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For the past 25 years in Greece, welfare-state reforms have been the result of the interplay between domestic politics and European influences. While pension reform has been aborted, some targeted and small-scale reforms have proven more successful. Wholesale changes of the welfare system have met with strong resistance from private interests and bureaucratic mechanisms. The EU's impact has mostly been felt in the policies of employment, vocational training, regional development and, less so, social assistance. Other welfare-state reforms have remained mostly on paper. However, the Greek welfare regime is gradually undergoing a cognitive change, manifested in the diffusion of social rights, and has adopted EU-driven policy tools for consultation and decision making. Throughout, path dependence has interacted with reform dynamics, flowing from the country's integration into the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Commission's Green and White papers on Social Policy try to promote social security as a precondition of the further success of the European integration. A Euro pean Social Policy is seen as an important con tribution to improve the public acceptance of the European Integration. The article starts with an analysis of the political effectiveness and limitations of this argument. A closer analysis shows that the proposals in the Green and White papers are not entirely clear. They vacillate between supporting full employment and introducing a basic security system. This can be seen as a first reason for the particular selective European Social Policy which is pre dicted in the article. The analysis of the main socio-political actors on the European level underpins this prediction. The important role of the social partners - as targeted in the Green and White papers - combined with the absence of a functioning central political actor (anal ogous to the state on the national level) will result in a specific kind of selectivity, which produces a relatively poor socio-political out put on the European level. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Working-age households where no-one is in work have become an increasing focus of policy concern even before the economic crisis, and the European Union (EU) has included household joblessness in its new poverty reduction target for 2020. This paper focuses on the variation across EU countries in the prevalence of household joblessness and its impact on income poverty and deprivation, and on the implications for the new EU poverty reduction target. It highlights first that there are some divergences across key data sources in the extent of joblessness. The prevalence of household joblessness varies substantially across EU countries, but there is little evidence of a consistent pattern among groupings of countries often categorized together in terms of welfare regime or geographically. In aggregate there is little association between the overall extent of household joblessness in a country and the percentage in relative income poverty or above a material deprivation threshold. At a micro level, being in a jobless household has a substantial impact on the likelihood of being in relative income poverty or deprived, but the scale of these impacts is shown to be very much greater in some countries than in others, and to vary between single-adult and multiple-adult households. In most EU countries little more than half the working-age adults in jobless households are either income-poor or deprived, so including joblessness in the poverty reduction target does make a difference, without a clearly articulated rationale. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

After the European Year for Combating Poverty and Social Exclusion, on the eve of the elaboration of policies designed to help reach the Europe 2020 target of lifting 20 million people out of poverty, it is important to take stock of the outcomes of the Lisbon agenda for growth, employment and social inclusion. The question arises why, despite growth of average incomes and of employment, poverty rates have not gone down, but have either stagnated or even increased. In this paper we identify the following trends: rising employment has benefited workless households only partially; income protection for the working-age population out of work has become less adequate; social policies and, more generally, social redistribution have become less pro-poor. These observations are indicative of the ambivalence of the Lisbon Strategy and its underlying investment paradigm. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The paper examines the relationship between the severe economic crisis facing Greece and the country’s social protection system, arguing that this relationship is ambivalent. On one level, the welfare state itself has contributed in a far from trivial way to the fiscal crisis of the state, with its various failures including huge deficits in key programmes such as pensions and health. On a second level, the crisis and the measures to counter it deprive the welfare state of resources, while at the same time setting in motion sweeping changes. On a third level, social protection can help cope with the consequences of the crisis, but enhancing its capacity to do so will require considerable reconfiguration and proper funding of social safety nets. The paper concludes by discussing the prospects for a revival of welfare state building in Greece in the current harsh climate. