Search

Prior research documents the gendered inequalities Latina immigrants confront as they negotiate the realities of life in the United States, a hostile national context for immigrants. In response to these dynamics, this paper examines how Latina immigrant mothers negotiate their intersectional identities as mothers and immigrants within the contexts of a gentrifying sanctuary city and its schools and an anti-immigrant federal environment. Drawing on three years of participant-observation and 87 interviews with 40 Latina immigrant women, I argue that these women use the school district's programmes as spaces to recognise and affirm their motherhood and immigranthood and mediate the impact of illegality through a process I conceptualise as intersectional recognition. The dynamics of intersectional recognition, and the gendered solidarity and advocacy it produces, are facilitated in part because the city situates itself as a welcoming place. Yet immigrant women abut the limits of this intersectional recognition and solidarity in the face of constrained socio-economic mobility, restrictive immigration policies and rising housing costs. This research sheds new light on how women navigate their intersectional identities as immigrants and mothers and the mechanisms that support and inhibit Latina immigrant women's inclusion in their communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The wage effects of immigration have been widely studied, yet much of the research has focused on competitive threats to low-skilled native-born men. In contrast, this paper applies a gender lens to explore possible complementary relationships between immigration-induced outsourcing of domestic work and the earnings of native-born women, while recognizing the classed and racialized nature of domestic labor. Empirically, this article examines subgroup variations in earnings among full-time employed native-born women by education and race/ethnicity in relation to the state share of immigrants in the domestic service sector. The analysis combines data from the 2012 American Community Survey with state-level work-family policy data collected for 2010, accounting for compositional differences and selection into the labor force. Likely due to increased availability of affordable domestic services, the results show a higher immigrant share is associated with greater earnings for native-born women overall. However, education and race/ethnicity moderate this association, indicating that highly educated non-Hispanic white women benefit more than other women because the labor process and outsourcing of household production are classed and racialized. Hence, states with a higher share of immigrants filling domestic services exhibit wage dispersion patterns that reinforce intersectional inequality among native-born women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing upon semi-structured interviews of Chinese entrepreneurs in Ikebukuro, Tokyo, this paper demonstrates the commonly marginal influence of kinship, townspeople attachment, and ethnic identity on Chinese entrepreneurs’ interpretive framework on their social networks and business activities. Instead, their narratives were dominated by individualistic reasoning based on rational judgments and pragmatic considerations. Meanwhile, Chinese entrepreneurs found ethnic market in Ikebukuro accessible and competitiveness and the policy support from the Japanese state friendly to business operations. However, they were not keen on interacting with local civic organizations and kept themselves aloof from local communities. These features could be concluded as networked individualism with superficial integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What effect does the influx of asylum seekers have on the electoral support of the far right? This paper answers this question by examining changes in support for far right parties in response to the British government's relocation of asylum seekers across the United Kingdom from 2000 to 2015. Relying primarily on a difference-in-differences (DD) empirical strategy, our main finding is that an increase in the number of asylum seekers dispersed to a local authority is associated with an increase in the vote share of parties of the far right. Further tests indicate that the effect is due both to the far right contesting more seats in those localities receiving asylum seekers and to higher levels of support it receives in those areas where it is present. We find the effect is non-linear, that it is mitigated by higher recipient area ethnic diversity, and that it is limited to the most extreme right-wing parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A critical review of the state-of-the-art in migration studies. The paper centres on a contrast between established comparative scholarship – elaborating progressive models of immigration, integration and citizenship, that reflect the increasingly diverse, migrant-built societies of the North Atlantic West – and a new generation of work in the last decade, influenced by critical, anti-racist and decolonial theory, that rejects this 'Eurocentric' liberal democratic global order and self-image. Establishing a bridge between older neo-Weberian approaches to immigration and sovereign nation-state building and newer (or revived) Marxist-Foucauldian accounts, it accents the state-power building effects of bordering, managing and cultivating 'diverse' national populations, and its ongoing governmental categorisation of citizens and migrants, nationals and aliens, majorities and minorities, as a key feature of neoliberal 'racial capitalism'. The argument develops in relation to wanted and unwanted migration in advanced liberal democratic economies, "visible" forms of immigration versus 'middling' forms of everyday cross-border mobility, and the limits of humanitarian arguments for open borders and expansive asylum rights. The paper sketches an alternate politics to the self-legitimating 'political demography' of liberal democracy, relating the ongoing colonial power of ideas of immigration, integration and citizenship, to the reproduction of massive global inequalities between 'the West and the Rest'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Only five countries have extended universal voting rights to non-citizen residents for all political spheres (local, intermediate and national): Uruguay in 1934, New Zealand in 1975, Chile in 1980, Malawi in 1994, and Ecuador in 2008. These cases constitute a unique intercontinental medley and an opportunity to study the conditions behind such revolutionary change. Through a calibrated comparative strategy based on most similar system designs (inspired by Mill's method of difference) using QCA, this paper finds that the extension of national voting rights to non-citizen residents transpired in two distinct scenarios. The first setting (Chile, New Zealand, and Uruguay) took place within unitary states with already-existing local voting rights for non-citizen residents and settler trajectories, but that were not undergoing a liberalisation process. On the other hand, the second configuration (Ecuador and Malawi) developed within unitary states that recognised nationality by ius soli and were going through a process of liberalisation, but without previous local voting rights for non-citizen residents or a settler trajectory. To our best knowledge, this paper offers the first cross-national