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Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between South Korea (hereafter referred to as Korea) and India in 1973, their bilateral relationship has made significant progress. This year marks the 50th anniversary of their diplomatic partnership, which calls for a scholarly examination of the developments in Korea-India relations over the last five decades, and their future prospects. This special issue's introductory paper provides a concise overview of the evolution of Korea–India relationships and introduces the other papers in the issue, emphasizing their significance in understanding the trajectory of the relationships. The primary goal of this introductory paper is to make two contributions: First, it aims to enrich the existing literature on India–Korea relations; and second, it provides key insights for policymakers to strengthen India–Korea ties in a new global order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The labor force participation rate of women in India has decreased despite economic growth, which has limited the advancement of their rights unlike in most other countries. This paper examines the determinants of labor force participation by gender in rural and urban areas using a probit model with data from the India Human Development Survey (IHDS) for 2011–2012 to analyze the factors that restrict workforce participation. The estimation results are presented below. First, the marital status of males, both rural and urban, has a significant impact on their participation in the workforce due to family support. In contrast, females face multiple restrictions based on marital, caste and religion, demonstrating that sociocultural factors have limited their participation regardless of regional factors. Second, in rural areas, the educational years of female workers negatively affect labor participation, but the constraints of marriage are weaker than in urban areas. Women in lower castes participate more in the rural labor force, which is interpreted as a result of their livelihood in the industrial structure consisting of agriculture. On the other hand, the caste system negatively affects female participation in urban areas. Finally, these results indicate that the low-labor participation of females is the result of a complicated process influenced by various factors, including regional effects and patriarchal cultural values in India. Therefore, it is necessary to provide employment opportunities and encourage economic incentives for more women to enter the labor market spontaneously, considering regional effects in policies, in order for women to emerge as one group of social leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Great attention has been paid to the bilateral economic relations between India, Vietnam, and South Korea; however, only scant research has focused on the prospects of triangular economic cooperation among the three countries. Given the advantage and demand for the cooperation of each party, there is significant potential for trilateral economic cooperation among South Korea, Vietnam, and India. In this paper, we discover the prospects for their triangular economic cooperation in three aspects. First, this study examines the potential for cooperation in production networks and supply chains between the three countries in the context of reconfiguring the global value chains (GVCs), with a focus on the leading role of South Korean multinational enterprises (MNEs). Second, the study explores trilateral cooperation in the digital economy and connectivity, focusing on how South Korea and India can collaborate on investment projects in Vietnam. Third, this study discusses the rationale and possibility of forming a regional trade agreement (RTA) between the three countries. South Korea, Vietnam, and India have extant bilateral trade agreements between two of the three countries; however, there is no regional integration among the three countries discussed in specific. Considering the bilateral relations and domestic and external factors, the paper reckons that an RTA for starters between the three countries would be mutually beneficial to each of the corresponding economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper traces the origin of the Middle East conflict and discusses the gradual evolution of the Israel-Palestine conflict from a historical perspective. The paper discusses the peace negotiations undertaken for the region during different periods and the contribution of the international community in reaching a compromise formula. The paper discusses the emergence and the role of Hamas and how it gained political legitimacy. The paper concludes with the views of Israel and India perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After independence, early decades in the Indian capital city were marked by ceremonials, demonstrations and politico-religious addresses. The enthusiasm of the nascent state trying to forge a shared public sphere was dampened by voices of dissent from different opposition groups. These voices took the form of demonstrations and sit-ins in New Delhi, especially around the Parliament Street. Thus, challenging elected government's use of space for functional and ceremonial purposes through such acts. However, the government, in order to contain protesting publics, could not continue to deploy the measures of colonial crowd control, and had to come up with means suitable for its democratic setup. Over years these contestations regarding defining use of public spaces between state and public(s) resulted in the development of guidelines and defining of designated sites of protest. In this view, the purpose of this paper is to contribute toward understanding of New Delhi's space post-1947 and explain how certain demonstrations led to shaping of the government's approach regarding protest sites. The same will be done by bridging the gap between spatial and socio-cultural theorists to study the capital city beyond its architectural grandeur and theoretical claims about public space. Overall, the paper is organized into four parts: the first section explores the idea of public space in the national capital with focus on importance of the Parliament House; the second and third sections study specific sites like Boat Club, Ramlila Maidan and Jantar Mantar in association with protests like JP Movement; and the final part looks at the evolution of government guidelines and the emergence of contained protest sites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India and South Korea relationship has seen remarkable journey in the last three decades. Apart from rising political and economic weights of both the countries, India and South Korea have also emerged as important soft powers in the region. Their soft powers are based on their rich cultural and historical heritages, their democratic traditions and productions of world famous entertainment contents such as movies, dramas, music and so on. The awareness of the cultural connection between the two countries might have been less than expected but both the countries are indeed committed to reach out each other