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Since the late-2000s, Canada has admitted an increasing number of foreign workers with various temporary work permits to meet local labour shortages and growing labour market demands. The rise of temporary migrants has accompanied with a policy shift, from one-step to two-step immigration, to facilitate the retention of former temporary foreign workers and international graduates who had obtained Canadian work experience and credentials. Imposing specific regulations, the policies have created a relatively privileged class of high-skilled workers who have more labour rights and transition pathways than their low-skilled counterparts. Using the analytical framework of regulated and flexible temporariness, this paper examines how unequal regulations are applied to govern the labour market participation and transition of these two groups of migrant workers. Based on secondary sources, the analysis assesses how different notions of temporariness are produced within the Canadian temporary migration programme and the two-step immigration model. This paper also contributes to shedding light on how the pandemic crisis has influenced the emerging debates on temporariness and the recent policy responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resettlement of refugees in third countries has seen a growing intervention by various civil society actors in the last few years, starting from the Canadian experience. Also in Europe, these sponsorship schemes are developing, despite a general restriction of asylum policies. This paper will analyse a case of civil society's sponsorship, which has been developed in recent years by religious (Christian) institutions, first in Italy, then in other European countries (France, Belgium, Andorra, San Marino and recently Germany), in agreement with governments: what have been called 'humanitarian corridors'. The paper will provide an evaluation of the project referred to arrivals from Ethiopia (more than 300 people), based on documents and interviews with key informants, volunteers and refugees. In particular, it will discuss the present outcomes of the project, together with its relationship with restrictive policies: how the cultural message of the project challenges borders closure for asylum-seekers. Studying such experience, this article also wants to discuss some general questions: What does this reception by CSOs have to do with a neoliberal vision of asylum and human rights? What are the potential benefits and the possible shortcomings of citizens' and communities' engagement in refugee reception? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the concept of ethnic prejudice to examine the extent to which fears and anxieties related to immigration and ethnic diversity constitute obstacles to middle-class nation-building in Canada. Our underlying assumption is that if immigration is so contentious and the status anxiety it induces so great, then it should manifest into substantial levels of ethnic prejudice. Moreover, if status anxiety induced by immigration is indeed a widespread concern in Canada, we expect it to translate to significant differences in ethnic prejudice between class and immigration status. To measure ethnic prejudice, we developed an index using common factor analysis with the Provincial Diversity Project. This dataset allows us to create a robust index of ethnic prejudice based on the individual attitudes regarding eight different ethnic groups. While our findings indicate that ethnic prejudice in Canada remains relatively low for the time being, it is evident that a certain level of ethnic prejudice persists and intersects with other forms of status anxieties and competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both scholarly and popular accounts of Canada's relatively non-conflictual immigration politics have attributed substantial power to the selectivity of the country's immigration policy. In this paper, we use new measures of knowledge of the fiscally selective elements of the immigration system to demonstrate that individuals who know more about the system are, in fact, more supportive of immigration, and that this impact is strongest among those who consider themselves on the left. We argue that this is evidence of the progressive's dilemma, showing in particular that knowledge of welfare state-relevant selection criteria such as the Canadian system's discrimination against those with chronic illnesses or those who are older is much more important in determining the attitudes of respondents on the left than those on the right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses two dimensions of 'waiting' in the realm of family reunification: the policy perspective and the immigrants' experience. First, in line with the migration management paradigm, the Canadian government has introduced various measures to reduce 'waiting times'. We discuss changes in the family reunification programme of parents and grandparents implemented since 2011 as emblematic of these measures. Such changes are also situated within global trends that make family reunification policies more restrictive. Second, based on 19 interviews with already established immigrants who are sponsors of a parent, we analyse the experience of 'waiting for care'. For families attempting to reunite to fill care needs, new measures may speed up reunification, but they may also mean that being together is, for many, more difficult to achieve, temporary, and precarious. We argue that the politics of 'waiting times' management has depoliticised the right to family reunification and institutionalised temporariness in this component of immigration policy. These repercussions of state policies significantly alter how immigrant families can provide care to their members and sustain social reproduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, Canada has moved towards a system of 'two-step' immigration, wherein a growing proportion of new permanent residents are selected from people who are already in the country on a temporary work permit. While the 'two-step' selection approach has been lauded as improving immigrants' labour market outcomes, the process to achieve permanent residence can be complex and the stringent selection criteria prevent many migrants from attaining permanent status. In this paper, we examine the administrative burden that migrants with precarious status encounter in their interactions with state immigration bureaucracies as they try to attain permanent residence through economic programmes. The research is based on a qualitative analysis of interviews with 20 migrants with precarious status in the provinces of Ontario, Alberta and Quebec. Participants describe the stressful life consequences resulting from confusing and opaque administrative processes, unpredictable wait times, costly application fees, bureaucratic errors and a lack of accountability. We theorise how such experiences of administrative burden can compound into forms of bureaucratic violence that prolong migrant precarity, exacerbating the legal violence inherent in state immigration categories which deny full social rights to migrants without permanent residence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to identify whether differences exist in local