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Means-tested transfer schemes in Europe and elsewhere tend to include not only income tests but also asset tests of various sorts. The role of asset tests in minimum income protection provisions has been extensively researched in the Anglo-Saxon context. Far fewer authors have assessed the role of asset tests on social policy in a continental European context. Although asset tests may be useful in singling out the more deserving of the poor, we know relatively little of their actual impact on eligibility and social outcomes in European welfare states. This paper looks at the prevalence and design of asset tests in European minimum income protection schemes. We distinguish between two main types of asset tests: outright disqualification when assets reach a certain value, versus a more gradual tapering at a fictional rate of return. We then analyse in greater detail how asset tests in Belgium and Germany, as representatives of these two types, affect minimum income protection eligibility and poverty outcomes. We use the EUROMOD microsimulation model on the Household Finance and Consumption Survey data in order to assess the effects of asset tests. This survey was explicitly designed to more realistically reflect assets and capital incomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While social policy falls predominantly under national rather than European Union (EU) jurisdiction, there are nonetheless multiple ways in which social policy and social outcomes in EU member states have been affected by EU membership. This paper draws on existing evidence and analysis to review the consequences for UK social policy of the decision to leave the EU. We focus predominantly on the implications of the British government's pledge to 'take back control' of money, borders and laws. Our conclusion is that Brexit is likely to have negative effects on the quality of public services and, for some groups in particular, social rights, and that these effects are likely to be greater the more distant are the future trading and wider relationships between the UK and the EU27. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are three main aims of this paper. The first is to identify the role, if any, of the family in the provision of food between households. Second, the paper addresses the paradox of food at home in Cyprus appearing to be less shared than takeaway food. Third, the paper attempts to answer the question as to why older households spend more per person on food at home than younger households. These three aims are approached through the perspective of the literature on welfare regimes. The empirical part of the paper is based on qualitative research using purposive sampling to select cases. The findings are that the family is important in inter-household food provision/consumption, and that this explains both the paradox of food at home being less shared than takeaways and the relatively high expenditure of older households on home-prepared food. There is both familiocracy and de-commodification in food in Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This special issue looks at wealth in relation to social policy from a variety of perspectives. The articles all shed an innovative light on wealth in relation to a range of topics relevant for social policy researchers. This introduction provides an overview of the papers in this special issue and then highlights some of the gaps and shortcomings that remain. We conclude with some reflections on what this means for the future of social policy and research on it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on the political economy of pension reform has focused on the recent wave of pension privatizations in the postsocialist region. This paper is motivated by the need to shed more light on cases where radical reform was rejected. Pension privatization did not proceed when the World Bank and the Ministry of Finance — important advocates of radical reform — were absent from the pension reform arena and the Ministry of Social Affairs was the only relevant reform actor. Moreover, unions need not be secondary actors, but may effectively veto pension privatization. The paper highlights the importance of the specific political and economic conditions that may constrain the leeway of pension reform actors, while also discussing the global politics of attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, the notion of 'social investment' (SI) has gained considerable traction in the political debates over welfare state futures. The multifaceted character of SI policy interventions, the effects of policy complementarities and interactions for different social groups and generational cohorts, and the challenge of delineating effects across different time dimensions, we argue, are not (yet) properly addressed by current empirical research. This paper contributes to reorienting the measurement of SI returns into a longer-term perspective, conceptualising them as people's work- and welfare- related outcomes. It operationalises in a novel fashion macro-level data across OECD countries to analyse the medium-term aggregate effects of SI stock, flow and buffer policies with a focus on arguably the most critical stages in the post-industrial life-cycle course: transition into employment and family formation. Our findings imply that the so-called 'Matthew effects', following the biblical proverb 'to him that hath shall be given', identified in previous research stem from a measurement of SI returns conceptualised in a short-term redistributive perspective. Moving on to longer-term returns to SI policies at the societal level reveals positive outcomes for families with children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses a variety of methods of statistical cluster analysis to examine how EU countries (other than the new East European members) are grouped. Using the four dimensions, family, market vs state, religion and clientelism, the results of the analysis are that