through these connections. Actually soft powers of both the countries are also useful in connecting them bilaterally as well as providing them access to the Southeast Asian countries. This paper tries to look at the role of soft powers of both the countries in their bilateral relations. When the small and middle powers of the region are forced by the US-China contests to work more on their hard powers and alliances/partnerships, the paper argues that a cooperative narrative may emerge in the region through the soft powers reach outs of India and South Korea and their attempts of agenda setting for the region. The paper would also try to explore trajectory of India-South Korea people-to-people connections and flag problems and prospects in the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US-China chip war is becoming more intense as both countries understand the significance of semiconductors for their economic security and national defense. As a result of nationalist and unilateral actions taken by the US and China under the chip war, other Asian economic powerhouses are reassessing their semiconductor strategies, leading to new opportunities for semiconductor partnerships in Asia among middle powers. South Korea, a leading semiconductor power in Asia, is facing critical challenges amid the chip war, that, in turn, resulted in reshaping its trade and overseas production strategies that are heavily reliant on China. To maintain its semiconductor dominance and ensure economic security, Korea is adopting new approaches such as export and production diversification. In the meantime, India, amid the ongoing US-China tech war, is also seeking to construct a resilient supply chain and decrease its reliance on China for imports. In the process, New Delhi is looking to develop its semiconductor industry and build chip ties with like-minded countries in production and workforce development. This opens up significant prospects for Korea-India semiconductor partnerships. This paper proposes three areas where Korea and India could collaborate: semiconductor trade partnerships, semiconductor production partnerships, and semiconductor workforce collaboration. By doing so, it highlights how the US-China chip war is creating new opportunities for other Asian economic powerhouses to collaborate in the semiconductor industry. This paper also provides insights for policymakers to set a new agenda for India-Korea partnerships as both countries celebrate the 50th anniversary of their diplomatic ties in 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan and India are the two oldest and largest democracies in Asia. Since the inception of their diplomatic relations in 1952, the two countries have maintained a cordial relationship. They remain aloof during the Cold War period due to their ideological differences. After that, India following the economic liberalization followed by the "Look East" policy in the post-Cold War period had a positive impact on bilateral relations. This took a sudden gap due to India's second Pokhran nuclear test in 1998 followed by Japanese economic sanctions. However, the relations normalized soon when Mori visited India along with other South Asian nations in 2000. The bilateral relations further improved when the two countries signed the "strategic orientation of Japan-India global partnership" during Koizumi's visit in 2005. Since then, the two countries have been engaging in different aspects of strategic partnership, and a peaceful and stable Indo-Pacific along with the "rule-based order" has always been their priority. Thus, different scholars and statesmen from both countries started the discussion on building a new architecture of 'rule-based order' in the Indo-Pacific. To that end, Japan and India have continuously engaged themselves in bilateral and multilateral dialogue such as G4, Shangri-La Dialogue and Quad. Thus, this paper will try to see how far the two countries can persuade the international community to push the concept of "rule-based order" in the Indo-Pacific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the South Asian economy swiftly integrating into global markets, the restaurant industry in India and Bangladesh has thrived, providing a wide range of global cuisines. Along with other foreign restaurants, Japanese restaurants have gained traction in recent years. This paper seeks to delve into the Japanese culinary industry in South Asia, aiming to comprehend the factors influencing consumer choice and formulate an effective market development strategy. Employing the theory of planned behavior (TPB), the study explores the determinants of Indian and Bangladeshi consumers' intentions to choose Japanese restaurants. Utilizing qualitative research methods, 36 in-depth interviews (IDIs) were conducted, with 20 Indian and 16 Bangladeshi respondents. A semi-structured questionnaire covering demographics, attitudes, subjective norms (SN), perceived behavioral control and other factors including price concern, food authenticity and religion was employed. Analysis of interview transcripts using NVivo 10 software revealed that participants generally had an average economic condition. Notably, religion emerged as a significant factor influencing purchase intentions in Bangladesh, while attitude and perceived behavioral control are the most significant contributors to Indian consumers' perceptions. Additionally, the study found that both Indian and Bangladeshi consumers' perceptions were significantly influenced by the authenticity of Japanese cuisine and food prices positively and negatively. The findings offer valuable insights into the Japanese culinary industry promotion in India and Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Culinary globalization in Indian cities has resulted in new patterns of food consumption and production. Aside from the increasing presence of global franchises such as Costa Coffee, McDonald's and Kentucky Fried Chicken, local and foreign entrepreneurs have established restaurants that offer various national cuisines. In Delhi, for example, Japanese-themed restaurants cater to the city's growing appetite for new culinary experiences. So far our knowledge of culinary globalization in Indian cities has focused on consumption: How emerging gastronomic patterns relate to identity formations. The production of cuisines as part of the city's culinary globalization is rarely explored. In this paper, I focus on the role of Filipino 'sushi chefs' as cultural intermediaries who localize Japanese cuisine. This paper discusses their emergent practices of cultural mediation, namely adapting to local taste, peer mentoring and communicative labor. I argue that such practices of cultural mediation point to the social dynamics of cultural production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Power and influence are important concepts in world politics. In this process, every country tries to maximize its interests and influence over other countries. The present world order, soft power, plays an important role in influencing others' policy-making processes in one's favor to establish a world order. This paper aims to give an overview of Chinese