and national news framing of immigration. Using 12 years (2001–2012) of print media data from 15 Canadian and British print media sources, this article presents the first attempt to look for systematic differences in cross-city, within-country and cross-national framing on the subject of immigration. Contextual variables such as change in the unemployment rate and in the rate of foreign-born within cities and countries are introduced to test the robustness of the findings from a computer-automated content analysis. Findings suggest that, contrary to expectations, there is little by way of systematic evidence that national and local newspapers frame immigration according to different concerns. Furthermore, cross-city news coverage does not vary based on local contextual factors such as changes in the unemployment rate or rate of foreign-born. Indeed, it would appear that there is little evidence to support hypotheses that local coverage attends only to the ‘local consequences’ of immigration such as crime and unemployment, and that national concerns such as border security and broader economic outlook are solely the purview of national media. Rather, there are far fewer differences in the content and tone of immigration framing among print news sources than conventional wisdom might suggest. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Upon migrating to a new country, immigrants will often turn to their ethnic communities for support, forming bonding social ties in the process. However, there are also those who form bridging ties by reaching outside of one's immediate ethnic group. The social position occupied by individuals in society is maintained and reproduced by the cultural and human capital they possess, wherein the socialised dispositions, conceptions, and level of education unite and differentiate social groups. As a result, immigrant network formation occurs not only on the lines of ethnicity, but also on cultural and human capital. In this paper, we use the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada to investigate how immigrants use social ties upon arrival to Canada. We find that newcomers with lower levels of human capital will be more likely to bond, whereas higher human capital newcomers will often bridge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For governments concerned with enhancing labour market efficiency, employer-sponsored temporary labour migration schemes have become increasingly popular. However, the equity implications of these arrangements, which constrain the mobility of migrant workers, have largely been ignored. This paper assesses the factors affecting the vulnerability of employer-sponsored migrant workers and addresses the question of whether these schemes comply with ethical principles relating to fair treatment. It draws upon migration ethics, political economy and socio-legal perspectives to evaluate visa schemes in Australia, Canada and Sweden. The paper argues that there is an ethically justifiable case for selectively restricting certain rights of migrant workers within clearly defined parameters. However, policies facilitating worker mobility, restricting sponsorship to higher-skilled occupations, promoting enforcement and worker representation, and providing accessible opportunities for permanent residency and citizenship help to ensure that employer-sponsored temporary labour migration schemes comply with ethical principles relating to the fair treatment of workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on in-depth interviews undertaken eight years apart to provide a reflection upon the nature of transnational relationships and settlement over time. It follows the lives of five immigrant families between 1999 and 2007, and focuses in particular on the accounts provided by the women. These individuals migrated to Canada from Hong Kong or Taiwan during the 1990s, and then 'stuck it out', when most of their friends, in contrast, had returned home. The paper uncovers changes in their familial and personal circumstances as a consequence of migration to Canada and their subsequent experiences of transnationalism, and provides insights into the longevity and durability of transnational relationships. It contributes to debates around the persistence of transnationalism over time and the relationship between transnationalism and integration for migrants, whilst also making a methodological point about the need for more longitudinal qualitative accounts of immigrants' lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Visa officers are one of the gatekeepers of a state's borders. Research on discretion exercised by immigration officials tends to focus on interdiction or the regulation of ports of entry. Though all border control agents are delegated with discretion, decisions about visa issuance are arguably more tightly bound by the rule of law. Based on in-depth interviews with overseas visa officers who work for Citizenship and Immigration Canada, this paper examines the social constitution of discretion in Family Class spousal and sponsorship cases. Debates in Canada suggest that the personal attitudes of visa officers are significant factors in shaping their exercise of discretion. Moreover, discretion is seen as a reflection of racism of individual visa officers. This paper challenges this view by suggesting that broader meso- and macro-level forces play a prominent role in discretionary decision-making. It examines how the demands of efficient client processing, client behaviour, migration contexts and legal constraints in Canada and overseas shape the process of decision-making. Discretionary decisions to dig deeper into some applications and not others do put applicants from some countries or regions at a disadvantage, but it is a technical administrative logic, and not ‘race’ that is the source of discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper contributes to the growing literature on the political economy of migration management. Based on ethnographic research in Manila in 2016, we explore the contradictory entrepreneurial character of IOM Philippines in its multi-stranded global migration management activities. As a major labour export country with a history of fractious politics over state reliance on migration, partly in response to neoliberalisation, the Philippines represents an ideal field site for examining triple-win migration and development scenarios. By way of example, we analyse how IOM's global mission is represented in pre-departure programming for select visa-ready migrants destined for Canada. Such sessions occur in an increasingly competitive environment and exemplify the rescaling of migration management initiatives concerned to gain maximum advantage from labour export and import (for states and capital), while grooming a disciplined migrant labour force. On Canada's part, neoliberalisation and justin- time immigration priorities seek greater efficiencies from duly disciplined migrant arrivals. Here, we see the IOM's signature history of protection and aid for vulnerable and displaced persons maintained in tension with its facilitating role in perpetuating the structured inequalities of global capitalism. IOM's entrepreneurial activities in the governance gaps and market places of migration are, we argue, best summed up as labour brokerage by another name. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relationship between Canada, one of the world's leading immigration countries and a country that often serves as an international 'poster child' for well managed migration, and the International Organization for Migration (IOM), an intergovernmental organisation that provides migration-related services for Canada and many other countries. Despite growing awareness about the role of the IOM in migration politics, a research gap remains regarding how states cogitate and evaluate their partnership with the IOM. This article draws on publicly available government evaluations, conducted by Citizenship and Immigration Canada, which speak to the strongly inter-dependent, but also highly ambivalent reality of collaboration between Canada and the IOM. In exploring and discussing the nature of this relationship, the article also speaks to the particularities of 'migration management' and the larger transformations in global migration governance reflected in Canada's partnership with the IOM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on return migration, this paper draws out the tensions between integration and transnationalism, flexibility and rootedness, and citizenship and nationalism. I argue that the recognition of transnationalism necessitates a conceptual re-examination of return migration. Substantively, the paper is based upon my research on the flow of skilled migration between Canada and the People's Republic of China (PRC). Since 1998, China has been the top source country of skilled immigrants to Canada. In recent years, however, a counter-current has emerged with the return movement of PRC immigrants back to China. I examine how the cultural politics of identity play out amongst PRC immigrants in Canada in light of this reverse migration. Drawing on focus groups and interviews, I suggest that not only the act of return, but its very discourse, has influenced the ways in which the politics of identity and belonging are evolving amongst PRC immigrants in Canada. Ultimately, hybridised forms of cultural identification become the norm for migrants whose homes are no longer tied to one place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although rates of residential crowding in Canada declined between 1971 and 2001, the drop for immigrants was not nearly as pronounced as it was for the Canadian-born. This paper determines the extent to which the differential trends in residential crowding can be attributed to changes in educational attainment, household composition, economic characteristics (including housing values), Census Metropolitan Area (CMA) of residence, and skin colour (visible minority status). The prospect of changing effects over time for several factors is also assessed. There are two main findings. The first is that basic household characteristics explain a significant portion of the 30-year immigrant/Canadian-born divergence. Secondly, including time interactions reveals that differences in propensities across CMAs emerged post-1971, and that there have been almost no significant changes in the propensity to crowd among visible minority groups since then. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the limitations of theoretical models of immigrant and ethnic entrepreneurship by observing that the pre- and post-migration experiences of business owners who entered Canada through the business immigration programme in the 1980s and 1990s were not, as these models assume, from the working class but members from the entrepreneur class. The orientation of that programme toward bolstering investments in provincial manufacturing sectors does not, however, coincide with business immigrants' accumulation strategies. Through an examination of two groups of immigrant manufacturers, East Asians and Europeans, the paper concludes that the post-migration accumulation strategies of each group differ because their pre-migration experiences with politico-institutional processes and structural developments in the (newly industrialising) economies of the Asia-Pacific and the (post-industrialising) Euro-American region differ. Although the `new' East Asian and `new' European immigrants face the same immigration selection process and the same opportunity structures in setting up a variety of light manufacturing rms in Canada, they differ substantially in their selection of a business language, in the continuation of their line of business, in their acquisition of production skills, in their reliance on product designs by others, and in their multicultural and co-ethnic employment practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of social capital has gained popularity in the field of migration studies in recent decades, yet we still know relatively little about how immigrants develop social networks in their host countries – despite the fact that networks constitute the core of social capital. This paper applies a Bourdieuian approach to migration research while examining the network development processes of immigrants from Turkey to Canada, all within the framework of social inequality based upon occupation and class. My findings demonstrate that network development with co-nationals, members of other immigrant groups, and native-born Canadians is a complex process in which such various factors as social class, ethnicity, habitus, and different forms of capital jointly shape the opportunities to access social networks, as well as the nature of such networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue that scholars of immigrant integration should pay more attention to immigrants' ‘civic visibility’ among local government officials, organisations and other residents. To document and analyse immigrants' civic visibility, we examine coverage of the Vietnamese and Indian communities in newspapers in San Jose, Boston, Vancouver and Toronto from 1985 to 2005. We ask (i) do local newspapers cover the lives of immigrants and their descendants and (ii) what explains variation in the amount of coverage devoted to different immigrant-origin communities in different places? We find little evidence that newspaper coverage is affected by the demographics of an area, newsroom factors or simplified models of the national political and discursive opportunity structures. Instead, we take an ‘embedded’ context of reception approach, which takes seriously the intersection between general discursive opportunity structures on immigration and particular discourses about certain types of migrants. Our findings suggest the need to complicate national opportunity structure frameworks by considering how their interaction with specific immigrant communities produces between-country and between-group variation. Our results also underscore the importance of immigrant agency; greater visibility in local media appears to link with immigrants' greater presence in domestic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper assesses the employment and earnings trajectories of refugee and family reunion category immigrants in Canada and Sweden using two national level sources of data. The Canadian Immigration Database (IMDB) is a file that links the intake record of post-1979 immigrants with annual taxation records. The 2007 Swedish Register Data includes information on all legal permanent residents. Using standard regression methods, we compare labour force outcomes of age–sex–schooling–place of birth cohorts looking specifically at non-economic (family reunion and refugee intake) immigrants from Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan and the former Yugoslavia. We find that the employment and earning trajectories of the selected non-economic migrant groups are quite similar in the two host countries, although earnings are higher in Canada than in Sweden. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Recent Canada–US ‘Beyond the Border’ negotiations have been accompanied by a highlighting of the issue of unauthorised crossings at the Canada–US border. In this paper, I offer some grounded contextualisation of this current politicisation by drawing upon press reports and interviews to document Canadian border-resident and press constructions of unauthorised crossings in one Canada–US border region in the late 1990s to mid-2000s. The evidence suggests that there is widespread local awareness of these crossings, including the dangers and sometimes death faced by would-be migrants. The analysis explores why this knowledge has not served to challenge still-dominant constructions of a ‘benign’ Canada–US border and/or ongoing projects of border securitisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a generational cohort method, this paper compares the self-employment rates of immigrant parents and their children when they were in the same age range of 25 to 44. The focus is on three questions: (1) Are the children of immigrants more or less likely to be self-employed than their parents? (2) Are the children of immigrants more or less likely to be self-employed than the children of Canadian-born parents? (3) Is the generational change from immigrant parents to their children in the self-employment rate different to that from Canadian-born parents to their children? The results show that Canadian-born male children of immigrants had a lower self-employment rate than their fathers. The decline in the self-employment rate was not unique from immigrant fathers to second-generation men. It was also observed from Canadian-born parents to their children. For both groups, the decline was related to changes in life-course events—longer schooling, fewer marriages and fewer children. Similar to the difference among their fathers, the second-generation men had a higher self-employment rate than the third-and-higher-generation men. Among women, the self-employment rate increased from immigrant mothers to their daughters and from Canadian-born mothers to their daughters. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the discursive continuity between newsprint representations of Mexican refugee claimants in 2007 and the subsequent visa policy imposed on Mexicans by the Canadian government. It argues that the production of a Mexican refugee ‘crisis’ in local media rested on three dominant discourses: the encoding of Mexicans as illegal, criminal and fraudulent Others; the perceived exorbitant costs of refugee claims; and the necessity to control ‘illegitimate’ claimants to prevent them from exploiting the deficiencies of the Canadian refugee system. Such discourses reveal overt and inferential forms of racism and challenges to the self-proclaimed tolerance of multicultural Canada. The paper is based on a review of newsprint articles and readers' opinions published in Windsor in 2007 and 2008. Three rhetorical devices were predominantly used in media discourses—lexicons, the numbers game, and expert/authority legitimation—to elevate the refugee influx to a level of ‘crisis’ and to perpetuate a positional superiority over refugee claimants. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Throughout history, conservative groups of Low German-speaking Mennonites have collectively migrated to preserve their religious integrity. However, their contemporary migrations to North America are not collective or church-sanctioned, but primarily economically motivated. This paper explores the intertwined processes of gender and religion in transnational social spaces through the destination experiences of Mennonite women in Canada. The paradoxes of the transnational social field-each simultaneous gain and loss-constitute a double-bind wherein choice is elusive. Caught in the contest between physical and cultural survival, women find themselves in the 'nothing' of in-between, as conflicting social fields and systems of capital-secular and sacred-collide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Quebec's management of immigration and diversity in the promotion of cultural and political autonomy from Canada. Quebec has been able to secure some of the prerogatives of a sovereign nation-state in part through its control of immigration and its development of an intercultural integrative policy framework. Instead of diminishing the national distinctiveness of Quebec within the Canadian federation, rising immigration has accentuated it in many ways. The concept of intercultural nationalism is used to define a particular state-building strategy that is responsive to economic and demographic changes brought by increased global integration. We argue that the emergence of Quebec as a strong nation with sporadic, but specifically dominant and legitimate state power is reflective of the adaptations that many nation-states have undergone in response to the challenges of globalisation. By that measure, the Quebec state is, in a sense, more of a national state than it ever was in the past. Increasing diversity both within and outside its borders has contributed to this evolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from the Ethnic Diversity Survey conducted by Statistics Canada in 2001, this paper shows that visible minorities, particularly blacks, are the least likely to be self-employed when compared to Europeans. The rate of self-employment for visible minorities is lowest in manufacturing and the primary sectors of the economy. To the extent that social capital is important for self-employment, its benefits vary by type of social capital and industry. There is also evidence that the employment benefits derived from social capital vary across ethno-racial groups, challenging the view that social capital is a source of ethnic advantage for minority groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature suggests that the foreign-born, and especially recent arrivals, enjoy better health than their Canadian-born counterparts, as measured by a number of health outcomes including self-assessed health and chronic conditions. Using data drawn from Statistics Canada's longitudinal National Population Health Survey (NPHS), the paper evaluates the so-called ‘healthy immigrant effect’ with respect to chronic conditions. Specifically, it evaluates the presence, number and type of chronic conditions (heart disease, asthma, arthritis, diabetes) within the immigrant population, with comparisons made to the native-born population. Native- and foreign-born prevalence rates for chronic conditions are also age–sex standardised to aid comparison. Evidence from both descriptive and multivariate analysis supports the healthy immigrant effect with respect to chronic conditions. Strong evidence