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The new Principal Officials Accountability System (POAS), a proto-ministerial system, was established at the start of the Second Term of Office of the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). This paper examines the setting-up of the POAS and reviews how it has functioned during its first year of life. Both the design and implementation of the POAS were characterized by undue haste. The establishing of the POAS intensified the debate on a range of matters as new ministers, senior civil servants and residents have come to terms with the detail of this novel arrangement. Discussions about political reform are set to intensify in the years to come. This article reviews the origins and deeper need for the POAS in Hong Kong before looking at the fundamentals of the new system. The nature of 'accountability' is then discussed prior to examining Hong Kong's experience with the POAS in action during its first year. The article also discusses the potential of the POAS to contribute to Hong Kong's overall political development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to develop a better understanding of the economic situations of South Asian minorities in Hong Kong. A theoretical perspective emphasizing the embedding of economic behavior within social relationships and socio-political processes will be employed. This study will examine how three macro-historical processes, namely, colonization, industrialization and globalization, induce the different configurations of three structural factors, namely, government policy, societal reception and co-ethnic community, affecting the economic wellbeing of South Asian minorities in Hong Kong. The authors argue that Hong Kong Chinese and South Asians coexisted peacefully without major conflict or discrimination during the early colonial age. However, when the colonial government started to develop unique Hong Kong Chinese identity and as the HK Chinese became wealthier, well-educated and successful, ethnic tensions began to occur. In this era of globalization, Hong Kong encounters the serious problem of economic restructuring, and the continuous inflows of migrants from developing countries engender keen competition with lower-class Hong Kong citizens for low-end service jobs. South Asians are no longer enjoying positive societal reception from the Hong Kong Chinese. The co-ethnic community factor for Hong Kong South Asians has not significantly changed since the pre-war years. Their sub-communities' internal resources may secure their economic wellbeing through mutual assistance. However, under a very harsh external environment, whether sufficient resources can still be continuously drawn remains questionable. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Investigating how the PRC responds to democratization in Taiwan and Hong Kong, this paper argues that the Chinese Communist leadership has mainly developed three strategies in managing the complicated crises, including Beijing's own legitimacy crisis and the integration crisis of the Chinese nation, caused by the rise of offshore Chinese democracies. These strategies are: identity politics, sovereignty politics, and economic penetration. With 'identity politics', Beijing identifies 'identification with the Communist leadership' as the sole Chinese national identification, and utilizes the nationalistic passions of mainland and even overseas Chinese people against democrats in Taiwan and Hong Kong, by labeling the latter as 'separatists' or 'national traitors'. Further, Beijing defines 'sovereignty' in a way in which the 'central' government monopolizes all possessions of the nation, and excludes 'people's sovereignty' from the politics of national reunification or the 'one country, two systems' model actualization. While appealing to both 'soft power' based in 'patriotic nationalism' and 'hard power' embedded in national sovereignty, however, the Chinese regime also mobilizes business resources and opportunities provided by China's growing economic power and China's dominance in Greater Chian economic integration for its political purposes of curbing offshore Chinese democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The premise of this paper is that China has a divided national identity, characteristic of a category of nation-states divided for political reasons since World War II. Until 1999, responsibility for this sense of national division could be diffused, but since the retrocession of Hong Kong and Macao, frustration and blame have focused on Taiwan, the last remaining symbol of China's ‘national humiliation’. Characteristic of such a divided identity are ambivalent feelings, aiming on the one hand to idealize and desire to incorporate the ‘missing’ or ‘lost’ segment of the nation, and on the other to punish it for refusing to return. It is important to understand that Chinese feelings about Taiwan are not a simple reflection of empirical developments on the island, but also project latent ideas about China's own unresolved national identity. China's attempts to overcome this division have undergone several changes, making significant progress while encountering difficult (and as yet still insuperable) obstacles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 1 July 2003, over half a million Hong Kong people staged a mass protest against the poor governance of the post-handover Hong Kong government. The grievances of the marchers quickly snowballed into a widely backed movement for democracy. The subsequent record-breaking support for pro-democratic candidates during the local elections held on 23 November 2003 unnerved Beijing over its possible loss of control over Hong Kong. Beijing swiftly shifted to a hard-line approach, attempting to dampen the local democracy movement. This paper will expound the five fundamental causes of Hong Kong's broad-based demand for full democracy, analyse its type of democratic transition to illuminate its political dynamics, and highlight the parameters impacting its democratic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to examine the integration of the evolving bond markets in the Chinese Mainland (CM) and Hong Kong (HK). To tap the international pool of capital, the CM government and CM enterprises have issued foreign currency bonds in HK and other developed markets. Since 1998 offshore CM bonds offered to the public have not been denominated in HK dollars probably because of concerns over the stability of HK's linked exchange rate and the differential credit ratings of the two economies. Even though HK has become increasingly well equipped to handle the clearing, settlement and custody of local and foreign currency bonds across its borders, it needs to continue to lobby for and attract CM government and corporate issues of foreign currency bonds (and Rmb bonds, if this were to be permitted) if it is to establish itself as a regional bond centre in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In examining the Hong Kongers' participation in the social development of China, I suggest that China-development provides an important local site for the study of Chinese postcoloniality. Not only does it disclose the multiple and contradicting effects of colonial power, it also embodies the conflicting visions of modern China between the official Grand Narrative of modern Chinese nationhood and the local narratives of modern Chineseness. It became a site that created discursive possibilities for individual Hong Kongers to negotiate their ambivalent identification with and resistance to China. In this paper, I show how Hong Kongers were constructed as 'free subjects' under the British colonial discourse of liberalism which in turn shaped the Hong Kong discourse of China-development. Circulating in China-development was the image of China as the oppressive and corrupt 'inside' and Hong Kong as a free 'outside' space of accountability and equality of opportunities. Vacillating between East and West, Hong Kongers came to represent themselves as modern Chinese towards which they worked to develop their mainland compatriots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Departing from its typical silence on pro-democracy movements around the world, Chinese state media encouraged a flood of reports about the 2019 Anti-Extradition Law Movement in Hong Kong. This article investigates two different media framing strategies to prevent democratic diffusion: demobilizing the masses by emphasizing state capacity and repression, and rallying the masses by emphasizing threats to national unity. Analyzing an original dataset of articles about the Hong Kong protests in the People's Daily, this article documents a greater overall reliance on the rallying strategy, a tendency that became particularly pronounced in the later stage of the protest movement. Chinese media selectively reported events that would emphasize threats and downplayed stories about repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the implications of social relief of Hong Kong in the early twentieth century, while highlighting the post-colonial condition. Details on the history of Hong Kong; Reference to thesis which were analysed; Details on the social conditions in Hong Kong.

