1. Relative clause avoidance: Evidence for a structural parsing principle.
- Author
-
Staub, Adrian, Foppolo, Francesca, Donati, Caterina, and Cecchetto, Carlo
- Subjects
- *
EYE movements , *COMPARATIVE grammar , *LINGUISTICS , *READABILITY (Literary style) , *SEMANTICS , *PHONOLOGICAL awareness - Abstract
Three eye movement experiments investigated the processing of the syntactic ambiguity in strings such as the information that the health department provided , where the that -clause can be either a relative clause (RC) or the start of a nominal complement clause (CC; the information that the health department provided a cure ). The experiments tested the prediction that comprehenders should avoid the RC analysis because it involves an unforced filler-gap dependency. Readers showed difficulty upon disambiguation toward the RC analysis, and showed facilitated processing of the ambiguous material itself when the CC analysis was available; both patterns suggest rapid initial adoption of the CC analysis in preference to the RC analysis. The strength of the bias of a specific head noun (e.g., information ) to appear with a CC did not modulate these effects, nor were these effects reliably modulated by the tendency of an ambiguous string to be completed off-line as a CC or an RC. These results add to the evidence that structural principles guide the processing of filler-gap dependencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2018
- Full Text
- View/download PDF