soft power and find out whether Chinese soft power is creating a debt trap or becoming a shared interest for both Bangladesh and China. Based on secondary sources, the paper has found that although Chinese soft power, especially its growing investment in Bangladesh, is a part of establishing its influence, it is a shared interest rather than a debt trap. Different infrastructure development projects are opportunities for Bangladesh, as that will open the door to economic development if Bangladesh can effectively utilize them, although China's investment can put Bangladesh's economy under pressure. However, economic and political instability, fragile institutions, growing corruption, leadership crisis, etc. are more harmful to its economy and can lead to an economic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is based on a qualitative study of the influence of the British Colonial government on the construction and development of British India from perspectives of Chinese scholars. It is based on the survey of the papers with the keywords "British India" or "Colonial India" from 2000 to 2020 in China National Knowledge Infrastructure (CNKI), the most authoritative retrieval platform in China. After the analysis and summary of the research on British India by Chinese scholars, this paper suggests a possible research field for Chinese scholars. The study of British India in Chinese academics can go further with the findings of new historical materials. In the future, a breakthrough in this field will be possible with an emphasized study on relevant historical materials and native language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Asia is becoming one of the most fiercely competitive battlegrounds between India and China. Located at the center of South Asia and with its large geographical area, population, and economic size, superior military strength compared to other countries in the region, India has always been the most influential power in the region. But in the past decade, China's intensified partnership with small countries in South Asia has threatened India's number one position in the region. It is the challenges posed by China in South Asia, inter alia, that have forced India under Prime Minister Narendra Modi to make various important foreign policy adjustments. To interpret India–China competition in South Asia in aspects of diplomacy, economy, security and defense, the paper uses international relations theories including constructivism, neo-realism (particularly offensive realism) and the balance of threat theory. Although the paper analyzes India–China competition in all three areas of diplomacy, economy and military security, the authors are of the view that, the most fundamental motivation of China and India in this competition is to achieve power and security and not economic objectives. While China's strategic calculation leans towards its ambitions to gain greater power in the geopolitical order, India's strategic calculation leans towards ensuring its security. By using qualitative methods and utilizing secondary data including books, treatises, articles and policy briefs ... , this paper analyzes the strategic calculations of India and China in South Asia. The paper argues that China's intention is to emulate and then overtake India in the very region of India's traditional influence, while India's strategy is to maintain and strengthen its number one position in the region. Though China's influence in the region seems to have overwhelmed over India, India with all its internal forces is also hindering China's penetrating steps into South Asian region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains the potential implications of digital interventions for social accountability through the Smart Cities Mission (SCM) in India. The SCM represents India's transition to a new political economy based on rapid urbanization and wide-scale application of digital technology to reform public service delivery while simultaneously creating new markets for urban transformation. Within this wider context, the paper considers the future of democratic practices in urban governance. We argue that while citizen-led accountability practices were trialed by civil society organizations since 1990s, the SCM presented unique opportunity and challenge to institutionalize these tools within the framework of multi-scalar governance — between central-, state- and local-level institutions and between communities, private vendors and public bodies. Zooming into the four smart city projects — Indore, Kakinada, Panaji and Ranchi — we explain how each city engaged with citizen groups, communities and civil society and what their experiences tell us about the prospects and challenges of democratizing digital urban futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we analyze how India's climate change policy is framed, formulated and implemented and argue that it requires carefully balancing of domestic and international interests. Given the country's population size, composition and projected economic growth, India will, in the next few years, see its most significant energy demand upsurge along with a massive need for infrastructure. As projected by the International Energy Agency, "nearly 60% of its CO2 emissions in the late 2030s will be coming from infrastructure and machines that do not exist today". As a result, policy choices made today by India's decision-makers and international negotiators will have severe implications for the world. This paper analyzes global emission trends, climate change impacts and India's international and domestic climate policies—from Paris to Glasgow and New Delhi to rural India. Furthermore, we examine the core constraints that Indian policymakers face and draw attention to shortcomings in India's climate change policies, particularly concerning continued investment in coal despite the country's widely lauded efforts to embrace renewables. We argue that fossil fuel subsidies are a delicate political issue with significant implications for many election-determining poor citizens—hence accompanying "just transition" measures are essential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions do policy paradigms succeed in historically weak states? To answer these questions, this paper examines the subnational case of Bihar in India. The existing literature portrays Bihar as lacking capacity. Yet, between 2005 and 2010, astounding improvements have taken place in sectors of transparency and accountability and law & order. How do we explain this? This paper shows that ideas are consequential in initiating changes in policy paradigms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India and the Republic of Korea (RoK) are, respectively, the second and sixth largest economies of Asia with significant trade ties since the historic past. India is currently negotiating to upgrade the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) with the RoK, which was operationalized on January 1, 2010. A key area of concern for India has been its increasing trade deficit with the RoK which has more than doubled since 2009–10. This paper aims to analyze