United front organizations in Hong Kong have evolved into a form of patron-client network, with the Liaison Office of the Central People's Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (Liaison Office) assuming the role of the patron. Possessing the capacity to penetrate into the community and offer patronage goods, these organizations have become the basis for the Liaison Office to build a political machine, discipline elites and maintain their cohesion, control the executive, and counterbalance civil society. The closely knit clientelist network functions as a para-party machinery, supporting the Liaison Office to operate as a quasi-ruling party. On the other hand, immense social resentment has culminated over the Chinese party-state's (party-state's) infringement on the autonomy of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the challenges of understanding, measuring and explaining political identities in post-1997 Hong Kong. It shows that national and local identities are better conceptualized as two distinct attitudes and captured with separate scaled items than as opposite poles of one attitude measured in a single categorical item. This approach reveals that the key shift occurred not in local identity, but in nationalistic sentiments, which have initially increased but have been on a downward trend since 2008. It also shows that national and local identities were perceived as robustly compatible for most years since 1997, but have begun to drift apart in recent years. Considering competing accounts to explain national identity strength, trust in the central government stands out as the dominant factor. Discontent with livelihood conditions and socio-structural variables either have no significant effect or are to a large part the result of differences in political trust. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Hong Kong government was less active in regional integration before 2003. This study explores what conditions have contributed to the shifting of the Hong Kong government's stance on Hong Kong–Shenzhen integration from protectionism to cooperation since 2003. In addition to secondary data, a questionnaire survey and interviews were conducted in this study. Various external and internal economic, political and social factors that have contributed to the emergence of government-led strategy for regional integration in Hong Kong are analyzed. It is found that regional integration is facilitated by consensus building among the government, political parties, other interest groups and residents within Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Over the past several years, China has consistently maintained economic growth and at the same time emerged as a new global giant in the international arena, despite the distractions caused by the global financial crisis, which was triggered by the US Sub-prime Mortgage Crisis of 2007 and the recent bond crisis that emerged in the European Union in 2011. Concurrent with China's growing interaction with the global economy and robust growth of its domestic economy, competition for the status of national and even international financial centers in the region has become fierce. This study focuses on a ‘local’ examination of internal conditions for the emergence and growth of Chinese financial centers over the next 10–20 years. Cities contending for the top slot in the roster of Chinese cities, like Beijing, Shanghai and Shenzhen, are striving to become international financial centers and are trying to compete with Hong Kong. This study investigates the development potentials, future prospects and division of functions between different financial centers within China regarding Hong Kong, Beijing and Shanghai, with special reference to the role of information and locations of MNCs' regional headquarters. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In recent years, the Hong Kong government has sought to supplement its highly successful, rule-based anti-corruption strategy with value-based elements which stress the importance of ensuring personal integrity and avoiding conflicts of interest. The introduction of these elements raises issues about the relationship between rules and values within public organizations seeking to enhance their integrity management systems. In the Hong Kong case, it is argued, the predominance of the rule-based system means that value issues, such as potential conflicts of interests, tend to be pushed up through the hierarchy for resolution at higher levels in the organization. In addition, the development of informal rules relating to value issues limits the extent to which public officials can exercise personal discretion. The article is based on a survey of Ethics Officers and Assistant Ethics Officers in the Hong Kong government in June 2010 and on follow-up interviews conducted between October and December 2010. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the discourses of democracy in the context of political development in Hong Kong during the first 12 years after the 1997 handover using rhetoric and frame analysis. Overall, the study shows how political actors define political options and promote development, which is favourable to their interests and views, through framing democracy in different ways. The study reveals the frames that describe different points of view, and contributes to the understanding of democrats' position as re-framers. The found frames are clustered into paradigmatic framesets that deal with the concrete democracy issue and the political situation in present-day Hong Kong. Consequently, the democracy debate in Hong Kong is organised around two opposite and idealised templates for democracy. The first cluster forms the pro-establishment model, which suggests solutions built around consensus and practical means. The second frameset, mostly used by the pro-democrats, supports the idea of a wider democratic change which entails broad normative changes in politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hong Kong's Principal Officials Accountability System (POAS) aims to create a coherent political leadership within the government whose members are responsible for policy decisions. POAS also aspires to better protect the professional integrity of a neutral public service. Since the implementation of POAS in 2002, the objective of enhancing political accountability has come into conflict with the protection of the integrity of the public service. The reason for this is twofold. First, a critical analysis has revealed major institutional defects in POAS, which have undermined the integrity of the public service. Second, a close examination of some recent incidents has established that the implementation of POAS under an increasingly politicized environment has undermined some core values traditionally nurtured by Hong Kong's public service. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the patterns and changes in public perceptions of domestic income inequality in Hong Kong in the past two decades and explains individual variations in these perceptions. It found that the perceived seriousness of income disparities had been persistently high, while the perceived unjustness of income disparities showed a fluctuating trend. Our findings lent partial support to the structural position thesis that the privileged groups are less likely than the underprivileged groups to consider existing income disparities to be serious and unjust. Nonetheless, the popular understanding of poverty is still biased towards 'individual' explanations, and this perhaps explains why the government is less willing to tackle the economic and political foundations of poverty in Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