Southern European/Mediterranean (SE/M) countries form a distinct cluster that, both in its existence and in its difference from the conservative cluster, contradicts the notion of ‘three worlds of welfare capitalism’. In addition Ireland, though not geographically contiguous, falls into the SE/M grouping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religiously motivated welfare provisioning has played an increasingly important role in the Turkish social welfare arena over the previous two decades. This paper investigates the society-specific mechanisms behind the contemporary proliferation of religiously motivated associations (RMAs) in Turkey. The historical analysis of the development of the Turkish welfare regime demonstrates that the spread of RMAs cannot be attributed to retrenchments within the welfare state. In fact, the provision of social assistance by central and local state institutions has expanded over the same time period. The paper claims that the rise of RMAs is not only a response to increasing liberalization and economic deregulation, but also an outcome of the rise of religion as a principle line of cleavage within the political sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates whether daddy quotas – non-transferable paternity leave policies – mitigate motherhood penalties women face in the labour market. Using the introduction of a daddy quota in Quebec, Canada as a natural experiment, we employ labour force survey data to conduct a difference-in-difference estimation of the policy's impact on a range of mothers' career outcomes, using mothers in the neighbouring province of Ontario as a comparison group. The results suggest Quebec mothers exposed to the policy are 5 percentage points more likely to participate in the labour force and to work full time, 5 percentage points less likely to work part time, and 4 percentage points less likely to be unemployed than they would have been in the absence of the policy. Our results are robust to an alternative semi-parametric difference-in-difference methodology and to a battery of placebo and sensitivity tests. However, we find that the policy's effects are largest 2 to 3 years post-reform, reducing in size and significance thereafter, raising questions about the durability of such effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European countries have developed a range of long-term care (LTC) policy responses to support the increasing share of older people. However, little is known about the effectiveness of LTC services and benefits, particularly their impact on older peoples' quality of life (QoL). This paper investigates the role of personal, care service and environmental characteristics on the effects of home care services on QoL across England, Finland and Austria. We used data from surveys conducted in England, Finland and Austria. In total, 811 older adults were included in the analysis. OLS regression including main effects and country-specific interactions was used to explore variation in gains in long-term care service-related quality-of-life (LTC-QoL). Explanatory variables were derived from the production of welfare framework and comprised home care service user socio-demographics, needs indicators, social support and environmental variables and characteristics of home care service provision. In all three countries, LTC-QoL gains increased with needs, indicating that home care services perform well, with additional gains declining the higher the needs. Also, better process quality contributed to LTC-QoL improvements in all three countries. In addition, the availability of informal care, social contact, financial household situation and living alone, were associated with changes in LTC-QoL only in one or two of the countries. Home care services increased service users' QoL in all three European countries. The increase in QoL, however, varied across the countries. The results also provide insights into the benefits and limits of home care service provision and areas for future improvements. JEL: I31, I38, J14 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The effects of changes in employment status on health within couples have attracted increasing attention. This paper contributes to this emerging research by investigating whether the impact of a partner's employment status on individual self-rated health varies systematically across countries with varying decommodification levels. We use longitudinal data from the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) and hybrid models. We find that a change in an individual's employment status may affect the health not just of the person who experiences this transition, but that of his or her partner. The likelihood that such a spillover will occur varies across countries with different decommodification levels. The negative effects of a partner's employment status on self-rated health are observed when the generosity of welfare state support is limited. The moderating effects of financial support from the state are not very strong, though. They are not robust across all our models and do not extend to all the dimensions of the generosity of welfare state support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Labour market activation policies aimed at those with multiple barriers to employment require inter-agency collaboration between local organizations providing social and employment services. This local collaborative context is shaped by different institutional logics (state, markets, professions and community) that are crucial for policy implementation. Using case studies of nine German, UK and Swedish cities, it is argued that different institutional logics help shape the form and operation of local collaboration between different agencies and actors and