the flow of goods, services and investment between the two sides in major sectors of interest in the last decade. Further, it aims to identify barriers to trade and investment for the Indian exporters and areas of improvement in the CEPA and beyond to enhance economic gains for both sides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vietnam and India became exceptional friends in the context of globalization and global and regional security in the Indo-Pacific Ocean. India paid a significant consideration to South East Asia and expanded its role in this region in the early 21st century. Meanwhile, Vietnam is one country that experienced a thriving economy in its international and regional integrations. This country has a pressing demand for bilateral and multilateral cooperation with all countries in the world. Especially, the objective of rising India's soft power along with its hard power contributed to promoting India's benefits and involvement in Southeast Asia and Vietnam. Likewise, Vietnam has been fully aware of India's intervention in disputes in the South China Sea and its well-meaning plans to tighten relations with Vietnam over various fields. Vietnam considered India as a partner to conduct Vietnam's soft power. Since Strategic Partnership (2007), Vietnam has accelerated this relation through cultural exchanges, cultural projects, and shared values of Indian culture. Thus, the image of Vietnam becomes familiar to Indian people. Likewise, India encouraged Vietnam to hold cultural events and academic seminars to exchange ideologies, opinions, and plans for many domains. Vietnam is also a goal of India's soft power in Southeast Asia. This paper aims to examine cultural diplomacy in Vietnam's foreign policy in Vietnam–India diplomatic relations mainly based on theories of Liberalism, public diplomacy, and soft power. Thus, it clarifies cultural diplomacy in Vietnam and India's foreign policy. Finally, the author would like to anticipate the scenario of Vietnam–India cultural diplomacy in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Property is one of the important instrumental elements, in the empowerment of women. Matrilineal system in Kerala had privileged Nayar women to inherit property. Inheritance of property rights among Nayar women had undergone dramatic changes during and since the British period. It is difficult to understand the relationship between property and women empowerment as property relations are imbricate and constantly changing. In this paper, I explore how the nature of property influences women empowerment in different regions of Kerala. The sociological contours of property relations of Nayar women are explored to understand how property becomes an agent that helps women to exercise power in the family and bargain within matriliny. The material, cultural and political relations around property need to be reckoned in understanding the power dynamics within the gender relations in Nayar community in Kerala. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the Narendra Modi's administration, India has been implementing a pragmatic foreign policy following realistic principles toward China. By using methods of policy analysis, in combination with content analysis and discourse research, the paper demonstrates that India's policy toward China under the Prime Minister (PM) Modi's leadership is a set of strategic responses of a rising power to an assertive neighbor who is rising at global level. This set of responses includes a policy of cooperation when it sees China as a partner, a policy of containment when it sees China as a rival, a policy of conflict management when it sees China as a neighbor who has direct territorial disputes; and a policy of balance of power when it sees China as an opponent. The authors of the paper are of the view that one of the key elements in India's policies toward China is that it is a combination of both cooperation and competition aspects. In addition, it is to be seen that India has simultaneously used various channels to implement these policies toward China to secure its national goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the challenge to India from China, and the dilemmas faced by India in shaping an appropriate response. A two-level theory analysis indicates that some diminishing cooperation is possible at the global level, for example over environmental issues. However, regionally, this has been overtaken structurally by increasing sharp confrontation along the Himalayas and by rising geopolitical and geo-economic competition across Asia and the Indo-Pacific. This has been overlaid in 2020–2021 by the particularly negative effect on Indian relations with China of the clashes and casualties at Galwan and the impact of Covid-19. Given this sharpening challenge, the paper finds that India's cherished axiom of full strategic autonomy now has to be tempered in its response by balancing dictates, particularly in the light of Stephen Walt's balance of threat model. India's responses pose various dilemmas in terms of effectiveness and counter-productiveness. Geopolitically, dilemmas continue to revolve for India around how far to invoke a Tibet Card and a Taiwan Card in its One China policy; and how far India can shape an immediate web (in effect around China) through strengthening security links with Vietnam, Mongolia and South Korea. Dilemmas also follow from how far India should pursue tighter security/military arrangements with more powerful China-concerned states like Australia, Japan, France, and above all, the United States. Geo-economically, India's dilemmas revolve around how to respond to the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and to China's Maritime Silk Road scheme. Looking forward, an important factor will be how far India pulls away from Covid-19 disruption to the economy, and how far it will need to divert long-term economic funding away from immediate short-term military projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the dynamics of supply chain diversification in a contested East Asia and their implications for India–South Korea cooperation in the post-COVID-19 era. Major powers have sought to restructure supply chain by designing a strategy to reduce their reliance on China-controlled supply chain. The United States–China trade and technological war, Asian regional powers' escalating conflicts with a rising China, and pandemic-induced supply chain disruptions have played key roles in driving the restructuring process. India and South Korea, Asia's two major economies, have also re-evaluated their supply chain strategies. As this paper explains, on the one hand, India has been striving to emerge as a supply chain hub for key industries by ending China's control. On the other hand, South Korea has also been aiming to diversify its supply chain beyond China under the New Southern Policy. Against that backdrop, critical developments concerning supply chain cooperation have occurred between the two countries amid the COVID-19 crisis. The pandemic has not only facilitated the opening of high-level political exchanges on supply chain but also brought tangible outcomes, as Korean