of health disparities across arrival cohorts is also found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explain the self-reported business performance of entrepreneurs who entered Canada through the Business Immigration Programme. The study draws upon a detailed face-to-face questionnaire with 90 entrepreneurs in Vancouver, a third each from Hong Kong, Taiwan and Korea. As suggested by the mixed-embeddedness model, state regulations provided a significant context for the economic actions of immigrant entrepreneurs. But opportunities were also narrowed by a perceived precariousness in the regional market. Overall, business performance was weak for entrepreneurs, despite significant pre-migration resources. Some factors regarded as encouraging entrepreneurialism were also important in shaping business outcomes. Human capital, though not the scale of investment capital, influenced business success. Consistent with European research, the ethnic enclave economy imposed a penalty on outcomes. Inter-ethnic variation was significant, with Korean-Canadians, who disproportionately sought mainstream markets, by far the most successful of the three groups. In addition they were less involved in transnational business activities, which seemed to compete with, rather than complement, Canadian enterprise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social capital in the form of ethnic networks and family ties is assumed to function critically in the establishment and operation of immigrant-owned businesses. In this paper I argue that, although the formation and expenditure of social capital may typify the experiences of many immigrant entrepreneurs, some enter the host society with sufficient human capital to enable them to forego the utilisation of social capital in the adaptation process. To test this hypothesis, interviews were conducted with 70 immigrant entrepreneurs in the province of Ontario between 1993 and 1995. All interviewees entered Canada under the auspices of the Canadian Business Immigration Program, a federal programme designed to attract immigrants with demonstrable business and managerial skills, a critical form of human capital. All, therefore, had pre-migration intentions of entrepreneurship in the receiving society. What is found among these business immigrants is a minimal reliance on social capital in establishing and operating their firms. It is concluded that immigrants entering the host society with pre-migration intentions of business ownership possess sufficient human capital to enable them to disregard the formation and utilisation of social capital in their economic adaptation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International migration to North America continues to rise, and with it the meeting of different cultural norms surrounding child caregiving and supervision. Previous research shows that high rates of reporting of supervisory neglect involving migrant families may partly result from these different norms and challenges particular to the migrant context. In this study, five focus groups were conducted with migrant caregivers (n = 19) and children aged 12–17 years (n = 25) to explore their experiences surrounding caregiving changes in migration as well as factors that help and hinder child supervision in migrant communities in Montreal, Canada. Results following thematic analysis indicate that family roles change in migration, but that caregivers and children perceive these changes differently. Families perceive and experience discrimination and judgment of their parenting practices from community members and fear that those will be labelled neglectful. Change in families' social support, especially at the neighbourhood level, has an important influence on caregiving practices. Results also show that parents' preparation of children to provide care for siblings and others is often not recognised as a strength by service providers in direct contact with families. Directions for future research and implications for practice are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite increased attention to ethnic differences in political behaviour, there is little research on ethnic minorities as political donors and almost none outside the United States. We draw on an administrative dataset of contributions to candidates, which we augment with donors' ethnicity. Focusing on the 2015 Canadian election, we find ethnic minorities are generally less likely to donate than other Canadians, but South Asian Canadians donate at astonishingly high rates. Contrary to previous research, there are only modest differences in the size of donations across ethnic groups. Linking donation data to candidate characteristics and census data reveals substantial co-ethnic affinity effects among Chinese and South Asian Canadians. Even in the absence of co-ethnic candidates, however, South Asians donate at a substantial rate. The proportion of donations to out-of-district and weaker candidates is also quite high, which could signal symbolic considerations are especially important to ethnic minority donors. The substantial heterogeneity between ethnic groups and the different effects on rates versus size of donations add important nuance to our knowledge of ethnicity and political behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA) officers use the National Risk Assessment for Detention (NRAD) process to evaluate the 'riskiness' of immigration detainees. The NRAD's key tool is a 2-page document laying out 'risk factors' with corresponding points that add up to scores of 'dangerousness' allegedly posed by non-citizens. CBSA officers then recommend detention in either a provincial prison or a lower security 'immigration holding centre'. In a national context of no legislated upper time limits on detention periods, and where telephonic and other access to incarceration sites is impeded, the NRAD form's outcome portends serious, long-term consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Precarious legal status trajectories (PLSTs) are marked by periods without state authorisation and/or forms of temporary authorisation. They are temporally prolonged and directionally unpredictable, and may be spatially, juridically and substantively discontinuous. Their complexity poses challenges for researchers interested in the relationship between changes in legal status and differential inclusion. We examine the trajectories of illegalised Anglo-Caribbean and Latin American migrants living in Canada in the mid-2000s who applied for one or both of two humanitarian legal status adjustment mechanisms to obtain permanent residence: late refugee claims and applications on humanitarian and compassionate grounds. Despite sharing early illegalisation, we find regional racialised and gendered differences in their PLSTs. We present a framework for understanding how different trajectories are populated, and how the somewhat unpredictable outcomes of adjudications may lead to further applications and a reorganisation of PLSTs. We conceptualise PLSTs as assembled through (1) colonial legacies and histories of migration that contribute to racialised humanitarian deservingness, (2) state policies and humanitarian adjudication procedures, and (3) everyday encounters between migrants and other social and institutional actors. Our