thus the concrete support for service users at the local level. Although all three countries are characterized by centralized employment policies, each city shows a prevalence, but not exclusivity, of certain institutional logics over others. These differences, partly reflecting the local context, are likely to lead to local variations in understandings of solidarity, policy implementation, inter-agency collaboration and networks of actors and national–local tensions. The paper suggests that an institutional logics approach provides a useful framework for helping to understand local variations and potential national–local policy conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrant inclusion in a society is a process that ultimately succeeds or fails at the local level and cities have increasingly taken a proactive stance in delivering their own policies for integration. The literature on the topic has focused particularly on the cooperation between local political institutions and civil society organizations, underestimating the key role played by social partners. This paper demonstrates the participation of social partners in the local governance of migrant integration in three European cities: Barcelona, Lyon and Gothenburg. Drawing on process tracing analysis and qualitative interviews, the article illustrates the different responses of local unions and employers' organizations to immigration and the variety of approaches to supporting migrant integration into employment and society. The article argues that these approaches, which take place within different institutional and structural contexts, shape different patterns of migrant inclusion and allow us to explain the new and traditional ways in which social partners operate as social and political actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, governments have made labour markets sites of immigration enforcement through employer sanctions and other measures. In some countries, unions and employers' associations facilitate implementation of these initiatives, while in others they openly or tacitly resist cooperation. This paper explores these patterns of cooperation and resistance through analysis of six countries. The method used is qualitative comparative analysis, using primary and secondary sources that include newspaper coverage, government reports, union documents and scholarly accounts. The explanation centres on the degree of social partner embeddedness in government decision-making and economic management. In countries with institutionalized, coordinated relationships between the social partners and the state, this coordination extends to implementation of employers' sanctions. In systems with less institutionalized cooperation, employers and unions are less likely to assist the immigration control objectives of state officials. These practices also affect migrants' ability to live within a society, making them not only a form of immigration control, but also important for migrant wellbeing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores trade union strategies to protect wages in the face of EU migration after the enlargement of the European Union. We argue that unions have three instruments at their disposal to deal with the risks linked to downward wage pressure: closure through immigration control, equalisation through collective bargaining and minimum wages, and the organisation of migrant workers. Using comparative case studies of Sweden, Germany and the UK, we show how different types of power resources shape union strategies: unions with substantial organisational resources (in Sweden) relied on a large membership to pursue an equalisation strategy and expected to be able to 'afford' openness. German unions with low membership but access to the political system pushed for a mix of closure and equality drawing on political intervention (e.g. minimum wages). British unions, unable to pursue either, focused their efforts on organisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last 20 years have seen a substantial increase in enrolment in early childhood education and care (ECEC) in several European countries. The expansion of ECEC services inevitably requires new staff. There is however a tension between a rapid growth of services via the creation of low-paid, low-qualified jobs and the aspiration, voiced unanimously by policy makers, to improve the qualification and status of ECEC workers. This paper examines the case of the UK, where ECEC services and public expenditure devoted to them have increased substantially. It uses UK Labour Force Survey data to document changes in the pay and educational qualifications of the early education workforce. Results show how despite a general increase in the qualification level of these workers, their pay remains relatively low. Moreover, pay is found to be mostly related to characteristics of the workplace, and its access to public funding, rather than to the productive characteristics of workers. The paper concludes by arguing that the issue of low pay in ECEC is likely to become more salient in the future, as governments expand services while trying to keep down their costs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the effect of macroeconomic and social conditions on the demand for redistribution. Using a synthetic cohort design to generate panel data at the level of socio-demographic groups, analysis of fives waves of data from the European Social Survey (2002–2010) shows that differences across countries in macroeconomic and social conditions have an effect on the demand for redistribution. Consistent with theoretical expectations, economic growth generates a lower demand for redistribution, while higher income inequality generates a higher demand. By