of major social inequality. Graduates, who constitute a very small percentage of the population in Mexico, are the best qualified to conceive of creative alternatives to resolve its demanding social challenges. But this cannot be done if trained professionals and specialists remain indifferent to their communities and merely seek to satisfy their personal interests. Higher education institutions should have an active role to play in the consolidation of democracy in Mexico, providing society with technically and professionally well prepared individuals who are also ethical and competent citizens. This article sketches a 10-year program focusing on the development of the ethical and citizenship competencies of higher education students being implemented in a private university. Evidence from the first phase of assessment of ethical competencies is cited and discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explores some of the philosophical difficulties which arise from the task of trying to offer a substantial notion of `education for citizenship' in the context of the diversity of a pluralistic democratic society. Concept of citizenship; Some preliminary considerations on education for citizenship; Citizenship and the educational demands of diversity.