analysis shows how these elements come together and generate variable PLSTs and multi-dimensional differential inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To appease public anxieties and limit exploitation, in recent years Canada has sought to more strictly regulate and reduce temporary migrant work, while expanding opportunities for international mobility. This article explores the division between mobility and migration in this settler colonial context by charting developments in two overarching Canadian immigration program streams dedicated to facilitating international migration for employment on a temporary basis – the Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP) and the International Mobility Program (IMP) – focusing on the latter. Through an analysis of underexplored IMP subprograms directed at 'national competitiveness,' it probes the extent to which several fast-growing IMP subprograms entail a departure from temporary migrant work under exploitative conditions. Questioning the validity of the migration/mobility distinction assumed in policy discourse, it argues that far from providing for ideal conditions for 'mobile' workers, Inter-Company Transfer, Postgraduation, and Spousal subprograms are characterised by conditions poised to heighten exploitation. Meanwhile, many participants in these subprograms migrate from source countries with a history of subordination through differential inclusion, illustrating how the application of migration control devices is bound-up with residues of formal barriers to entry forged on the basis of nationality and the institutionalised racism that they engendered and threaten to perpetuate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the employment integration experiences of Syrian refugee women arriving to Canada through four common refugee streams: government-assisted, private sponsorship, Blended Visa office referral, and as refugee claimants. Drawing on in-depth, semi-structured interviews with Syrian refugee women and key informants, we show how differences between streams – eligibility requirements, supports provided, services rendered – facilitate or act as barriers to seeking out and securing employment. The finding suggests that government-assisted refugee women struggled the most when compared with the other refugee women. Particularly, GAR women arrived with part of their families and minimal supports, affecting their mental well-being and job search. Meanwhile, the other refugee women typically arrived with the qualities (language, work experience) needed to integrate and so, were able to choose when, how, and the type of work they secured. Through this study, we propose policy recommendations that should be incorporated within the Canadian refugee system to mediate challenges and promote a positive resettlement experience for all refugees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canadian immigration documents such as the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act 2001 stipulate that it is the responsibility of the government to help immigrants to integrate successfully. In part, this is due to the recognition that immigrants have the capital vital for economic and demographic enhancement of the country. To this end, successful integration is an important policy objective, with policymakers outlining indicators that measure the degree of immigrant integration. However, it is unclear the extent to which such policy indicators reflect the perspectives of immigrants. Drawing on in-depth interviews with African immigrants in London, Ontario, we report on a qualitative study that explored the meaning of successful integration. The findings capture some dimensions of successful integration. They indicate that creating avenues for personal growth and development in a context where immigrants have options and opportunities for advancement is an important marker of integration. Moreover, the findings show that achieving pre-migration aspirations – dreams and goals set prior to arrival in the host country are central to immigrants' conceptualisation of integration. Furthermore, as opposed to an action with a definite endpoint, immigrants understand integration as an ongoing process in which immigrants continuously adapt in response to changing demands of the host country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The twenty-first century has witnessed a number of significant demographic and political shifts that have resulted in a care crisis. Addressing the deficit of care provision has led many nations to actively recruit migrant care labour, often under temporary forms of migration. The emergence of this phenomenon has resulted in a rich field of analysis using the lens of care, including the idea of the Global Care Chain. Revisions to this conceptualization have pushed for its extension beyond domestic workers in the home to include skilled workers in other institutional settings, particularly nurses in hospitals and long-term care settings. Reviewing relevant literature on migrant nurses, this article explores the labour market experiences of internationally educated nurses in Canada. The article reviews research on the barriers facing migrant nurses as they transfer their credentials to the Canadian context. Analysis of this literature suggests that internationally trained nurses experience a form of occupational (im)mobility, paradoxical, ambiguous and contingent processes that exploit global mobility, and results in the stratified incorporation of skilled migrant women into healthcare workplaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As notions of human capital and personal autonomy have become integral to constructions of social membership, we have witnessed the incursion of market mechanisms into many areas of social life. Immigration policy has been no exception to this trend. By tracing policy developments in Canada and Germany, this article examines the extent to which human-capital citizenship has come to shape immigration policy across policy regimes. Examining economic and family immigrant admissions, the article tests two sets of propositions. First, that human-capital citizenship has come to transform economic immigration policies in ways that have stratified core rights – that is, residence and family unification rights – by skill level, rather than economic contribution. As a second proposition, the article contends that economic considerations are being increasingly applied to immigrants who arrive through non-economic streams. As the desirability of immigrants has come to correspond to their rank in the labour market hierarchy, the accompanying process of market invasion has led to an increasing blurring of longstanding normative and policy distinctions between economic and non-economic immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the contribution of immigration and religious switching to the changing religious landscape in Canada seems well established, we lack knowledge on the religious switching of immigrants. In this study, we address if and to what extent immigrants to Canada change religion after their arrival. We use data on religious affiliation and other demographic characteristics from the 1981, 1991 and 2001 censuses, as well as from the 2011 National Household Survey and the 2002 