contrast, differences across countries in unemployment levels and social expenditure are unrelated to the demand for redistribution. The analysis also suggests that empirical results depend to a considerable extent on the assumptions underlying different methodological approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There are competing theoretical expectations and conflicting empirical results concerning the impact of partisanship on spending on active labour market policies (ALMPs). This paper argues that one should distinguish between different ALMPs. Employment incentives and rehabilitation programmes incentivize the unemployed to accept jobs. Direct job creation reduces the supply of labour by creating non-commercial jobs. Training schemes raise the human capital of the unemployed. Using regression analysis this paper shows that the positions of political parties towards these three types of ALMPs are different. Party preferences also depend on the welfare regime in which parties are located. In Scandinavia, left-wing parties support neither employment incentives nor direct job creation schemes. In continental and Liberal welfare regimes, left-wing parties oppose employment incentives and rehabilitation programmes to a lesser extent and they support direct job creation. There is no impact of partisanship on training. These results reconcile the previously contradictory findings concerning the impact of the Left on ALMPs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article concerns the effectiveness of the European Employment Strategy (EES) as a governance tool. It analyses the policy measures of the Member States with regard to the commonly agreed guidelines and the country-specific recommendations of the Council. To analyse the policy measures the paper introduces a new quantitative method, which is applied to ten EU Member States during 2005–2009. After presenting the results, the paper subsequently analyses the level of follow-up with regard to future intended reforms within the Member States and their level of responses to the country-specific recommendations. Although it is difficult to attribute the reforms within the Member States to the EES, the analysis reveals that it is hard to get Member States to move beyond their national priorities, resulting in the EES being a weak governance tool. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Although there is considerable research evidence to show that children in lone parent families are at increased risk of poverty, there have been few comparative analyses of lone parents in Europe. Using the EU Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) 2009, this paper compares the prevalence and characteristics of lone parent families, analyses the poverty and deprivation risks of children, and evaluates the potential impact of social transfer income packages on child poverty reduction. We use the unique personal identifiers of mothers, fathers and partners to define lone parent families with greater precision. Using a multi-level framework, we find lower child poverty rates in countries with more generous social transfers, even after controlling for the country standard of living. A reverse pattern is observed for material deprivation: the negative effect of social transfer income washes out when the GDP per capita is controlled for, which itself has a negative and significant effect on material deprivation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Scholarly interest in the study of education from the perspective of political science has increased rapidly in the last few years. However, the literature focuses on comparing education politics at the country level, neglecting the analysis of micro-level foundations of education policies in terms of individual preferences and their interaction with macro contexts. This paper provides a first step in addressing this research gap, engaging in a multilevel analysis of survey data for a large number of OECD countries. The core research question is how institutional contexts – in this case socio-economic and educational inequalities – shape the micro-level association between the individual income position and support for education spending. The core finding is that these different dimensions of inequality have different implications at the micro level. Higher levels of socio-economic inequality enhance the conflict between the rich and the poor over public investments in education. By contrast, when access to higher levels of education is effectively restricted, the rich are more likely to support public education spending. This is because higher levels of educational stratification ensure that further public investments in education benefit the rich relatively more than the poor, who in turn become less willing to support this kind of public spending. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In what social contexts are rich people more likely to support government redistribution of income? Motivated by the literature on inequality aversion and the literature on the relationship between ethnic fractionalization and redistribution, the paper examines whether the relationship between own income and redistributive preferences depends on the regional level of poverty and the ethnic composition of the poor. Using data from the European Social Survey, the paper demonstrates that support for redistribution among the rich is lower when the proportion of ethnic minorities among the poor is high. Several possible mechanisms to account for this relationship are examined. The paper finds no support for explanations based on more animosity towards the poor or towards ethnic minorities and no support for explanations based on lower social trust or social capital: instead, rich people are less concerned with downward income mobility when the proportion of minorities among the poor is high. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper analyses whether favourable taxation of married couples distorts women’s employment decisions. In contrast to previous research concentrating on experiences in a single country, this paper investigates cross-country differences in female labour force participation. The paper shows that, for a panel of Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries during the period 1979–2002, distortions with respect to the taxation of single and married persons can account partly for differences in female labour market participation across countries. However, we find also strong evidence that unfavourable market conditions due to high unemployment as well as few income opportunities have a deterring effect on female labour force participation, indicating that the decision to work is also driven by market forces. With respect to different countries the results suggest that especially in Ireland and the UK tax distortions have played a crucial role in distorting incentives to work. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Proceeding from an historical-analytical reconstruction of the development of collectively negotiated benefits in Germany and the Netherlands, this paper investigates the role and function of industrial relations as a provider and financial supporter of welfare. It argues that social policy based on collective agreements strongly influences contemporary retrenchment policies. Reviewing the literature on retrenchment policies, the paper argues that unions and employers should be regarded as collective actors supporting retrenchment by offering financial and organizational resources to governments in their attempts at welfare delegation. The implication is that the study of comparative welfare retrenchment should move beyond its focus on analysing the political behaviour of the actors involved, to include industrial relations systematically in its frame of reference. Research should take into account patterns of institutionalization of labour relations at company level, traditions of government support for collectively negotiated benefits, and differences in the relative development of public and collectively negotiated benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically examines the theoretical, empirical and methodological limitations of Esping-Andersen's Three Worlds of Welfare decommodification index. It highlights an, to date, overlooked error in Esping-Andersen's original calculations that led to the incorrect positioning of three borderline countries (Japan, the UK and Ireland) and resulted in the empirically erroneous composition of the Three Worlds of Welfare. Updated decommodification data from 1998/99 are used to explore the influential role of variable weighting in the creation of the three worlds typology. Finally, the paper revisits the decommodification index to examine how the relationships between the countries have changed since 1980. The paper concludes by questioning the extent to which the Three Worlds of Welfare still exist, and indeed, at least in empirical terms, the extent to which they ever did. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years the decline in fertility and the difficulties faced by individuals in having the desired number of children have gained growing attention in the academic and public debate. The aim of the present paper is twofold. The first is to scrutinize the rationale and the justification of public support for individual fertility choices. This means addressing the question of why low fertility should be a problem of public concern. This is crucial because, depending on the answer, one can identify how much the actual low level of fertility should increase and which groups of the population should be addressed. The second aim of the paper is to apply the general discussion of public policies and fertility to the Spanish case. Spain is the country where the ‘child gap’, i.e. the average difference between desired and actual children, is most acute. In 1995, the average desired number of children for women aged 18–49 years was about 2.2, while the observed total fertility rate was 1.2. Thus, the Spanish ‘child gap’ is, on average, around one child per woman. The analysis of the Spanish case will be divided into two steps. First, I will try to identify who is having fewer children than the desired number and review the different explanations of why this is happening. Second, I will examine various public policies related to fertility that have been implemented in other countries and discuss their efficacy and applicability in a country with a deeply different socio-economic structure, such as Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper focuses on the use of contract compliance in Northern Ireland (NI) - the use of public sector contracts to pursue wider social and economic policy goals. Such goals may include equal opportunities (gender, race, religion, disability), employment rights (part-time workers, transfer of undertakings), development of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) or employment creation (for example, the long-term unemployed). Public procurement policy in Northern Ireland is undergoing review, including assessing the impact of equality legislation on government procurement. The question that the paper poses is: to what extent do subnational, national, regional (i.e. European Union) and global laws and policies on public procurement hinder or enhance the likelihood of an effective contract compliance regime in Northern Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union has established an 'open method of coordination' (OMC) among the member