companies have become active participants in India's quest to build an India-centric supply chain. I conclude this study by contending that the two countries are "natural partners" in reshaping the supply chain dynamics in East Asia in the post-COVID-19 era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2017, India has introduced an increasing number of protectionist economic policies including higher tariffs, import duties and production subsidies while also rejecting and reviewing free trade agreements and imposing new regulations on foreign companies. This paper seeks to make sense of India's recent foreign economic policies and their potential impact on its relations with East Asia. It does so by analyzing the economic, political and geopolitical drivers of these policy changes and placing their emergence within a broader historical context. It is argued that India is entering a new period of "neo-mercantilist" economic nationalism that simultaneously seeks to protect and nurture industries while attracting foreign investment and integrating India into global value chains. This is the outcome of the consequences of "liberal" economic nationalist policies and a changing geopolitical environment — including a broader global impetus toward neo-mercantilist policies and conflict with China. The COVID-19 pandemic has intensified this pre-existing turn toward neo-mercantilism. India's new economic nationalism has the potential to produce significant changes in India's relations with East Asia but also faces significant challenges in its implementation in the post-COVID era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comprising aspiring economies, significant reserves of social, human and natural capital, and witnessing the bulk of maritime trade, global as well as intra-region interests are inextricably tied to the Indo-Pacific. Since 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic has resulted in exposing the fault lines in the Indo-Pacific which was already fraught with competing as well as cooperative geopolitical equations. In the context of regional and global actors being called upon to reign in the ensuing disruptions and establish alternate response mechanisms, this paper examines the geopolitical landscape of the Indo-Pacific and the evolution of India's role as a key participant and contributor to regional dynamics. In doing do, the paper analyzes intra-region partnerships which have witnessed a steady expansion with New Delhi's involvement. It also underscores the key responses and adaptations of countries in the region and how India's engagement is poised to underwrite the same. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper intends to explore Magical Realism in the Indian context through O. V. Vijayan's novel, The Legends of Khasak, initially published in Malayalam in 1969; later in 1994, Vijayan himself translated it into English. This regional novel might not have fetched global recognition, but it remains one of the most influential magical realist texts in Malayalam literature. Intriguingly though, the novel was published just two years after García Márquez's magnum opus, One Hundred Years of Solitude, and almost a decade and a half before Rushdie's Midnight's Children. Salman Rushdie's commercial success in this genre popularized South Asian Magical Realism in the West. However, many regional writers from India had employed Magical Realism's stylistic paradox in their works before the term officially originated in the European and Latin American contexts. Through Vijayan's novel, this study explores how, in the Indian context, the paradoxical impulse to naturalize the supernatural deeply exists in realism's stylistic undercurrents. The research further uses the critical framework of trauma and memory to analyze how the author attempts to recuperate the indigenous cultural identity of the natives, lost due to colonialism and capitalism, and simultaneously historicize the onset of colonial modernity and industrialization in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is a brief analysis of the various discussions and news reported in media of four countries, after the abrogation of Art. 35(A) and Art. 370. The paper also discusses the historical genesis of the Kashmir dynamics and how the Kashmir conflict has assumed different perceptions and distinction amid the international community. The paper tries to present the depiction of Kashmir, after abrogation, to the international audience within the bilateral dimension between India and Pakistan. Adhering to the principle of neutrality, the paper presents some of the factual topics of discussion after the abrogation of the special status of Kashmir under Art. 370 and Art. 35A. The paper analyzes the news and debates in Chinese CGTN TV and Global Times; select American print media Washington Post, New York Times, and USA Today; the India Today TV and Pakistan's Geo News and ARY News. The paper shows how the contents vary according to the suitability of the particular countries' priority and policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's political economy and economic policies can no longer be understood in a purely domestic-oriented or closed economy framework. This paper offers an "India in the world" framework that analyzes how traditional borders of domestic political economy and international politics interact in shaping domestic policy and political economy. In contrast to existing political economy approaches on India, such a framework pays attention to the changing nature of domestic political economy but also how international factors affect and shape domestic imperatives and goals. Simultaneously, domestic developments have important global consequences in terms of increasing (or decreasing) global attention and external economic flows to India, which must be attended to in understanding India's domestic political economy. I also suggest that the global world is not only a set of exogenous structures and constraints, but rather, the changing global order is deployed and used by state actors to refurbish their political and state power to achieve both domestic and global aims. However, if state actors fail to renew the domestic sources of growth or contribute to crony capitalist or debt-laden domestic growth, then, even attending to global alliances may fail to renew the economic sources of state power and create serious contradictions in India's domestic and global strategies despite new realignments favoring India at the global level. These ideas help us understand Modi regime's political economy in a new way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the folklore of indentured Indians and endeavors to understand the elements of Indian folk culture in the sugar colonies in the age of the empires. While examining the content and context of the folklore, it finds that the indentured folktales were very much influenced by the Indian socio-cultural life, however, these folktales got transformed and modified due to the contact with host countries' languages, places and space. On the other hand, the content of the indentured folksongs not only depicted the culture and pain