Ethnic Diversity Survey to study, in a demographic perspective, the magnitude of religious switching among the immigrant population in Canada across the 30 years of observation. We compare it with the religious switching of the Canadian-born population and look for characteristics associated with religious switching among the population of immigrants. The results show that the patterns of religious switching of immigrants present similarities with that of the Canadian-born even if, in relative terms, net population change associated with religious switching is of a lower magnitude among the immigrant population in the most recent period. Religious background and place of birth appear to be related to religious change among immigrants in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyses were conducted with a sample of 18-30-year-old Somali Canadians to test the association between discrimination and violence-related beliefs and behaviours, whether this association differs by the source of the discrimination, and whether there is a different pattern of effects for men and women. Results indicate that discrimination from within one’s own community is not associated with attitudes towards violence, anti-violence behaviours or criminal violence. By contrast, out-group discrimination is associated with more anti-violence behaviours by women, although these effects are not strong. Out-group discrimination is also related to criminal violence among men but not women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global agricultural industry is increasingly supported by transnational migrant labour. The experience of this precarious workforce in receiving states has been the focus of intensified scrutiny by policy-makers and academics at the global and national scale. Drawing on field research we examine how the International Organization for Migration was involved in the development of a transnational labour migration corridor from Guatemala to Canada, and how the organisation's activities are associated with new forms of migration governance. This story, while unique in some ways, illustrates the increased complexity of the international management of migration. For instance, destination states such as Canada continue to play key roles in the management and recruitment of temporary labour migration but other actors have also entered the picture. This development, as this case illustrates, places migrant workers in increasingly vulnerable positions, while states can disclaim responsibility for their plight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Low-wage migrant workers in wealthy nations occupy an ambiguous social and legal status that is inseparable from global economics and politics. This article adds to the growing and diverse literature on temporariness in labour and citizenship by reviewing Canada’s internationally recognised ‘model’ programme, the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP). Specifically, we present research on a small but rapidly growing peripheral pocket of workers in Nova Scotia, a less populated and more economically depressed province. Interview with former SAWP participants demonstrate how the uncertainty characterising the legal, immigration, and employment status of seasonal agricultural workers is socially practised and individually experienced. In particular, we show how specific elements of current migrant labour regulation have everyday effects in organising and delimiting non-work dimensions of migrant workers’ lives. In attending to the spatio-temporal dimensions of migrant workers’ lives we develop the conceptsocial quarantiningas a characteristic feature of former workers’ experiences ‘on the contract’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This exploratory study examined acculturation strategies of Karen refugees who resettled in London, Ontario, Canada after initially being displaced from their villages in Burma and subsequently settled in refugee camps on the Thailand–Burma border. Developing and utilising Karen acculturation measure, the study found that Karen refugees had diverse orientations regardingcustoms and values,social relations, andleisure activities. The analysis grouped acculturation strategies of these individuals into three segments: segregation, integration, and assimilation. Karens adopting assimilation strategy overwhelmingly endorsed Canadian values and customs and engaged in social relations and leisure activities with members of Canadian society. While open to change and willing to experiment with new leisure activities and social relations, Karens in the integration strategy cluster preserved their values and customs. Karens adopting segregation strategies clung to their old ways of life, values, and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Generalised trust promotes social interactions and may well be a crucial component of immigrant integration. Recent immigrants in particular are likely to be viewed by themselves and others as ‘outsiders’ who are unfamiliar with the expectations and norms that structure day-to-day social interactions in the host country. This study relies on a unique combination of three sources of data all derived fromWorld Values Surveysto examine levels of trust, and its sources, among newcomers in one country with a large immigrant population, Canada. The evidence indicates that recent immigrants to Canada make a clear distinction between trust in other people in general, and trust in Canadians in particular: the former is grounded in pre-migration cultural influences, while the latter is grounded in immigrants’ experiences in the new host country. Moreover, the evidence suggests trust in Canadians is a crucial component of immigrant integration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study examines how ‘contexts of reception’ in two migrant cities shape the organisational infrastructure for Pakistani immigrant communities in Toronto and New York City (NYC). Previous research is divided into two epistemic camps, one focusing on locally oriented organisations promoting settlement/incorporation and the other on transnational organisations—thus obscuring the relationships between these organisations. The present study transcends this division by examining how the combined effect of state policies, socioeconomic incorporation, community characteristics and societal attitudes shape the composition and geographical orientation of an immigrant group's collective organisational space—comprised of local and transnationally oriented organisations. Data come from a newly constructed database of Pakistani non-profit organisations based in Toronto and NYC and from qualitative research conducted in both cities. Contrary to our expectations and previous research, we find that state-sponsored multiculturalism in Toronto is not associated with a larger or more transnationally oriented organisational space. Rather, it is the affluence of the Pakistani community in NYC that is associated with the larger and more transnational of the two Pakistani organisational spaces. Findings also reveal tensions between local and transnationally oriented organisations in both cities, reflecting a growing fragmentation between affluent cosmopolitan immigrant elites and the impoverished segments of Toronto and NYC Pakistani