1 July 2007 marks the tenth anniversary of Hong Kong's retrocession to Chinese sovereignty to become a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the PRC. The HKSAR has functioned under the 'One Country, Two Systems' framework as enshrined in the Basic Law, its mini-constitution. Upon the resumption of Chinese jurisdiction over Macao on 20 December 1999, a similar 'One Country, Two Systems' formula also came into effect for the new MSAR under its Basic Law. The 'One Country, Two Systems' formula that guarantees a high degree of autonomy in both Hong Kong and Macao is also a cornerstone of the PRC's strategy toward peaceful reunification with Taiwan. To provide a more balanced and informed understanding of these two Chinese SARs in actualizing the 'One Country, Two Systems' model, this special section of four articles adopts a bi-focal approach. On the one hand, it presents in a joint article the views of two leading mainland Chinese legal scholars (Professors Geping Rao and Zhenmin Wang, both National People's Congress Hong Kong Basic Law Committee members) on some vital dimensions of the Basic Law. On the other hand, it offers three articles with a more locally anchored perspective - a comparative analysis (by Professor Sonny Lo) of the contrasting HKSAR and MSAR experiences, and two case studies (by Professors Bruce Kwong and Eilo Yu) that highlight key features of patron-client linkages and informal politics dynamics in HKSAR and MSAR elections and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the return of Hong Kong's sovereignty to the People's Republic of China, the territory's political development has diverged from that of Macao. The poverty of leadership, state-society confrontations, deinstitutionalization and Beijing's explicit intervention have marked Hong Kong's political development from 1997 to 2004. Since April 2004, the Hong Kong governing style has converged with that of Macao in terms of its pragmatism. Although Macao's political development is characterized by leadership finesse, state-society partnership and institutionalization, its relatively weak civil society and lack of democratic reforms are by no means an attractive 'one country, two systems' model to Taiwan; nor does Hong Kong's 'one country, two systems' appeal to the Republic of China. Yet, the political corruption and chaos that punctuate Taiwan's democracy have failed to have any positive demonstration effect on Hong Kong and Macao. While the models of Hong Kong and Macao are bound to diverge from that of Taiwan, political development in the two Chinese Special Administrative Regions is gradually converging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1979, when Mainland China began to open up its economy, a process of economic integration has been going on between Hong Kong and Mainland China. The return of Hong Kong to Mainland China in 1997 speeded up the integration process. China's entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) at the end of 2001 further intensified the integration process. In June 2003, CEPA (Closer Economic Participation Arrangement) was signed between Mainland China and Hong Kong, which set a further important milestone in the economic integration between them. In June 2004, the concept of regional economic integration was inaugurated in the Pan-Pearl River Delta Regional Cooperation and Development Forum. This article attempts to review the economic integration process after the signing of CEPA. Issues related to the implementation of CEPA are also examined and discussed. It is hoped that both the Hong Kong business sector and potential foreign investors can have a comprehensive picture of CEPA so that they can design appropriate actions to benefit most from CEPA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political struggle against national security legislation in Hong Kong led to an unprecedented awakening of civil society against the state and the largest indigenous movement in Hong Kong history. The proposed laws by the Hong Kong government were seen as overbroad and ill-defined, and the government's disregard of public opinion led to an outcry from various social sectors. The Catholic Church, legal professionals and the press played special roles in opinion leadership and mobilization in the struggle. The mass protest created an internal split of the governing elite and forced the postponement of the legislation. It also encouraged local participation, re-fueled an ailing democracy movement, and put democratic reforms onto the political agenda of Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The retrocession to Chinese sovereignty of Hong Kong in 1997 and Macau in 1999 have been milestones in the PRC's national reunification drive. While these two South China coast enclaves share many similarities under Western colonial rule, their homecoming to China was markedly different in several key dimensions. HK's contested sovereignty and democratization mired Sino-British cooperation over transition matters, except for the British forces-PLA agreements on military sites and advance teams. The more cordial Sino-Portuguese ties masked unsatisfactory localization efforts in Macau, where Beijing's decision to station PLA troops provoked Lisbon's strong objection. The sharpest contrast was between HK's widespread crisis of confidence and Macau's sense of acceptance and relief at the prospect of autonomy under Chinese Communism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Asian financial turmoil that hit Hong Kong unexpectedly has produced the worst postwar economic crisis in this bastion of unfettered capitalism. It has exacerbated some worrisome trends that have plagued Hong Kong for more than a decade: diminishing international competitiveness of the economy; widening income inequality; greater involvement of the government in economic affairs; declining mobility