explanation that involves all cases that have broadened their respective political communities (demoi) to include national voting rights to all non-citizen residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both scholarly and popular accounts of Canada's relatively non-conflictual immigration politics have attributed substantial power to the selectivity of the country's immigration policy. In this paper, we use new measures of knowledge of the fiscally selective elements of the immigration system to demonstrate that individuals who know more about the system are, in fact, more supportive of immigration, and that this impact is strongest among those who consider themselves on the left. We argue that this is evidence of the progressive's dilemma, showing in particular that knowledge of welfare state-relevant selection criteria such as the Canadian system's discrimination against those with chronic illnesses or those who are older is much more important in determining the attitudes of respondents on the left than those on the right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Cold War, millions of migrants from Eastern Europe have sought better opportunities in Western European countries, yet few studies have assessed the impact of such moves on these migrants' children. In the aim of isolating a 'treatment effect' of migration on educational outcomes, this study analyzes Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) scores from 2012, 2015, and 2018 for adolescents born in twelve Eastern European countries and living in eight Western European countries. It employs propensity-score matching within a homeland dissimilation framework, comparing immigrants' outcomes on reading, math, and science assessments to similar stay-at-homes in their countries of origin. In unadjusted comparisons to their counterparts who remained behind, migrant children attain lower scores across all three subjects. Once immigrant children are matched to non-immigrants with similar propensities to migrate, the disparity for math scores disappears, while those for reading and science remain. Disparities are wider for adolescents who come from within the EU, migrate at older ages, or speak a foreign language at home. This paper indicates the need for policymakers and educational administrators to better handle the negative academic effects that migration can have on children from within Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many Western European countries, governments have increasingly accepted the strategies of enhancing equality between immigrants and EU nationals in major policy domains. One of the latest trends in integration policy framework is mainstreaming – the practice of bringing the needs and priorities of vulnerable groups such as immigrants to the centre of attention in more generic policies (e.g. employment support, education) as opposed to responding to the specific concerns of these groups through separate policy interventions. To examine and categorise the scope of mainstreaming and the level of access to mainstreamed policies for various groups of immigrants, I develop a Policy Index of Mainstreaming in Labour Market Support that covers data from 2006 to 2016 across 25 EU/EEA countries. The paper explores the policy patterns revealed by the Index. It argues that while mainstreaming as a theory challenges existing integration approaches, differences in political ideology do not necessarily lead to radical institutional change. This finding contributes to the historical-institutionalist argument on policy compatibility through institutional change mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing literature on racialized assimilation notes the likelihood of simultaneous upward mobility and persistent racial marginalization within immigrant-origin communities of color. Thus far, this literature has focused on the ‘new second generation’ and not fully explored how race, class, and immigration lay the structural foundations for persistent racial and ethnic identity and community formations even into later generations. Leveraging 93 in-depth interviews with third and fourth generation Japanese Americans in suburban Southern California, this paper explores the persistent impact of race and ethnicity on long-time, ostensibly assimilated Americans. Japanese American ethnic persistence is directly influenced by the arrival of similarly racialized, high-skill Asian immigrants who inhabit the same middle-class spaces. As Japanese Americans are racially lumped with these newcomers, they assert their ethnic distinctness as they simultaneously build Asian American communities in recognition of common racialized experiences. Given contemporary US immigration’s non-white majority, this study illustrates the need for further exploration of the complex role of immigration and assimilation in shaping and replenishing middle-class minority understandings of race and ethnicity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do media discourses on German national identity differ before and after the arrival of refugees in 2015/16? National identity discourses are often closely linked to immigration dynamics, inter alia due to boundary making through the othering of immigrants. While this relation is well documented in the case of Germany, scholars have yet to study how the arrival of refugees in 2015/16 has been integrated in discourses on national identity in more detail. In this paper, we conduct an inductive qualitative content analysis of Die ZEIT, Süddeutsche Zeitung and Bild am Sonntag in 2014 and 2019 and find an important shift within the media representation of German national identity. While in 2014, a self-understanding of Germany as an immigration country dominated the media landscape, by 2019, national identity discourses became more fragmented and neither the idea of a tolerant Germany nor the idea of an anti-immigration Germany clearly dominated. Based on this analysis, we argue that 2015/16 can be understood as a turning point for discourses on German national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration scholars have long considered cities to be important environments that mediate how immigrants are incorporated into receiving countries. While most scholars recognise that cities have some importance, they continue to prioritise national-level institutions, organisations, networks, and cultural dynamics. This paper introduces the special issue on 'Migrant Cities'. The special issue asserts that cities are not simply backdrops where national-level processes and mechanisms unfold. The contributing scholars reveal how cities are distinctive environments with unique constraints and opportunities. Following a basic introduction, the paper examines how to apply these general assumptions about cities to understanding the political formation of immigrants. The paper does this by urbanising Nancy Fraser’s concept of 'counterpublic'. We suggest that cities possess certain qualities that enable the formation of immigrant counterpublics, which in turn become critical spaces of politicisation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Although immigration is one of key issues facing European societies today, many survey respondents do not reply to questions about immigration and ethnic minorities. Using data from the 2014 European Social Survey, this paper explores the characteristics of nonrespondents and the potential mechanisms which