communities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study examines the settlement experiences of recent immigrant, professional, dual-career couples through an integrated approach that considers gender-role theory, family investment hypothesis and social capital theory. Previous studies tend to draw on two main theoretical frameworks: gender-role theory, and family investment hypothesis to explain immigrant women’s labour market outcomes. Independently they fail to provide a full understanding of the complex negotiations within the migrating family unit. Newly arrived skilled immigrants must often negotiate between roles and responsibilities within the family unit and struggle to obtain employment and integrate into the host country. Using data from the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada and in-depth interviews, the findings indicate that traditional gender expectations and the absence of social networks are particularly detrimental to the integration experiences of professional female spouses. Gender role expectations become more salient after migration as couples negotiate new household responsibilities that are impacted by labour market challenges and lack of domestic support systems. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the 1990s, subnational governments in Canada have become increasingly active towards immigrant selection and immigration integration. In dialogue with scholarship on immigration policy-making and public administration, this article demonstrates that bureaucrats, acting as policy entrepreneurs, have been instrumental in initiating subnational immigration activism in Canada between 1990 and 2010. By studying immigration policy-making ‘from the ground up’, three types of entrepreneurs are identified based on empirical research in the 10 Canadian provinces: classical entrepreneur, policy puzzler and diagonal innovator. New research questions are generated by the demonstration that subnational immigration politics in Canada is a form of client of mode politics, but where clients are absent and where independent within state actors are the moving forces. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article proposes a theory of racial mediation and examines how candidate race affects media coverage of political viability. Using two different types of content analysis—manual and automated—the article assesses print media coverage of white and visible minority candidates in the 2008 Canadian federal election. The study reaches two substantive conclusions. First, it appears that candidate race does not influence reporting on political viability in the aggregate, but does affect how non-incumbent candidates with racial minority backgrounds are portrayed. Although non-incumbent white candidates receive fairly positive coverage of their electoral qualifications, this is not the case for visible minority candidates. Incumbency washes away these differences, suggesting that once minority candidates have, in effect, proven themselves with an electoral win, they will receive coverage that is equivalent—and sometimes even more favourable—than their white competitors. Second, this study demonstrates how methodological choices influence the conclusions reached by content analysts. The article highlights how a researcher using an automated approach to content analysis could reach different conclusions than a researcher relying on a manual approach. The article concludes with a discussion of the trade-offs that researchers face when studying the media coverage of minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Deportability, or a threat of deportation, can be viewed as a technique of discipline employed to make migrant workers efficient and compliant. Under the threat of deportation, migrants accept dangerous, dirty, degrading and difficult jobs for low pay. Deportability also prevents them from challenging their working and living conditions either individually or collectively. Most of the literature on deportability applies to unauthorised migrants. Yet, as illustrated in this article, migrants employed legally on temporary contracts are also disciplined through a threat of deportation. While for unauthorised migrants, it is the receiving state that is the most important actor (re)creating the regime of deportability, for legally employed migrants, other actors––such as employers, the sending states, recruiters and international organisations––assume a more important role in employing the threat of deportation as a disciplinary technique. In this article, we explore how power is reproduced in this disciplinary regime of deportability. We examine migrants' responses to the techniques of discipline that subjugate them. We argue that when migrants adopt calculative and reflexive practices to avoid deportation and secure their own employment, they often end up reproducing the disciplinary power of the deportation regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the influence of ethnicity and immigration on the likelihood of young adults' co-residence with parents and other relatives using the 2006 Canadian census. It shows that both ethnicity and immigration affect co-residence with parents as well as with other relatives. The highest levels of co-residence are found among Southern Europeans, Asians and Latinos and among the second generation. However, South Asians exhibit the highest percentage of young adults who have already started their own family but still live with parents or relatives. Our analysis further shows that despite the importance of ethnicity as a predictor of living arrangements, its effect declines the longer the youth's family has been living in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Prior research into the relationship between integration discourses and immigrant political incorporation adopts a narrow nation-state focus which fails to take into account the fact that integration is increasingly defined and carried out at the sub-national level in multi-nation states. Such research also neglects to consider the effects of these discourses on generational trajectories in participation, a key focus of both integration theory and mainstream civic incorporation research. Using Canada as a case study, this article bridges the literatures on integration discourses, immigrant civic engagement and minority nationalism to determine whether generational trends in civic membership and volunteering differ in Quebec—the only Canadian province to adopt an intercultural integration discourse—and in Ontario, where multiculturalism shapes integration policy. The results show significant overlap between integration discourses and the propensity for co-ethnic membership among immigrants and their offspring. In Quebec, where the interculturalism contract requires newcomers to participate in a common public culture centred on the French language, immigrants and their offspring are less likely than established cohorts to pursue membership in co-ethnic associations. In Ontario, where a multicultural discourse attributes equal value to majority and minority cultures, first- and second-generation immigrants are more likely to participate in predominantly co-ethnic associations than established native-born groups. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]