opportunities; and an increasingly anxious middle class. Empirical findings however show that whilst Hongkongers' confidence in Hong Kong's capitalist society has been shaken a little, popular support for it has, on the whole, remained robust. Still, social discontent is on the rise, particularly among the middle-classes. Growing popular demand for governmental intervention and the proclivity of the post-1997 regime to exercise economic activism might, in the long run, threaten the viability of this last example of untrammeled capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The integration of the so-called greater China economies among Mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong is one part of the global trend of regionalism. The significance of integration in terms of foreign trade and foreign direct investment demonstrates not only rapid growth but also diversity, ever since Mainland China pursued her open door policy of economic reform in 1979. For instance, the combined volume of Hong Kong and Taiwan accounted for as much as 74.1% of Mainland China's capital utilization in 1993, which in turn contributed to the rapid economic growth of Mainland China over the last two decades. The membership of Mainland China and Taiwan to the WTO, as expected by the end of 2001, will facilitate a more official arrangement of intergovernmental coordination within these Triangle Economies. However, the government of Taiwan will continue to evaluate the cross-strait relations in the context of the nation's overall political and economic security as long as the government of Mainland China does not renounce the use of military force against Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contains an examination of the way in which the largely British model of professional comprehensive housing management became important in Hong Kong. It shows how a comparatively small number of pioneers, mainly women who were followers of the principles of Octavia Hill, a philanthropic social reformer who developed her ideas in 19th century London, had a considerable influence in the very different environment of Hong Kong. An examination of the comparatively small amount of literature on the housing management profession is followed by a detailed analysis of the way in which the housing management profession has developed in Hong Kong. A review of the origin of public housing programmes in Hong Kong highlights the influence which housing professionals had when the housing administration was radically restructured at the time of the formation of the Hong Kong Housing Authority in the early 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the change of sovereignty in Hong Kong in July 1997, there has been much speculation as to whether the new administration of Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa would bring about a more interventionist government, given his campaign rhetoric to adopt a strong leadership and his well-known admiration of the Singapore model of development. This article examines the evolution of the Hong Kong 'state' within an historical perspective and argues that by the eve of the handover the former colonial government was already an active state driven by highly conscious accumulation and legitimation strategies in response to the rising social, economic and political demands of the 1980s and 1990s. New factors emerging after the handover have further strengthened the forces of state intervention, including the decolonization syndrome, institutionalized corporatism under the Basic Law political design, the need to gain legitimacy and to seek performance by the Tung administration because of the lack of proper electoral mandate, and the impact of serious external crisis arising from the Asian financial crisis inducing rethinking of policies. Whereas the old colonial interventionism was endogenously driven by bureaucratic reformism, the new interventionism is clearly more subject to exogenous forces embedded in the changing institutional, political and economic conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's policy toward Hong Kong in the period 1949-1997 was primarily driven by utilitarian calculations of national interests and the interests of the Chinese Communist Party. The Hong Kong policy of China, as an integral part of its foreign policy, was distinctive in that ideological fervor and nationalist passions had limited influence. The goals to be achieved by the Hong Kong policy remained unchanged throughout the period; the strategies adopted, however, changed in accordance with the changing international situation and the national interests as defined by the Chinese leaders. The primary goals of the Hong Kong policy were to secure a less threatening external political environment for China and to make calculated use of Hong Kong for China's economic development. By tolerating Hong Kong as a British colony, China also depended on Britain to control the potentially threatening anti-Communist Chinese population there. The 'over-dependence' on the British to control the Chinese people in Hong Kong on the eve of Hong Kong's reversion to China, however, alienated the Hong Kong people as well as impeded the formation of local political leaders in the territory. As a result, the acquisition of Hong Kong by China in 1997 has not been accompanied by political rapport between the Chinese government and the Hong Kong people, thus sowing seeds for lingering friction between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the changing government-business dynamics in Hong Kong, China after the reversion by focusing on three inter-related dimensions such as economic ideology, institutional and policy framework and the political environment in post-colonial Hong Kong. Discussion on the first Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government; Details on the three dimensions; Conclusion.