might lie behind their refraining from answering immigration-related questions. Item nonresponse to seven questions on the impact of immigration (impact items) and six questions on allowing ethnic/racial/religious minorities into the respondent's country (openness items) is analysed. The results indicate that nonresponse to these items is systematically related to respondents' profiles, their experiences, the characteristics of the interviewer, and the country context. Respondents with a moderate amount of contact with ethnic minorities and who are interested in politics are least uncertain about their attitudes and most likely to report them. Contrary to expectations, nonresponse is not lowest among the more educated – indeed, the nonresponse rate for the openness items is highest for the most highly educated. The results also point to the importance of the interviewer effect, as nonresponse to immigration-related items varies more between interviewers than between countries. The paper concludes by highlighting the implications for the design and analysis of surveys measuring attitudes towards immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to identify whether differences exist in local and national news framing of immigration. Using 12 years (2001–2012) of print media data from 15 Canadian and British print media sources, this article presents the first attempt to look for systematic differences in cross-city, within-country and cross-national framing on the subject of immigration. Contextual variables such as change in the unemployment rate and in the rate of foreign-born within cities and countries are introduced to test the robustness of the findings from a computer-automated content analysis. Findings suggest that, contrary to expectations, there is little by way of systematic evidence that national and local newspapers frame immigration according to different concerns. Furthermore, cross-city news coverage does not vary based on local contextual factors such as changes in the unemployment rate or rate of foreign-born. Indeed, it would appear that there is little evidence to support hypotheses that local coverage attends only to the ‘local consequences’ of immigration such as crime and unemployment, and that national concerns such as border security and broader economic outlook are solely the purview of national media. Rather, there are far fewer differences in the content and tone of immigration framing among print news sources than conventional wisdom might suggest. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the extent to which generational change is likely to be producing attitude change on the issue of immigration in Europe. Using multi-level modelling on seven rounds of the European Social Survey (2002–2014) and 16 European countries, we investigate the question of whether there are significant differences in anti-immigration sentiment between cohorts of Europeans, focusing on the roles that education and far-right mobilisation are likely to play in the process of generational change. The paper's findings indicate that it is the most educated amongst the youngest cohorts who appear to be persistently more positive about immigration, even controlling for aging processes, but this combined effect of cohort and education diminishes for younger cohorts socialised in the context of a strong far-right anti-immigration presence. Thus, generational-change-induced attitude change in the realm of immigration attitudes may be occurring but this is likely to be dependent on individuals having adequate education skills to process the vast changes brought by immigration; in contexts where the far-right is likely to be mobilising anti-immigration sentiment these education skills appear to have a more limited impact on attitudes to immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the extremes of the transnational cleavage in Western European democracies, voters for far-right and green parties tend to hold polarising immigration attitudes. Yet, the extent to which immigration concerns divide mainstream left and right voters, and drive vote-choice at the ballot box for mainstream parties, is under-researched. In this article, I disentangle both immigration attitudes and mainstream electorates to answer these questions. I show that immigration issues divide electorates within the mainstream left and right along educational lines. Yet, the divide between low-educated and highly-educated voters, in particular regarding their cultural immigration concerns, is larger for the mainstream left. Secondly, turning to the drivers of vote choice, I find that cultural immigration issues explain voting for the mainstream right, particularly for lower educated voters, whereas economic concerns are associated with voting for the mainstream left, despite education level. The paper contributes to ongoing debates about immigration issues and voting by recalibrating the academic focus towards mainstream party electorates and internal divisions therein. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A substantial body of research has found that social desirability motivates respondents to overstate support for immigration when asked directly, but when provided an unobtrusive means of expressing preferences, support declines. In this paper, we ask whether South Koreans follow this pattern, especially with regards to co-ethnic migrants from North Korea and China. We use list experiments to determine whether observed levels of support for general immigration and co-ethnic migration are biased by social desirability. We find that generally respondents overstate their support for co-ethnics from North Korea by a significant amount when asked directly, but not for the other groups, although college-educated respondents overstate their support for general immigration. Social desirability bias with respect to co-ethnics from North Korea is particularly evident in older respondents and males. These findings challenge the notion that native-born citizens prefer co-ethnic immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why is migration unpopular? A vast literature argues that voters oppose immigration because of threatened interests and prejudice. This paper is among the first studies of opposition to emigration – the other side of the issue salient in many countries. Departing from existing public opinion research, I develop a number of tests comparing emigration and immigration attitudes and then exploit relevant survey data from 30 countries, as well as original experimental and qualitative evidence. Overall, I document high opposition to both emigration and immigration in many countries and show that respondents are unlikely to confuse these issues. I then show that individual emigration and immigration attitudes are significantly correlated and have similar predictors, which is reflected in respondents' own open-ended explanations. While consistent with sociotropic accounts, this new evidence suggests that many natives may exhibit an aversion to human mobility between countries in general, not immigration or emigration in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The perils of doing outsourced or fixed-term work are well documented among the general workforce. These studies often find that workers are more vulnerable than in the past but those with advanced schooling are best prepared for today's economic vagaries. However, little research has focused