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EU enlargement continues in the Western Balkans in the 2010s because the underlying dynamics remain largely unchanged: EU Member States still see enlargement as a matter of national interest, bringing long-term economic and geopolitical benefits. The risk of instability in the Western Balkans has made the dividends from the EU's 'democratizing effect' especially substantial. I argue that the enlargement process continues to have a 'democratizing effect,' as Western Balkans candidates and proto-candidates respond to the incentives of EU membership: political parties have changed their agendas to make them EU-compatible, and governments have implemented policy changes to move forward in the pre-accession process. Yet the EU is taking on candidates with difficult initial conditions. I explore the changes the EU has made in order to exercise its leverage more effectively in the Western Balkans and check whether these helped overcome the pre-accession process' earlier problems with expertise, consistency and legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aviation is a prime example of a policy area where the clash over supranational regulatory responsibilities had pronounced economic repercussions. In this article, we examine the economic effects of the European Commission's struggle to obtain competences in international air transport. Stock market reactions to key events in the political conflict between 1995 and 2004 unravel whether investor beliefs about the distribution of power in the EU follow the basic conjectures of neofunctionalism, intergovernmentalism or institutionalism. The event studies show that particularly judicial proceedings and the involvement of the ECJ send credible integration signals to financial markets. This supports the hypothesis that investors consider the subtleties of the EU's decision-making apparatus carefully and only react to developments that definitively alter the political regime and thus also the market situation. These findings are in line with an institutionalist interpretation of a reform that has radically changed the international aviation regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Closing the technology gap to reduce labour productivity disparities across Europe is crucial for the European cohesion policy. This article explores the sources of labour productivity growth in Europe over the period 1993-2007 in light of the enlargement process. Labour productivity growth has been mostly driven by capital accumulation. New Member States have significantly reduced their inefficiency and their technology gap. Disparities in the levels of labour productivity are still substantial and, to a considerable extent, they can be attributed to technology gap differences. This raises concerns about the process of convergence in labour productivity in Europe and suggests further policies aimed at reducing the technology gap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using an event study approach, this article examines whether crisis meetings of European heads of state and government, as well as their agreed and communicated results, had a significant impact on Europe's financial markets. The analysis is based on daily data for seven Member States of the eurozone ( France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Portugal and Spain), starting in autumn 2008 and covering the time period until April 2012. To summarize the findings, the high-profile meetings appear to have only minor effects that ceased quickly. Therefore, it can be concluded that investors consider Europe's economic and political crisis management insufficient and its communication strategy little convincing. While controlling for additional effects, it was found that European Central Bank policy measures may have had short-run effects on bond returns and the exchange rate, but no intended influence on stock prices, except for Italy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transatlantic co-operation and conflict over air passenger information, financial transactions records and maritime container security illustrate the European Union's reaction to the transboundary assertion of US counter-terrorism regulation in the wake of the terrorist attacks of September 11. A close examination of the cases suggests that the EU- US agreements on the transfer and use of PNR and SWIFT data were made to safeguard the integrity of the EU data protection regime and more importantly the European norm of data privacy from the undermining effects that might arise from the extraterritorial exercise of authority by the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the role of welfare systems in shaping migration patterns in central and eastern Europe. It argues that states have played a crucial role in affecting migration by creating and widening opportunities for potential and actual migrants through welfare system policies. This explains why CEE countries where social spending figures have been lower, unemployment benefit schemes less extensive and where labour market mismatches remained unaddressed, experienced greater out-migration. The article contributes to our understanding of how sending countries' institutional factors affect out-migration by investigating the role of sending states' institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European identification has previously been explained by the selective gains brought by the European integration process, by personal transnational experiences and by the influence of political programmes aiming at increasing levels of identification. All these explanations imply that identification with one's continent would be specific in extent and distribution across the social structure in Europe compared to other continents. These assumptions are tested using International Social Survey Programme ( ISSP) and a longitudinal analysis using Eurobarometer. Results show that, first, the extent of continental identification in Europe is not higher than in other continents. Second, they reveal that there has been no increase in European identification in recent decades. And third, the socio-structural distribution of continental identification is similar on all continents. Accordingly, explaining European identification with respect to policy output of the European Union is questioned by the findings. The results rather hint at the possibility that European identification is independent of political integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the late 1990s, much scholarly work has been done in the field of Euroscepticism in terms of mapping and conceptualizing different types of opposition to the process of European integration. But even though studies examining Euroscepticism in the EU are plentiful, the lack of insight into different types of Euroscepticism in non-Member States is striking: there is very little research which considers the extent to which there are different varieties of Euroscepticism in the European states that have chosen non-membership of the Union. What is Euroscepticism in these countries, and why are the Icelanders, Norwegians and Swiss so Eurosceptic? The article looks at how Euroscepticism plays out in Iceland, Norway and Switzerland. It examines what Euroscepticism is and why it occurs in these countries, using a framework for analyzing Euroscepticism based on the concepts of economic, political, post-materialist value-based, right-wing value-based, cultural and rural society Euroscepticism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some argue that the direct representative relationship between voters and party elites is difficult to establish in transition democracies. In part, the difficulty stems from the fact that parties may have a hard time discerning the preferences of their respective voter coalitions. In the case of EU integration, parties may have additional incentives to disregard the interests of the public in the hope of securing benefits associated with their country's membership of the EU. In this article we investigate the extent of party responsiveness on EU integration issues in early transition years in central and eastern European countries. We find that while mainstream parties do consistently show more support for EU integration, we find no evidence that parties, in fact, track their voters. The lack of responsiveness cannot, however, be explained by the general instability of public and party positions, nor can this absence of a relationship be satisfactorily captured by low salience of the EU in the transition years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the dynamics of regional integration and economic convergence in the post-Soviet world during the period 1999-2008, both considered as a whole and on the level of individual country groups. While the trade integration experienced a negative trend, at the same time one can observe an unprecedented expansion of labour migration - thus suggesting that integration of factor flows can outperform integration of markets for goods and services, at least in this specific case. Clustering processes of the post-Soviet states for economic convergence and for economic integration seem to be unaffected by each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are EU Member States converging in terms of their innovative effort? To what extent is the current economic downturn impairing the convergence across the European Union countries in innovation performance? Using macro and micro data, this article shows that the EU Member States have converged in their innovative potential over the 2004-08 period. The economic crisis of Autumn 2008 has an impact on innovative investment in almost all EU countries, but the catch-up countries are the most affected, leading to increasing divergence. The danger of growing disparities in innovative capabilities may lead to divergence also in income and well-being. The article discusses some of the innovation policies that can be carried out at the EU level to facilitate cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses how Belgium managed to successfully fulfill its term of European Union (EU) Presidency in 2010, despite having a caretaker government. It argues that Belgium's domestic problems did not significantly impair Belgium's Presidency due to a combination of experience, consensus, and preparation. The effect of the Lisbon Treaty on EU foreign policy and the trio Presidency format is also noted. The role of the rotating EU Presidency is discussed in terms of the Lisbon rules and procedures, as well as the EU's increased focus on financial and economic governance.