Discusses the relationship between democratization and decentralization in Hong Kong, China. Evolution of local government in Hong Kong; Reform plan of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government; Conclusion and theoretical implications.

Considers the transition and handover processes in Hong Kong, China in terms of constitutional development. Discussion on the Hong Kong constitutional order; Fundamental challenges to the constitutional order; Conclusion.

Studies the transition of the Hong Kong civil service from British to Chinese rule. Colonial legacy of Great Britain in Hong Kong; Bureaucratic relations; Intergovernmental relations.

Examines democratization in Hong Kong, China. Significance of the Basic Law; Electoral systems in Hong Kong; Political equality.

Focuses on the reaction of people in Hong Kong before and after the Chinese turnover in 1997. Concerns on changes in institutional order; Results of a survey on the Hong Kong respondents regarding the turnover; Identity of Hong Kong.

Looks at the factors that have been shaping the Hong Kong, China economy. Economic conditions before the 1997 turnover to China; China factor behind Hong Kong's structural transformation; Status of the property industry.

Examines the status of Hong Kong after it was reverted to China on July 1, 1997. Political challenge that faced Hong Kong; Policy of the Chinese central government; Challenge to the dominance of the bureaucracy in the governance of Hong Kong.

Examines claims that Great Britain bungled and betrayed Hong Kong before its 1997 turnover. Miscalculation of British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in 1982; Failure to secure the inclusion of democratic safeguards in the Hong Kong Basic Law; Democratic reforms of Hong Kong Governor Chris Patten in 1992 to 1995.

Examines the policy possibilities and directions for Hong Kong as a Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) of the People's Republic of China in handling its relations with Taiwan. Information on Beijing's and Taipei's policy directives; Possible policy directives appropriate for the HKSAR; Conclusion.

Presents information on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange with reference to the Chinese stock exchange. Details on the performance of the stock market; Effects of the transfer on the performance of the stock markets; Factors which influenced the stability of the market; Information on the Hang Seng Index.

Analyses the influence of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) on political, social and economic life in Hong Kong. Details on the role of NGOs; Findings of a survey conducted in August 1996; Reference to some of the activities of NGOs in Hong Kong; Examination of findings achieved in the study.

Analyses the effects of the transfer of Hong Kong's sovereignty to China in 1997, on the participation of Hong Kong and Taiwan in international organizations. Conditions under which China tolerates co-existence with Taiwan as member of the eleven governmental organizations of 1996; Details on China's influence on Hong Kong.