on non-standard employment among subpopulations such as H-1B visa workers. This paper uses data from the career histories of migrant professionals to explore the strategies they use to improve their careers in the U.S. labour market. The agency of temporary workers is constrained by their social location, the legal architecture of the H-1B visa programme and the institutional configuration of the information technology labour market. I find that these factors structure H-1B workers' definition of good jobs, and the actions they take to maintain a valid legal status, remain continuously employed and build a life in the United States. Key contributions include bridging the literatures on non-standard employment and temporary migrant worker programmes; and, describing the creative responses of workers with high aspirations who encounter significant mobility barriers. These findings lend important insights for how workers manage uncertainty and opportunity as the dual practices of outsourcing and temporary worker programmes expand around the globe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on dual citizenship has traditionally focused on immigrants in Western Europe and North America. This emphasis has led authors to overlook the context of global inequality and the way it shapes the meaning and uses of a second citizenship. This paper offers a new approach that puts the analytical focus on global inequality in the value of citizenship. First, I construct a composite index of citizenship value and use it to outline the structure of the global citizenship hierarchy. Then, I analyse an original dataset to evaluate the prevalence of dual citizenship in 13 countries. The analysis demonstrates that individuals' reactions to the possibility of obtaining a second citizenship are shaped by their position in the global citizenship hierarchy. Citizens of Western countries have no practical incentive to obtain a second citizenship and exhibit low demand for it. In Latin American and Eastern European countries, in contrast, demand for a second citizenship is high. Millions draw on their ancestry or ethnic identity to claim citizenship from Western or EU countries. The second, higher-tier nationality is not necessarily used to emigrate. Instead, it often operates as 'compensatory citizenship' that makes up for limitations in dual citizens' primary resident citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The response of welfare states to immigration is a topic of concern for scholars of welfare and scholars of crime and society. Yet, debates about immigration, crime and welfare in academic literature often take place in isolation. This paper advances both literatures by studying the mechanisms that drive both welfare chauvinism and penal nationalism in relationship to each other. Rather than assuming an a priori and abstract negative construction of immigration in political debates, this study draws on a large-scale Critical Discourse Analysis of political and media debates in Denmark to show how immigration is constructed in ways that justify welfare and penal policy reforms. The analysis shows that both policy shifts – towards a two-tier exclusionary welfare system, and towards penal nationalism that reserves harsher punishment for immigrants – are driven by a discourse that constructs immigrants as threatening welfare first, and only secondarily as threatening personal safety. Based on the empirical data, the article argues that anxieties about the impact of immigration on the integrity of the welfare state is what drives and justifies the construction of a two-tiered welfare and criminal justice system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today the inclusion of non-citizens in the electorate is an increasingly common phenomenon. Yet, we know relatively little about under what conditions some states extend such voting rights to non-citizens earlier than others. In this paper, we investigate the timing of local enfranchisement policies for non-citizens in 28 democracies from 1980 to 2010 using event-history analysis. Adding to the conditions studied in earlier work, we examine the extent to which demographic composition, immigration policy regimes, and political partisanship relate to the timing of non-citizen suffrage. We find that higher shares of immigrant residents delay whereas EU membership and economic openness advance the timing of voting rights for non-citizens. At all demographic heterogeneity conditions, less permissive immigration regimes have been able to enfranchise non-citizens earlier. The findings suggest that, over time, having more left-wing parties in the government accelerates the timing of enfranchisement, while right-wing parties contribute to delays. The article brings forward new data and an original explanatory framework emphasising relevance of partisanship and immigration policy at different demographic contexts. Our analysis sheds light on the idiosyncratic state practices in the timing of enfranchisement reforms adding to the debates in migration and citizenship studies and the broader comparative politics field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how material-based and identity-based concerns influence views on immigration in Japan. Our analysis, based on in-depth interviews with 28 local residents and public and policy opinion leaders conducted in 2015 in Yamanashi Prefecture, Japan, found widespread opposition to immigration with the exception of the immigration of care workers. General opposition to immigration stemmed from identity-based concerns, while openness to and support for the immigration of care workers was related to material-based concerns. Our findings suggest that while the identities approach to understanding anti-immigration sentiment has explanatory power in Japan, material-based concerns can, when sufficiently strong, override identity-based concerns in a phenomenon we call 'pragmatic divergence'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates how the interplay of parties' preferences, political institutions and electoral competition affects the liberalisation of immigration policies. It joins a growing body of research that focuses on the role of domestic factors in shaping immigration policies. While several studies point to the important role of partisanship and the activation of public opinion, they fail to provide a clear mechanism that takes into account differences in parties' preferences as well as the institutional context they act in. By adding two crucial factors to the analysis, this paper presents a new framework for liberal change in the field of immigration politics. First, institutional veto points determine if left-of-centre parties can reform policies according to their preferences. Second, the degree of electoral competition and the politicisation of immigration issues affect how susceptible political parties are to the anti-immigrant sentiment in the population. A time-series cross-section analysis of 11 countries from 1980 to 2006 shows that left-of-centre governments are more likely to pass liberal reforms, but only if they are not facing an open veto point. Moreover, increased levels of electoral competition coupled with a politicisation of the immigration issue reduces the likelihood of liberal reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Population mobility, globalisation, and the Internet contribute to the change of immigration patterns