Tax competition in the European Union is shaped by four partly opposed institutional mechanisms. While market integration and enlargement increase competitive pressure, the tax co-ordination of the Council of Ministers and the tax jurisprudence of the European Court of Justice could potentially reduce it. The net effect is to accelerate tax competition. This article presents quantitative evidence to suggest that tax competition is stronger in the EU than in the rest of the world, and explores qualitatively why tax co-ordination and tax jurisprudence have failed to prevent a race to the bottom in tax rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Governmentality theory is a tool to study networked governance beyond the state. Its research profile is characterized by a focus on power and micro-practices from a critical perspective. This article identifies the theory's comparative strengths and its distinct analytical style. It lays out the conceptual tools of governmentality theory before applying them to internal CSDP governance and the external governance by the CSDP of post-conflict societies. These short case studies serve the didactic purpose of demonstrating the kinds of research questions, analytical concerns, arguments, empirical evidence and methods that governmentality research calls for and the sorts of findings that it can generate. The article concludes by pinpointing shortcomings of the theory that will be of concern to some CSDP researchers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the creation of a common foreign and security policy (CFSP), the EU has entered the realm of power politics. Although the ambition to become a great power has been frequently reiterated, the EU has often failed to deliver stated policy objectives. This article has two broad goals. One is to outline the strategic behavioural patterns of small powers. The lack of scholarly attention to these states - the largest group in the international system - is a major omission from the International Relations canon. The other is to see how EU patterns of behaviour, exemplified in attempts to build up capacities for military intervention, overlap with those of a small power. The article argues that the concept of a small power best captures the reality of the EU as a strategic actor. Consequently, the EU is more comparable to other small powers such as Sweden or Argentina rather than to great powers such as China or Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the study of EU foreign and security policy has been hampered by its conceptualization of the sovereign state. Realist and constructivist scholars share Stanley Hoffmann's formulation of states as either 'obstinate or obsolete'. EU foreign and security policy is puzzling in this respect as it corresponds to neither. Drawing on two examples - the EC's role in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) in 1973-75 and the contemporary workings of the Political and Security Committee (PSC) - this article suggests that we think of EU foreign and security policy as driven not by the obstinacy or the obsolescence of the nation-state but rather by its transformation. In line with this claim, the article proposes a social theory of EU foreign and security policy with democracy and bureaucracy as two competing political forms within the framework of the modern state. It is the changing balance between these two political forms that drives forward closer foreign and security co-operation in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The common security and defence policy (CSDP) represents an institutionalized attempt on the part of European Union Member States to respond to the security challenges they confront. As such, it is perhaps self-evident that theoretical approaches that focus on the role of institutions in shaping social life should have something to say about its nature, role and impact. This article argues that not only can institutionalist approaches enhance our understanding of CSDP, but using it as a case study can illustrate some of the strengths and weaknesses of institutionalism. In particular, it can indicate the importance of combining insights into the importance of institutional structures in shaping politics and policy with the crucial role power plays in mitigating some institutional effects. This argument is pursued via consideration of the evolution and workings of CSDP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The creation and continued existence of CSDP cannot be understood without reference to the institutional environment within which it is located. To explain its emergence and design, one needs to study the institutional architecture into which this additional institution emerged. Once institutional overlap exists, it becomes a crucial independent variable explaining not only the strategies that member states have at their disposal, but also the development of international institutions occupying the same policy domain as well as the impact on the policy field at large. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to expose some limitations of dominant discourses about European integration. It argues that the attempt to move towards a more federalist Europe underpinned by the ideal of 'post-national citizenship' (Habermas) is both unrealistic and undesirable. The populism and ethno-centric nationalism endangering the European project emerged in Europe not despite the cosmopolitan agendas of its elites, but arguably, in response to their ambitious agendas. A more realistic view on nationalism is imperative for a better understanding of European integration; one capable of addressing the appeal of populist politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the parliamentary debates and decision-making related to the highly contentious EU directive on services. It is intended as a contribution to the academic debate on political conflict lines in the European Parliament. Our argument is that neither the left-right cleavage nor a territorial one (old versus new Member States) can fully explain conflict at stake on socio-economic issues. Rather, what we can observe is cross-cutting opposition between 'regulators' and 'liberals'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores whether Europeans distrust the European Central Bank (ECB) because they dislike its policies or think they cannot control the institution. Distrust of the ECB is a function of individuals believing the bank cannot be counted on to fulfill the duties that Europeans have assigned it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains Europarties' inability to act and position themselves cohesively in EU politics. It develops a theoretical framework based mainly on domestic parties' disincentives to agree on a common Europarty position. The framework is applied to the case of social democracy and fiscal competition. Despite opportunity for agreement, (dis)incentives related to self-economic interests and domestic institutional settlements (and corresponding electoral calculuses) were aggravated by substantive ideological preferences. The case implications are drawn on literatures on the national parties' general positioning on EU issues as well as on Europarties and the EU agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notion that the EU is a trade power is central to studies of the Union's international presence. Credible threats to withhold access to Europe's markets are said to provide the Union with leverage in respect of other trade partners. This article queries the continuing ability of the European Union to act effectively this way. The current Doha malaise is a symptom of deeper changes in the international trade system. As emerging markets become more affluent and participate in foreign direct investment, their interest in market access per se become less important relative to other areas of regulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade, the EU has developed into a regional institution whose military ambitions extend well beyond Europe. This development counteracts the assumptions of realist and intergovernmental theories, raising the question of what concepts are appropriate for understanding security and defence policy in the EU. It has been argued that governance approaches are particularly well-suited to describe the functioning of the EU. Yet analyses of the EU's common security and defence policy (CSDP) have to date not been granted the benefits of this insight. This article seeks to remedy this by venturing down the yet unfulfilled EU trail of a burgeoning literature on security governance. Exploring five features of security governance, the article identifies the most promising questions and approaches of the so-called governance turn in IR theory, ending up with a putative EU security governance research agenda that will lead to a deeper understanding of the kind of security actor that the EU has evolved into. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through an application of Regional Security Complex Theory and empirical examination, this article explores the pros and cons of regional and inter-regional energy co-operation. In spite of present unilateral and bilateral manoeuvres on the part of EU Member States to the contrary, a common energy security policy appears feasible over the next five to ten years. However, EU–Russian co-operation in the energy sector is not likely to improve considerably over this period, and EU attempts to counterbalance the dominant and growing position that Russia has occupied in the supply of gas to EU countries by seeking alternative energy supply from central Asia are likely to be thwarted by countervailing Russian measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An article is presented that reports on the Swedish Presidency of the European Council in terms of former President Fredrik Reinfeldt in 2001. The Swedish European Union (EU) Council Presidency was significant in European politics before the ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon in 2009 due to its realistic expectations and achievements, its efficient strategies, and its affect on domestic politics. The article discusses subjects including domestic and international stability and instability in Europe, as well as the European Parliament and the European Commission.