of separation from homeland and familial ties, but also became an instrument to resist against the plantation hardship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its launch in 2013, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has attracted frequent commentary and analysis. Much of these discussions have focused on its effectiveness and viability as a large-scale economic as well as geopolitical project. This paper contributes to that discussion by exploring BRI's impact on regional organizations, specifically in South Asia. Using South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) as a case study, I argue that BRI's impact on regional organization is inadequately understood. BRI is not a competitor to regional organizations, but its presence in a region creates a priority conundrum for member states i.e., members who join effectively must mainline the BRI into their national interests. By offering transactional functionality, BRI offers member states the opportunity to access immediate tangible benefits like foreign investment and infrastructure development. While states continue to be the members of various international and regional organizations, their commitment and policy priorities inevitably end up aligning with BRI if they choose to sign up. With BRI as a part of their national interest, states inadvertently cede policy autonomy, especially on issues of concern for China. This creates a situation that grants China a voice in organizations where it's not even a member. This impacts the character and culture of regional organizations creating relevancy and effectiveness concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper surveys India–ASEAN relations since the late 1990s amid the ongoing quest for a new regional compact in a post-pandemic era to advance India's growing security and economic interests in Southeast Asia. During the cold war, India preferred to engage bilaterally with Southeast Asian countries than engage ASEAN directly. This tack shifted after 2000 as new security challenges arrived, particularly the need to secure the Indian Ocean. India's overtures with ASEAN and ASEAN states grew alongside defense cooperation, which are now being renewed and renegotiated under the "Indo-Pacific" rubric despite differences over how India and ASEAN states regard the concept. Economic liberalization changed India's calculus in the 1980s, which led to a series of overtures to economically tether India to the ASEAN. India–ASEAN trade grew dramatically over the last decade but fears abound over whether India's rejection of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement will reverse its economic footprint in Southeast Asia. Given both security and economic differences between India and the ASEAN, opportunities exist in joining to address shared transnational challenges like cybersecurity and counterterrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the election of Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government in May 2014, India's approach to East Asia has changed, principally in response to pressures exerted by China. The Modi government inherited an East Asia strategy that combined a push for greater diplomatic and economic linkages with the region, an effort to improve Sino-Indian relations through a mix of engagement and deterrence, and a strengthening of security ties with the United States (US) and its allies. During its first three years in office, this paper argues that the Modi government stuck with this approach but attempted to pursue it more energetically as well as to assert India's interests more clearly and forcefully in interactions with Beijing. After the Doklam standoff in 2017, however, India was pushed to assume a more clearly competitive stance, despite concerns about the reliability of Donald J. Trump's new administration in Washington, China's growing belligerence towards India and the rest of the region, and the impact of COVID-19. This stance entails both internal and external balancing, and a push for greater economic self-reliance that implies some decoupling from China, but which also has implications for India's relations with other countries in East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the 2011 Census of India, around 55% of rural households do not access a private bathing facility. The research study examines whether a bathing space's presence improves the quality of life of the women using it. The study was conducted in two Indian states, Madhya Pradesh and West Bengal, where two private agencies had facilitated bathing spaces. 54 women were interviewed for the purpose of the study. Individual interviews were conducted to understand the perception of the women who had recent access to the bathing spaces. The research shows that women who have access to bathing space have perceived positive changes in their health. Because of access to a private and secluded area, they can carry out Menstrual Hygiene Management practices. Along with the health benefits, the women participants also perceived changes in their daily lives. While there were numerous benefits of the bathing space, the burden of filling water and maintaining the bathing spaces on women increased. The paper also tries to understand what are the reasons for not constructing a bathing space. Cultural norms, lack of land, lack of water and water connectivity, lack of awareness, and economic reasons came across as reasons for not constructing a bathing space in the study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taiwan is a major hub of the global supply chains and one of the leading investors not only in China but also in other Southeast Asian markets. Although high trade complementary, bilateral trade between South Asia and Taiwan is only about US$ 9 billion, investment has only picked up recently. The computable general equilibrium (CGE) analysis indicates a substantial economic benefit of bilateral tariffs elimination between Taiwan and its South Asian partners. Taiwan has a substantial comparative advantage in producing high tech manufacturing goods while in South Asian's main strength is in the resource-based agricultural and light manufacturing sector. Taiwan has been maintained a liberalized trade regime with minimal import tariffs and non-tariff measures (NTM) over the decades. As South Asia is booming, and Taiwan is seeking alternative markets and investments opportunities, it is time to deepen a bilateral economic relationship. South Asia is a market of 1.5 billion people with an emerging middle class along with substantial cheaper labor forces, made an ideal place for investment. A comprehensive economic partnership agreement (CEPA) with a preferential trade and investment agreement would be useful to attract Taiwanese multinationals and seamless trade between South Asia and Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study has set to compare the usefulness of the regional integration efforts taken by two important economic blocs, SAARC and ASEAN, within the Asian continent to reduce the regional income inequality. Therefore, the existence of income convergence (or divergence) among the SAARC and ASEAN countries is the aim of this study. To investigate whether (or not) there exists income convergence across the SAARC and ASEAN blocs over the period of 1970-2017, β -convergence, σ-convergence and club convergence estimation methods have been applied. The results confirm the convergence of income across the ASEAN member countries, which is absent for the SAARC member countries at the intra-regional level. Although we considered all countries of the SAARC and ASEAN blocs together in the panel, an evidence of income convergence over the years has been found. The analysis supports the view of trade liberalization and recommends investing in the human capital to narrow down the regional disparity in future. To achieve a favorable impact of Asian rising growth, regional integration is important, for that a collective policy framework at the regional level is needed for both SAARC and ASEAN. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 2023 marks the 50th anniversary of diplomatic ties between Korea and India. On the occasion of this golden jubilee, this study aims to first understand the major determinants for Korea-India relations since the Cold War. It will then highlight the way forward for further strengthening bilateral cooperation between Korea and India from a Korean perspective. The study found that the economic aspect was the main driving force for relations between Korea and India until recently. With the emergence of the Indo-Pacific era, political and security dimensions have also become important driving forces, especially due to the China factor. However, despite upgrading their strategic partnership as "special" in 2015, the two countries have not yet formulated an action plan on how to strengthen and specifically cooperate within it. There is a need to establish a blueprint for how Korea and India will develop their special strategic partnership in the Indo-Pacific era. In this situation, this study suggests four areas where Korea and India can promote and strengthen their relations in the coming years: minilateralism such as Korea, Australia, Indonesia, and India (KAII) in the Indo-Pacific area, para and city diplomacy, cooperation in the defense industry, and economic cooperation on major Chinese export items to India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the past two decades, India and South Korea have sought to create a strategic convergence in their long-term cooperation. Defense cooperation, which has been discussed bilaterally, is a key area of their partnership, should it later be transformed to companionship. As some of their efforts have materialized, South Korea has become the fifth largest exporter of conventional arms to India. Markedly, Seoul and New Delhi are on the way to restyle their regional strategies towards each other to fit into their Indo-Pacific strategies. In the course, two sides have found valid points to explore stronger partnership than in the past. The stronger driver they have now is likely to sustain in the future as they already made some meaningful progress in the last decade. In this latest move, the two sides appear to be on the right trajectory; however, the future awaits a more productive joint effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Korea and India have had a Special Strategic Partnership in place from 2015 and the India-Korea diplomatic relations have entered its 50th year, but still the full potential of the relationship has not been tapped into by both sides. Korea's New Southern Policy and India's Act East Policy did provide some momentum and some significant progress in the cultural, people-to-people links were seen, but when it came to strategic and hard security issues, this relationship fell short. Even in the economic sphere, the two sides signed the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement in 2009, but still there are talks underway for updating the CEPA. But now with Korea devising its new Indo-Pacific strategy and India being one of the strong advocates of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific concept, there is scope that this relationship will now delve into strategic issues that are haunting the geo-political climate of the Indo-Pacific region. Finally it seems the time is opportune for the two countries to develop a credible strategic and security partnership. This article after tracing the trajectory of the India-Korea relations from 2015 onwards, analyses if now with Korea unveiling its Strategy for a Free, Peaceful and Prosperous Indo-Pacific, will India finally figure in its strategic calculus? If India will also perceive Korea as an important partner for furthering its ambitions in the Indo-Pacific region? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economic security of middle powers across the world is being challenged by great power rivalry and, more recently, Russia's invasion of Ukraine. One of the largest trade and investment countries globally, South Korea is amongst the middle powers most affected by these developments. In this context, South Korea needs to finetune its economic security strategy. One way of doing so is by diversifying its economic relations. In this respect, India, a fellow middle power and also one of the biggest economies in the world, is a key partner. Supply chains, trade, investment and human capital have all been benefiting from strengthening links between South Korea and India, and will be key moving forward as the former seeks to further boost its economic security. Indeed, South Korea and India have been strengthening their links in the intertwined areas of maritime security, cyber security, and economic security in recent years. This suggests that economic security is part of broader security cooperation between the two partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of citizenship in northeast India has become a highly contested one due to the persisting ethnic-territoriality and intermittent conflicts that has plagued the region, particularly in the borderlands, since the early decades of Indian independence. The borders between India and Myanmar are largely porous and border crossing is a quotidian experience for people who inhabited on both sides of the border. Conflicts in the region, which were mainly fuelled by the drive for exclusive ethnic homelands in a territory co-inhabited by different ethnic groups, have led to displacements not only within the national border but even beyond. The rehabilitation of such conflict-induced displacements has led to questioning of the citizenship of displaced people. Such claim in contested spaces is nothing but to question the indigeneity of the "other" and their rights to land and its ownership. This politics of indigeneity is pursued in the region today with continued rigour and intensity to mainly ensure ethnodomination or to achieve exclusive ethnic homeland in contested spaces. They are silent and disingenuous on the universal fundamental human rights to leave and return to one's country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is a review based on primary and secondary data to depict the past scenario and present scenario of idol makers of Kumortuli and Kalighat Poto Para, Kolkata, who traditionally indulged in the craftsmanship of idol-making of different gods and goddesses. Bengal has a rich tradition of worshipping Goddess Durga in different forms and this festival reaches a new height when it joins on the intangible cultural heritage (ICH) list of UNESCO (2021). Our findings showcase the evolution of the historic and social significance of the Durga Puja festival from ancient times to the recent and its economic impact in the modern-day society in terms of historical evidence of class among the artisans; the role of urbanization; labor migration; environmental issues and so on. Furthermore, the public policies adopted in this regard are highly appreciable as they try to involve marginalized groups and individuals as well as women in their initiatives in safeguarding this ICH. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the state and governance of India's food security, with a specific focus on developments under the Modi/BJP administrations since 2014. Whilst the discourse of Modi/BJP administrations suggests a significant departure from previous administrations' governance approaches, I find that the governance of both macro-level and micro-level food security in India has remained broadly unchanged over the past few decades. Macro-level aspects of food security, food availability and food stability, continue to be governed through the framework of the Public Distribution System (PDS) and Minimum Support Prices paid out to farmers for the cultivation of rice and wheat. Micro-level aspects of food security, food access and food utilization, remain managed through a network of social programs, primarily the PDS, the Integrated Child Development Services, and the Mid-Day Meals Scheme. One key difference has been a greater success of the Modi administrations in tying the programs' achievements, even if modest, directly to Modi and the BJP, giving the BJP an electoral boost. The focus on short-term political gains has, however, undermined India's governance effectiveness and with it its ability to implement policies capable of addressing India's longer-term structural food-security challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do political determinants affect economic outcomes? How have neoliberal ideas been materialized in promoting foreign direct investment (FDI) under the Narendra Modi government in India? This study explains how the political determinants have affected FDI inflows facilitating the risk-minimizing environment for investors, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic. It investigates Modi's political beliefs in governance, which promoted neoliberal ideas and FDI deregulation. It further explores how Modi's political ideas have accelerated the institutional change in the FDI regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to a number of recent reports, India has been successful in reducing multidimensional poverty levels over the past two decades. This trend is evident under the Modi Era due to successful introduction and implementation of various welfare reforms since 2014. Robust economic growth has been a necessary but insufficient condition to explain this observed phenomenon. Rather, over two decades of structural changes and the shifting calculus of electoral politics have transformed the nature of principal-agent relations in Indian democracy. Political elites are now proactively addressing the principals' concerns on "good governance." Access to information and greater public awareness of the availability of services seem to have contributed to holding the principal accountable and thereby rewarding the principal during election(s). The shifting of voters' demand for good governance (a) underscores the erosion of electoral salience of traditional cleavages with voters' concerns centering on economic issues—growth, delivery of services, and job creation; and (b) provides insights into the quotidian ways in which the state has responded to the demand of those governed—the principal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that India-East Asia relations are likely to enter a new phase in the post-COVID-19 era. The COVID-19 pandemic has hastened the decline of the post-Cold War liberal order that has so far promoted mutual trust and cooperation and underpinned peace and prosperity. This development has enormous implications for East Asia's international relations. Indeed, significant changes appear to have occurred in the region during the pandemic. On the one hand, the pandemic has accelerated China's growing supremacy, but on the other hand, it has also enhanced its rivalry with all major liberal powers, including the US, India, Japan and Australia. Moreover, the geo-economic front has also witnessed drastic changes as pandemic-induced economic nationalism, economic retaliation, and supply chain restructuring have swept across the region. Hence, it is not premature to proclaim the post-pandemic East Asia will differ from the post-Cold War liberal era. That, in turn, raises important questions: How has the COVID-19 influenced India–East Asia relations? Will the post-COVID-19 era transform India's ties with East Asia? If so, how will this relationship change, and to what extent? This article, and this special issue more broadly, seek to answer these questions. In doing so, we first examine the major geopolitical and geo-economic issues between India and East Asia. Thereafter, we analyze India's relations with South Korea, China, Japan and ASEAN. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Indo-Pacific region is said to be the center of the 21st century, unlike the Asia-Pacific in the 20th century. In the region, China is emerging rapidly in terms of economic strength, defense capability, and international presence. The US and other concerned countries are striving to cope with the new development. It looks that the US manages to somehow retain its Pax Americana as in the latter half of the last century. China which dreams to head for Pax Sinica has been implementing various measures including removing unfavorable circumstances to promote its dream. At the moment, it is hard to make prompt predictions on how these two Pax would be going. The key question would be ways to deal with China. Typical policies now under implementation are engaging policy represented by the RCEP and balancing policy by the Quad. These two policies have a timeline of short-term policy and middle-term policy. Perhaps, contents of the policies would be finalized depending upon China's economic development as one of the major factors. To bring about peace and stability of the region, in tandem with them, it might be necessary to bring about a regional order of the Indo-Pacific where it has been lacking. The close relations of Japan and India could be utilized for such a purpose also. Although COVID-19 is afflicting the whole region, it is hoped that the pandemic could be overcome by vaccines and other measures in the near future. It is the right time now to ponder over the future direction of the Indo-Pacific region before it is too late. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]