and the emergence of new kinds of identities and integration strategies. It is necessary to re-examine the heuristic significance of this field's key concepts in order to ensure that relevant and theoretically sound knowledge consistently informs integration policies, measures, and programmes. This paper focuses on the concepts of language and maintains that a narrow-utilitarian approach to the issue of language and integration may thrive due to uncritical acceptance of an instrumentalist view on language as a means of communication and/or a social marker together with an essentialist concept of identity that stems from the sociolinguistic tradition. However, this conceptual framework does not correspond to the complexity of the integration process in a contemporary society. The present paper aims to contribute to the field of language and immigrant integration via outlining an alternative approach to language grounded in the ideas of Humboldt, Potebnja, and Vygotsky (language as a creative force, a worldview, and a mediating tool) and discussing its potential for addressing the issue of integration in contemporary conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper draws on in-depth interviews undertaken eight years apart to provide a reflection upon the nature of transnational relationships and settlement over time. It follows the lives of five immigrant families between 1999 and 2007, and focuses in particular on the accounts provided by the women. These individuals migrated to Canada from Hong Kong or Taiwan during the 1990s, and then 'stuck it out', when most of their friends, in contrast, had returned home. The paper uncovers changes in their familial and personal circumstances as a consequence of migration to Canada and their subsequent experiences of transnationalism, and provides insights into the longevity and durability of transnational relationships. It contributes to debates around the persistence of transnationalism over time and the relationship between transnationalism and integration for migrants, whilst also making a methodological point about the need for more longitudinal qualitative accounts of immigrants' lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the question of the extent to which the colonial past provides material for contemporary actors' understanding of difference. The research from which the paper is drawn involved interview and ethnographic work in three largely white working-class estates in an English provincial city. For this paper we focus on ten life-history interviews with older participants who had spent some time abroad in the British military. Our analysis adopts a postcolonial framework because research participants' current constructions of an amorphous 'Other' (labelled variously as black people, immigrants, foreigners, asylum-seekers or Muslims) reveal strong continuities with discourses deployed by the same individuals to narrate their past experiences of living and working as either military expatriates or spouses during British colonial rule. Theoretically, the paper engages with the work of Frantz Fanon and Edward Said. In keeping with a postcolonial approach, we work against essentialised notions of identity based on 'race' or class. Although we establish continuity between white working-class military emigration in the past and contemporary racialised discourses, we argue that the latter are not class-specific, being as much the creations of the middle-class media and political elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on ESS-7 data, this paper focuses on two attitudinal dimensions about public policies related to immigration: how many can come and who can come. In this context, the hypothesis concerning the bi-dimensionality of racism was supported and, as predicted, biological racism is more anti-normative than cultural racism. Both biological and cultural racism predict opposition to immigration and adhesion to ethnicist criteria on the selection of immigrants. As hypothesised, the relationship between racism and opposition to immigration and adhesion to ethnicist criteria is mediated by threat perceptions. Specifically, symbolic and realistic threats mediate the effect of biological and cultural racism on opposition to immigration and on ethnicist criteria. The hypothesis that the mediation effects are moderated by the country's quality of democracy was supported, indicating that the mediation effects are stronger in countries with a higher quality of democracy. Results are discussed within the context of racism theories as a bi-dimensional concept and in the framework of the role of legitimation processes in social discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For almost 50 years field experiments have been used to study ethnic and racial discrimination in hiring decisions, consistently reporting high rates of discrimination against minority applicants – including immigrants – irrespective of time, location, or minority groups tested. While Peter A. Riach and Judith Rich [2002. “Field Experiments of Discrimination in the Market Place.”The Economic Journal112 (483): F480–F518] and Judith Rich [2014. “What Do Field Experiments of Discrimination in Markets Tell Us? A Meta Analysis of Studies Conducted since 2000.” InDiscussion Paper Series. Bonn: IZA] provide systematic reviews of existing field experiments, no study has undertaken a meta-analysis to examine the findings in the studies reported. In this article, we present a meta-analysis of 738 correspondence tests in 43 separate studies conducted in OECD countries between 1990 and 2015. In addition to summarising research findings, we focus on groups of specific tests to ascertain the robustness of findings, emphasising differences across countries, gender, and economic contexts. Moreover we examine patterns of discrimination, by drawing on the fact that the groups considered in correspondence tests and the contexts of testing vary to some extent. We focus on first- and second-generation immigrants, differences between specific minority groups, the implementation of EU directives, and the length of job application packs. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since 2008, dramatic economic crises have brought falling GDP, rapidly rising unemployment and pressure on government to limit public spending to Spain and Italy. These are two countries with similar experiences of migration but quite different politics of immigration over the past two decades, with public order and security concerns coming to the fore in Italy during the 1990s and 2000s, whilst there was a general avoidance of the issue in Spain. Spain and Italy therefore provide a useful opportunity to examine the interaction between the economic crisis and political debates on immigration. Examining political debates on immigration in the parliaments of both countries from 2008 to 2011, this paper finds that during the crisis there was not a mainstream negative politicisation of immigration in these countries, despite high migration flows, rising high unemployment, aggressive austerity from government and uncertainty regarding the economy. This is explained by showing how the political debate in each country is mediated by different configurations of public opinion, institutions and discursive structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do racial and ethnic characteristics of non-immigrants play an important role in shaping attitudes toward immigrants in the U.S.? Using a 2010 survey experiment representative of the U.S. general population, this paper examines differences in opposition to immigration by the race or ethnicity of the respondent. By manipulating the amount of anonymity offered to respondents, the experiment allows explicit opposition to be distinguished from implicit opposition, which offers unique insight into the extent to which opposition is masked. Consistent with theories of in-group solidarity, we find that Hispanics, who comprise nearly half of all immigrants in the U.S., overtly express a less restrictive posture, which, relative to Black and White respondents, is not significantly masked. In contrast, White and Black respondents only overtly express more openness to immigration. When offered absolute anonymity, opposition is significantly and substantively greater. The implications are profound in that differences in the extent to which opposition is masked, rather than overtly expressed, fundamentally patterns racial and ethnic differences in opposition to immigration in the U.S. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing migration research has framed 'middling migrants' mainly in terms of transnational fluidity and flexibility, thus overlooking the issue of integration. This article adds to a burgeoning scholarship advocating a more locally embedded perspective (e.g. Meier, 2015b. Migrant Professionals in the City: Local Encounters, Identities, and Inequalities. New York and London: Routledge) by investigating the integration of immigrant teachers working in mainstream primary and secondary schools in the Asian city–state of Singapore. It is found that these immigrant teachers faced differentiated formal inclusion with respect to legal settlement, whereas their professional integration experiences also diverged between those who embodied certain 'mainstream' characteristics and those who did not. In negotiating professional integration, 'non-mainstream' immigrant teachers adopted a spectrum of strategies, but on the whole prioritised the pragmatic imperative to 'fit in', resulting in what may be termed muted diversification. In terms of broader ethnic and migration scholarship, this account serves to highlight the ways in which locally specific institutional and sociocultural conditions differentially shape middling migrants' experiences in respect to settlement and work. With regard to the Singaporean context, this article fills an empirical gap in migration research while also reflecting on the accommodation and management of diversity in education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, immigration has emerged as a highly contentious local issue in the United States, particularly in non-traditional settlement areas like new metropolitan gateways and suburban communities. This paper uses survey data from the Pew Research Center to analyse how geographic context within and across metropolitan gateways influences both perceptions of the local impacts of immigration, as well as respondents' attitudes toward immigration as a national issue. While immigrant concentration is positively associated with perceptions of immigration as a local problem, a relative absence of immigrants in a respondent's community predicts negative attitudes towards immigrants at the national level. Further, areas that respond unfavourably to immigration at the local level do not always coincide with the areas that are most opposed to immigration to the United States more generally. As such, this analysis identifies tangible differences between immigration as a local and national issue, suggesting a distinct unevenness in the multi-scalar politics of US immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Pre-arrival integration tests used by European countries suggest discriminatory measures subtly persist in immigration laws. This paper draws on a comparison across the Americas and Europe to identify and explain historical continuities and discontinuities in ‘assimilability’ admissions requirements. We attribute legal shifts at the turn of the twenty-first century to the institutionalised delegitimisation of biological racism and the rise of permanent settlement immigration to Europe. Efforts to reduce Muslim immigration largely motivate contemporary European policies, but these policies test putative individual capacity to integrate rather than inferring it from a racial group categorisation, as did historical precedents in the Americas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses processes of replacement faced by immigrant workers in the labour market by looking at the two most relevant economic activities for the integration of immigrant women: cleaning and domestic service. For most of its immigration history, Portugal relied on immigrants from Lusophone African (PALOP) countries—mostly from Cape Verde—to supply the workforce necessary to complement native workers in these activities. However, as the immigration scenario changed at the end of the 1990s with the arrival of Eastern European and Brazilian women, so did the hiring options available to employers. At the same time, immigration from PALOP countries underwent a consolidation process, with implications for the immigrants’ own working preferences and integration processes. The objective of this paper is to address the changes that occurred in the integration of immigrant workers in these two low-skilled activities between 1998 and 2006 and in the light of both employers’ and workers’ preferences and their respective labour market strategies. The underlying hypothesis is that the prevailing working conditions in each of these activities condition both employers’ and workers’ preferences and their implementation, thereby producing different outcomes in terms of processes of replacement migration and the substitution of workers. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Detention is proliferating as a governmental response to human mobility in the 'war on terror'. Theoretical engagements with spaces of detention and enclosure have been influenced by Agamben's work on the camp and the sovereign exception. Such a view focuses on the abject 'bare life' that is produced by the sovereign decision. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork among staff at a UK immigration removal centre, the paper makes the case for 'going inside' the detention centre. It examines the everyday life of detention through the lens of emotion, with a focus on fear and contempt. Exploring these emotions as forms of judgement or construal can unravel staff dispositions towards the detainees, and can demonstrate the ways in which emotion shapes the treatment the detainees receive. The paper argues for emotion as an analytical tool; in the case of detention, it can supplement abstract accounts of 'the camp'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research amongst immigrant groups in Johannesburg points to the emergence of distinctive ways of negotiating inclusion and belonging that transcend ethnic, national or transnational paradigms. Confronted with new South African nationalism, a restrictive immigration regime and xenophobia, immigrants have reacted with what we term 'tactical cosmopolitanism' to negotiate partial inclusion in South Africa's transforming society without becoming bounded by it. Rather than a coherent philosophy, it is a mish-mash of rhetorical and organisational tools