An article is presented that reports on the financial and economic aspects of the European Union (EU) between 2007 and 2009. The article describes the global financial crisis and recession of that time period, noting how it affected the European Central Bank (ECB), as well as the Eurosystem as a collection of the ECB and 16 national central banks in EU euro area countries. Information is provided on the ECB and the Eurosystem as related to areas including securities markets, debt, monetary policy, and credit. The article also discusses economic policy and ECB measures and practices.

An article is presented that reports on sustainable European integration and the European Union (EU) during and after 2009. The article includes the author's views of European stability in terms of society, economics, and politics. Information is provided on sustainable integration as related to areas including human ecology, international security, economic policy, and governance. The article also discusses prescriptive modes for building a sustainable EU with reference to strengthening citizenship, altering political philosophy, establishment ownership and empowerment, and communication.

This article reports on the Czech Presidency of the European Union (EU) Council in 2009 before the ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon. Under the Czech Presidency, the European Council (EC) was led by President Jan Fischer and faced low expectations due to weaknesses in the Czech government and the global financial crisis and recession of 2008-2009. The article discusses aspects of EC function related to political administration, the management of agendas, mediation, and representation. Information is also provided on European domestic politics, economic policy, and conflict between Ukraine and Russia.

An article is presented that reports on the appointments of Herman van Rompuy as the President of the European Council and of Baroness Catherine Ashton as the European Union's (EU) High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. The appointments of Rompuy and Ashton to these roles occurred on November 19, 2009 and drew mixed reactions from European politicians. The article discusses Rompuy and Ashton's prior political roles, noting the Ashton's nomination was generally a surprise. Information is provided on the European Parliament, foreign policy and international relations, and the Lisbon Treaty.

An article is presented that reports on the 2009 European Union (EU) elections for European Parliament and the nomination of a new European Commission. The elections and nominations followed the ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon for integration in Ireland. The article discusses these political events in terms of the global financial crisis and recession of 2008-2009, noting how they affected European politics. Information is also provided on German Basic Law, European Council President Herman Van Rompuy, and European Commission President José Manuel Barroso.

An article is presented that reports on economic conditions in Europe and the European Union (EU) in 2009. The article discusses internal market legislation in the EU in terms of economic decline and the 2008-2009 global financial crisis as related to areas including government bailouts, credit, and banking. The financial instability and recession are being addressed in the European market through innovation and government reinforcement. Information is provided on trade flows, legislative regulations, and investment management, as well as on the European Commission and European Parliament.

An article is presented that reports on justice and home affairs (JHA) in the European Union (EU) in 2009. The Stockholm Programme for JHA in the EU was adopted following the end of the Hague Programme and the ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon and features legislation related to areas including immigration, civil law, and border control. The article discusses the development of EU policy areas such as refugee policy, migration policy, visa policy, and terrorism. Information is also provided on Stockholm Programme objectives, as well as on economic crime and information exchange.

An article is presented that reports on law in the European Union (EU) following the 2009 ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon for integration. The article discusses changes in case law and courts as related to issues including refugees, the government of Cyprus, and discrimination. Notable cases described include Commission v. Italy (Motorcycle Trailers) about import restrictions and Ireland v. Parliament and Council (Data Retention Directive) about EU legislative power. Information is also provided on the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) and German Basic Law.