states as a means of pursuing economic and employment growth coupled with greater social cohesion. The paper analyses the assumptions underlying this strategy, the manner of its operation and its implications for policy learning and for governance. It argues that the OMC has in substantial measure been inspired by the experience of EMU, but that this is a perilous paradigm on which to base social benchmarking and the OMC. Second, it argues that the dynamic development of the OMC will depend crucially on the extent of public involvement in scrutinizing the policy areas which political leaders choose for benchmarking, the best practices which they identify in other member states, and the efforts which they then make to improve national performance. The conclusion is that the OMC is likely to have substantial implications for domestic and European governance, but that these could vary depending on the manner of its implementation. Finally, the paper considers the implications of the analysis for the broader theoretical literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares old-age pension policy trajectories in the Netherlands and Germany. These two advanced welfare states have developed different financial arrangements despite similarities in policy legacies, political institutions and party systems. Both countries established and extended comprehensive pay-asyou-go financed public pension schemes in the 1950s and 1960s. However, the Netherlands achieved a fully fledged multi-tiered pension system with a strong funded component, while until recently the German system relied almost exclusively on pay-as-you-go financing. The Netherlands has, therefore, a financially more viable and sustainable set of pension arrangements than Germany, at least under the current and foreseeable economic and demographic conditions. The paper reconstructs the pension trajectories in the two countries in order to explore the role of path dependency, political choice and contingency in explaining this divergence. It is argued that divergence is essentially unrelated to different strategic choices or variations in institutional capacities for reform. Instead, divergence is the largely unintended consequence of a series of incremental decisions in combination with contingent events and developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Governments of the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland implemented reforms of family benefits in the mid-1990s. What were the common features of those reforms and what were the possible effects on child poverty? Based on household micro data, trends in poverty among children, large families and single parents are presented for two data points: one before and one after the restrictive reforms in family policies. The focus of the analysis is on changes in the effectiveness of benefits on child poverty reduction. Child poverty increased during the observed period in all three countries, despite the efforts of governments to smooth the harmful effects of the economic downturn. Large differences in poverty levels and patterns between the three countries persisted. A relative worsening of the income position of children was accompanied by an increased level of targeting, reflected in general attempts to exclude higher-income groups from the benefit regimes. The results in the paper suggest that social transfers in general, and family benefits in particular, contributed to reduce significantly child poverty in the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland. However, reduction rates decreased between the early and the later 1990s. Current and future reform considerations should therefore include the objective to reverse this trend. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We use Sen's capability approach to identify factors able to increase the effective freedom of working parents when deciding the length of their parental leave. We conducted a factorial survey experiment (FSE) with a Spanish sample of employees aged between 25 and 45. Respondents were asked to imagine that they were first-time parents and several descriptions of hypothetical situations or vignettes (where aspects of the leave system, workplace and family environment were randomly varied) were presented to them. Our goal was to identify the causal effect of a number of dimensions on their hypothetical decisions about the total number of weeks they would be on parental leave. A longer statutory duration and a higher replacement rate (of the paid part of the leave), having job security, and a workplace with friendly practices and cultures, were found to have a significant positive impact on the duration of parental leave. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Country comparisons, often suffering from unobserved heterogeneity and obscuring subnational variation, dominate the social policy literature. However, the subnational level is better suited to reduce the omitted variable bias. This article distinguishes between social consumption and social investment policies and investigates their determinants at the subnational level. Following the literature across countries, we test the role of incumbent parties' ideology, but for within-country variation in social policy. Austria is a case in point because states have discretion in social policy (e.g., regarding public childcare and social assistance). Panel regressions covering all nine states in Austria for the years 1991 to 2019 reveal that the cabinet share of Social-Democrats increases social investment spending, while the Christian-Democratic party decreases it, and the populist radical right party reduces expenses for social consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Growing care dependencies among the elderly due