drawing on a diversity of more established discourses and value systems. In so doing, they capitalise on cosmopolitanism's power without being bound by its responsibilities. This paper contributes to the emerging literature on cosmopolitanism 'from below', conceptualised not as a philosophy but as a practice and form of experiential culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we argue that transnational relations between the Mexican government and Mexican immigrants in the US are not new. However, the characteristics of these connections have varied across time, depending on the evolution and characteristics of migrant organisations, political and economic circumstances in Mexico, and foreign policy considerations involving US-Mexico relations. The historical links between the government and the Mexican population abroad have influenced the development of current organisations of Mexican immigrants in the US as well as the recent creation and development of the Mexican government's institutions to manage this relationship. For more recent years, we identify a change in Mexico's traditional approach to migration issues in the bilateral agenda, as well as a shift in the relationship between the Mexican immigrant communities and the government. The process of institutionalisation of this new relation began with the Program for Mexican Communities Abroad in 1990, and was strongly consolidated in 2003 with the creation of the Institute of Mexicans Abroad (IME). We argue that IME is the first transnational institution dealing with these issues and we explore some of the challenges it faces in order to achieve its objectives and exert a positive influence for Mexican migrants in the US. The paper is in three parts. In the first, we discuss the value of using a historical perspective for the study of transnational politics. The second part offers a historical account of the development of transnational relations between the Mexican government and the organised Mexican immigrant community from 1848 to 2005. In the third and final part we analyse the challenges faced by IME as a transnational institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the question of how to advance the sociology of migrants' rights, in the context of universalist claims with regard to the emergence of 'post-national' rights. It is argued that attention should be paid to a more traditionally sociological approach which emphasises boundary drawing and the varied processes of inclusion and exclusion in the construction and implementation of rights—such as to constitute a system of 'civic stratification'. This paper applies such an approach to an analysis of recent developments in Britain's immigration and asylum regime, including the recent entry into force of the Human Rights Act. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses a case study of activists in London's Arab communities to address the marginalisation of certain groups in academic analyses of 'race' and ethnicity. Theorisation of 'race' has become increasingly sophisticated, emphasising the fluidity of racial identities and the contextual specificity of racial ideologies and racialised practices. Yet very few empirical analyses of 'race' stray from the rigid categories of 'race' and ethnicity found in censuses and other official sources. The implication is that only certain groups 'count' as 'racial' and should be analysed in terms of 'race'. Using evidence gathered from intensive interviews with Arab community activists, this paper attempts to challenge rigid conceptions of 'race' and, in so doing, to move discussions of 'racial politics' beyond standard black-white dichotomies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tests the theoretically assumed relationship between the parliamentary presence of radical right parties (RRPs) and anti-immigration attitudes over time. Data come from six rounds of the European Social Survey between 2002 and 2012. Using multi-level models with applications for repeated cross-sectional data, the study examines the implications of changes tied to the political advancements of the radical right with a focus on three possible scenarios: people's attitudes about immigration have generally become more negative, opposition towards immigration has become more dependent on immigrants' ethnicity, and attitudes towards immigration have become more polarised. Contrary to expectations, it is found that neither the presence, the representational strength, nor the nationalistic framing of an RRP affect opposition towards immigration over time. Thus, the conclusion is that the RRPs, so far, have not driven anti-immigration attitudes in Europe. Possible explanations for these results are discussed in the concluding section. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines stateless nationalist and regionalist party (SNRP) discourses on immigration through an exploration of the economic dimensions of the centre-periphery cleavage. Using qualitative document analysis, the Republican Left in Catalonia (ERC) and the Scottish National Party (SNP) in Scotland are studied in order to see whether and how the relative economic position of a region shapes SNRP discourses on immigration. The period of analysis encompasses the last three terms of office for both parties, during which immigration and decentralisation have been very salient issues in Catalonia and Scotland. Results suggest that the relative economic situations and the economic crisis do not seem to affect general stances, which are positive in both regions. However, the economic contexts have an influence on how each party selects its main issues for debate, and the ways in which these are managed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article contributes to the literature on the sub-state nationalist and regionalist parties (SNRPs) by investigating the policy positions in the immigration ambit taken by the Flemish nationalist party Volksunie, and by its successors after the party fell apart in 2001. We do so by analysing the party manifestos for all elections between 1978 and 2014. Beyond providing a detailed case study, the article has broader ambitions. The paper bridges the gap between the party literature and the literature on immigration and integration policies. It does so in two ways. First, it relies on a more nuanced categorisation of policy positions proposed by the immigration policy literature, which is absent in the party literature. Second, it draws explicit attention to the nation-building strategy of SNRPs as an intervening explanatory variable, mediating the influence of party competition and ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Several Western European countries have adopted policies of mandatory integration, requiring immigrants to acquire country knowledge, language and values as conditions for immigration, settlement and citizenship. The underlying concept is that—in promoting civic skills—immigrants are better equipped to politically, socially and economically integrate. However, the question of whether civic integration is designed to be a real solution to repair integration problems has gone untested. This paper presents results, across a wide range of outcomes, which finds much more support for a symbolic narrative than a functional one. Using a unique data-set to measure civic integration policy across six waves of the European Social Survey (2002–2012), we find little