An article is presented that reports on foreign relations in Europe between the European Union (EU) and nonmember countries in 2009. In 2009, the EU improved its existing policies and developed commissions for foreign and security relationships with neighboring countries. The article discusses the increase in the number of applications for EU membership, noting how the desire for membership alters relations and the effectiveness of EU conditionality. Information is also provided on conflicts in Eastern Europe, the Treaty of Lisbon for integration, the 21st century global financial crisis, and countries including Switzerland and Norway.

An article is presented that reports on the European Union's (EU) foreign policy and international relations and issues it faced in 2009. Politics in the EU changed in 2009 with the final ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon for integration and the inauguration of U.S. President Barack Obama. The article discusses the EU's challenges related to areas including security policy, international defense, the European Council, the European External Action Service (EEAS), and trade agreements. Information is also provided on former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, EU Commission President José Manuel Barroso, and European Council President Herman van Rompuy.

An article is presented that reports on economics in the European Union (EU) and the euro area in 2009. The EU's economy was affected by the 2008-2009 global financial crisis and recession and the euro money markets froze. The article discusses the symmetric shock and asymmetric effects of the recession related to exports, financial loss, housing prices, and economic policy. Information is also provided on gross domestic product (GDP), monetary policy, economic sanctions, and interest rates in EU member states.

An article is presented that reports on the economic performance and conditions of member states of the European Union (EU) outside of the zone for the euro in 2009. The article discusses the role of these EU countries in the global economy, describing their capital and credit during the 2008-2009 global financial crisis and recession. Economic indicators in the euro area provide information on recessions in countries such as Latvia and Lithuania with respect to growth rates, employment, and inflation. Information is also provided on public finance, economic bubbles, and debt.

This article discusses options to facilitate movement of workers between high-income and developing countries within the framework of trade agreements, focusing on the European Union's partnership agreements with neighbouring countries. Existing frameworks for co-operation offer the possibility of expanding temporary rather than longer-term or permanent movement of workers since extant trade agreements provide scope for negotiating specific market access commitments for services, including those delivered through the cross-border movement of natural persons. Even though the potential for such ‘embodied’ trade in services will not be anywhere near what would be associated with substantial liberalization of migration regimes, furthering the services trade dimension in the European Union's trade agreements offers significant potential Pareto gains. For the partner countries these gains from temporary movement of service providers are both direct – through greater employment and revenue from providing services in the European Union – and indirect – by helping to increase and sustain higher growth at home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU is often assessed against the standard of democracy, which it has no fair chance to fulfil. A new and attractive normative agenda is needed if the EU is to escape its deep legitimacy crisis. This article proposes to substitute the discourse on the democratic deficit of the EU with a discourse on its contribution to transnational justice. Whilst the democratic discourse most often focuses on parliamentary competences and divided government, the discourse on justice centres on the people, puts primary emphasis on power asymmetries and on overcoming the obstacles to justifiable political outcomes. The proposal to analyse the EU in terms of justice does not lower the normative standard but corrects it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the nexus between the EU's goal of being a leading actor on the world stage in devising a global solution to the threat of climate change and the performance of its Member States in meeting their climate change obligations. In doing so the article will discuss the concept of EU leadership, examine the modes of leadership the EU has employed in pursuing its climate protection objectives, scrutinize the extent to which EU Member States are actually living up to their Kyoto obligations and analyse how the EU's own performance, credibility and legitimacy in this area affects its aspirations to be a key norm-entrepreneur in the establishment of a post-2012 climate change agreement. The article concludes with a balance sheet of some of the Union's key successes and failures and closes by highlighting some potentially inconvenient truths that might frustrate the EU's climate protection aspirations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to contribute to the debate about the role and autonomy of European agencies, and it is argued that in order to capture a fuller picture of their functioning, we need to go beyond a legal framework, taking into account institutional features that involve both formal and informal processes. We also need to follow processes over time in order to avoid snapshot images and to be able to identify dynamics of institutionalization and change. The article examines the evolution of the European Environment Agency (EEA) from its inception in 1991, and analyses its gradual transformation from a legal to a living institution in the EU system. Over the years the agency has become a more loyal partner to the Commission in the European administrative system, balancing the ability to have a credible voice on the one hand and the need for stability and a secure resource supply on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the creation of a single European aviation market or SEAM that is based on a common transport policy for airlines in Europe. Factors contributing to the development of Seam are the dynamic interplay of ideas and market forces in the United States, strategic planning by the European Court of Justice and the European Commission, and the cooperation of Great Britain and the Netherlands with the European Commission that would support reform. The 1957 Treaty of Rome which laid the foundation for the common market, France's stance on liberalization in the airlines market, the issue of deregulation, and the British Civil Aviation Authority's position of liberalization are mentioned.