to population ageing in Europe challenge the labour-market participation of informal caregivers. While familiarized care regimes incentivize family caregiving by providing many cash-for-care-benefits, resulting in reduced labour supply, defamiliarized care regimes allocate more public spending to care infrastructure, alleviating the care responsibilities placed on family members. At the same time, care provision on the micro-level is distributed unequally across gender, age, and socioeconomic status. The question then emerges: Does the labour-market participation of informal caregivers vary between and within countries depending on the social-expenditure policy of welfare states? To answer this research question, a multilevel design was used, employing SHARE data and macro-indicators from OECD and Eurostat databases. The results reveal higher probabilities of labour-market participation for informal caregivers in general when social expenditures on formal care infrastructure are higher. However, labour-market participation was observed as being unequally distributed among the heterogeneous group of persons with and without caregiving duties. Women and individuals of lower socioeconomic status did not benefit from social expenditures in the same way as their counterparts, leading to lower levels of labour-market participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern welfare states compete with private providers of welfare in offering economic security. This is most evident in the case of pensions competing with life insurance and private pensions as well as of public health insurance competing with private insurance providers. The common view of this public–private relationship is one of a trade-off: longitudinally, political scientists describe how retrenchment was pushed by privatized welfare, whereas economists trace the crowding-out of private to public welfare provisions. Cross-sectionally, they claim that countries have lower public spending levels because they have a large private sector. We suggest a more nuanced view. Drawing on a new long-run panel data of public pension and private life insurance expenditures and contributions in 20 OECD countries since Bismarck to the current day, we show that in the postwar years a cross-sectional trade-off emerged, which then faded. Longitudinally, complementary relationships of public and private provision growth have become the norm. We argue theoretically and show empirically that trade-offs only occur if governments still hold (waning) anti-interventionist and pro-market views. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article interrogates the impacts of different types of family benefits expenditures on the positive relationship between female employment and fertility rates in developed welfare states. It does this by theorizing how these family benefits align with welfare state regimes' preferences for different normative gender-role ideologies. Rather than treating family benefits as a monolith, this article investigates the impact of disaggregated expenditures in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) family policy database (1. services and in-kind benefits, 2. child-related cash benefits and 3. tax-based financial support for children) on both female employment and fertility rates. This is done using pooled time-series analysis covering the period 2000–9. The analysis yields evidence that expenditure most reflecting a 'full egalitarian' gender ideology including service and in-kind benefit provision has the most positive association with female employment and fertility due to an emphasis on defamiliarization. The picture for child-related cash benefits is mixed due to the presence of cash transfer provisions not employment-contingent captured in the indicator. In contrast, tax-based financial support for children harms female employment, reflecting a maternalistic 'traditional' ideological orientation, but is positive for fertility rates indicating a moderate pro-natal effect of tax-based financial support for children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous literature on paternal involvement emphasizes the influence of fathers' socialization contexts, considering either welfare policies (Hipp and Leuze, 2015) or experiences with their own fathers (Brown et al., 2018; Parke, 1995). In this study, we combine those two branches of research and examine how fathers' and their fathers' (grandfathers') socialization experiences (parental leave regulations in their early adulthood as an example of (de-)familization policies (Lohmann and Zagel, 2016)) predict paternal involvement today. To measure paternal involvement, we create an indicator for involvement that covers Lamb et al. (1985) three aspects of direct interaction, responsibility, and availability and the fact that a father has taken paternal leave for at least one of his children or not. We use the fact that a substantial proportion of the fathers in the German, national survey AID:A 2019 (Kuger et al., 2020) were socialized in another welfare state regime (6.3% of fathers have a direct and another 13.5% have an indirect migration background (their fathers were born in another country) covering birth cohorts from the 1970s to the 1990s; total N = 1053). We then add context-related information on their (fathers' and grandfathers') countries of origin from the OECD family database and estimate an SEM model to test potential direct and indirect effects. We find that more educated fathers who experienced extended parental leave regulations are more involved fathers today. Our results support, thus, that welfare state conditions influence individuals' behaviour while education is a relevant moderator in this relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]