evidence that these requirements produce tangible, long-term integration change. This does not diminish their significance; instead, we find requirements serve a meaningful gate-keeping role, while simultaneously repositioning the state closer to immigrant lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the political conditions under which individuals are more likely to oppose immigration. We focus on immigration attitudes in Africa, which has been overlooked in existing literature and where there is wide variation on political factors. Drawing on existing case study literature that links exclusionary politics in that region to on-going processes of political liberalisation, we hypothesise that political competition heightens opposition to immigration by raising the salience of the issue and legitimising hostile attitudes. Using multilevel mixed-effect ordered logistic regression analysis with survey data from African countries, we find that opposition to immigration is significantly higher among individuals in countries that are more democratic, that have dominant party systems, and when the survey is conducted shortly before or after a national election. Our analysis also shows that opposition to immigration is more likely in African countries with higher levels of ethnic diversity and higher levels of economic development. In addition to raising important questions for future cross-regional research, our findings from Africa suggest a need to re-think broader comparative theories about immigration attitudes and to give greater attention to the role of political competition in shaping public opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior research on the association between country-level patterns of international migration and anti-foreigner sentiment shows that larger foreign-born concentrations increase perceptions of threat among native-born individuals in receiving countries, which, in turn, give rise to exclusionary preferences. While recent work has assembled a list of limiting conditions that shape the strength of this association, I argue that these efforts are premature because they are based on a narrow way of conceptualising and measuring international migration. In contrast to concepts and measures privileging the size of the foreign-born population in receiving countries, I draw from other literatures highlighting the temporal dynamics of migration. In considering the role of the temporal dynamics of international migration in explaining variation in anti-foreigner sentiment, the question is whether and how the temporal stability of the foreign-born population in receiving countries matters. My results suggest that it does. The size and temporal stability of the foreign-born population play opposing roles in aggravating and ameliorating anti-foreigner sentiment, respectively, with each operating via different pathways at the individual level. My work thus breaks new ground by challenging existing theoretical constructs and operationalisations in the group-threat literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper measures the impact of immigration on migrants' involvement in associations across Europe. Using multilevel analysis on European Social Survey (ESS) data, we address three questions: Are immigrants likely to become members in voluntary associations? Does this likelihood change with the length of stay in the host country? Does the type of the association make a difference? The findings show that the likelihood of migrants participating in associations increases with the length of stay, while second-generation migrant participation is similar to that of the host society. The relation is stronger for expressive associations and weaker for instrumental-utilitarian ones, while religious organisations are more likely to attract new immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Romani women, both immigrant and native, face a greater risk of social exclusion because of the prejudices that mainstream society has about the Roma, and especially because they are women and some of them immigrants as well. This paper analyses how Romani immigrant and native women are building pan-ethnic identities, sharing alliances and developing common strategies in Spain. Previous studies on Romani women have tended to see them as passive and not active agents. Thus, very few have focused on the specific case of Romani immigrant women and on their modes of incorporation in their new contexts of reception. Drawing on data from two qualitative studies of Roma immigrant women and Gitanas in Spain, the authors demonstrate how everyday-life interactions and shared interests at informal and formal encounters lead to building solidarity alliances and sharing transnational narratives, thus overcoming subgroup ethnic boundaries and stereotypes. The analysis is carried out from the ‘other women’ approach, taking into account the voices of all types of Romani women, illiterate and literate, in the whole research process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transnationalism literature has focused on the transborder social networks that immigrants in the receiving country maintain with their sending countries and has not sufficiently examined how such transborder connections enable them to become simultaneously engaged in both nation-states. This paper argues that simultaneity is an important part of transnationalism that distinguishes it from long-distance nationalism. We therefore need to more extensively analyse how immigrants’ transborder involvement in their home country simultaneously affects their participation in the host country. I suggest four ways in which the dynamic relationship between home- and host-country engagement can be conceived. The first is a zero-sum relationship, where increased engagement in one country leads to decreased involvement in the other. The second involves the side-by-side co-existence of sending- and receiving-country engagement without one directly influencing the other. The third is a positively reinforcing relationship, where increased engagement in one country leads to increased involvement in the other. The final option is a negatively reinforcing relationship. I illustrate these four types of transnational simultaneity with examples of migrant socio-economic, political, cultural and identity transnationalism. Finally I discuss their implications for the long-term engagement of immigrants in both sending and receiving countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the economic integration of immigrants from the Former Soviet Union into the Israeli labour market in terms of occupational and earnings mobility (i.e. decreasing occupational and earnings disparities) in comparison with several Israeli Jewish sub-populations. Using data from annual Income Surveys conducted by the Israel Bureau of Statistics between the years 1995 and 2006, we find little occupational and earnings mobility of Soviet immigrants throughout the period and substantial occupational and earnings disadvantages compared to all Jewish sub-populations (especially when compared to Jews of European/American origin). The findings are discussed in light of the assimilation model, suggesting that the social and economic circumstances associated with the arrival of Soviet immigrants in Israel have long-lasting, detrimental consequences for their economic assimilation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]