The European Commission proposal on the liberalization of energy markets has been widely debated in policy, stakeholder and academic circles both for its content and the potential consequences for the structure of the EU gas and electricity markets. However, little has been said about the empirical evidence produced by the European Commission to support this legislative package. Since the Impact Assessment (IA) system has been in place, there have been concerns regarding quality and adequateness, especially when quantifying costs, benefits and risks, selecting policy options and considering stakeholder opinions. This article examines how these crucial issues were factored into the IA on the liberalization of EU energy markets. It is concluded that the selected policy option reflects the position of some stakeholders at the expense of the available evidence on its impacts on markets, society and the environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article re-examines the concept of Normative Power. It is viewed here not merely as an abstract concept, but also as part of a complex historical, socio-political and economic context, examined through the prism of non-Europeans, in our case Israelis. By analysing the dominant Israeli approaches towards the EU and its normative apparatus, this article aspires to depict the multifarious and concrete perceptions of Normative Power Europe and to contrast these perceptions with the EU self-perceived and self-portrayed normative view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We document and compare labour market institutions, policies and outcomes in the EU Member States, for the period between 1999 and 2006. Higher employment rates are in general positively associated with measures of policy generosity, especially with the use of active labour market policies (ALMP), and negatively with institutions and policies which induce rigidity in the labour market. We also find evidence that the relation between ALMP and employment levels is non-monotonic and that it is conditional on the informal institutions prevailing in different countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unlike most prior literature in finance and economics, this article focuses on events in the political economy and examines the integration of European equity markets over the 1988 through 2002 period using two innovative techniques that assess how the level of integration in equity price indices changes over time. The results show that notwithstanding the rising interdependencies between the European and US equity markets during the mid- to late 1990s, the long-run integrative relationships governing the European markets strengthen only in the late 1980s. This evidence suggests that despite several years of political willingness by European leaders to integrate economies, the equity markets only responded to the Delors Report (1989) and the Strasbourg Declaration (1989) that the European Economic Community would move towards European Monetary Union, but they provided little positive long-run response to subsequent developments pertaining to European Monetary Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since their adoption in the 1970s, compliance with European Union (EU) procurement directives has been problematic. Many studies have reported on the effectiveness of the directives, mostly in terms of the impact on the openness of public procurement and the impact on cross-border trade. However, research on the explanation (or the lack) of compliance with EU directives is limited. This article identifies the directives which are most sensitive to non-compliance. A multidisciplinary model for explaining compliance is presented, drawing from criminal theory, economics, social psychology and public purchasing. The impact on compliance is quantified, using survey data from purchasing professionals of the Dutch Ministry of Defence. The results indicate that both the expected gains of compliance and the organizational pressure have a positive impact on compliance. In contrast, no support is found for the effect of certainty and severity of sanctions and the perceived resistance of suppliers in case of non-compliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the ‘nature of the EU beast’ is neither unique nor captured by a particular type of governance. Like its Member States, the EU features a combination of different forms of governance that cover the entire range between market and hierarchy. The analysis of this governance mix reveals several characteristics of the EU that have been largely overlooked in the literature. First, the EU relies heavily on hierarchy in the making of its policies. Its supranational institutions allow for the adoption and enforcement of legally binding decisions without the consent of (individual) Member States. Second, network governance, which systematically involves private actors, is hard to find. EU policies are largely formulated and implemented by public actors. Third, political competition has gained importance in European governance. Member States increasingly resort to mutual recognition and the open method of co-ordination where their heterogeneity renders harmonization difficult. The article shows that the EU mainly governs through inter- and transgovernmental negotiations and political competition between states and regions. Both forms of public-actor-based governance operate in the shadow of hierarchy cast by supranational institutions. This governance mix does not render the EU unique but still distinguishes it from both international institutions and national states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the Racial Equality Directive to test competing explanations concerning the types of actors who seek to liberalize legal opportunity structures, we find that it was pursued by a coalition of societal interests working through European Union institutions that sought reforms intended to facilitate strategic litigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]