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The article discusses two books, "Cold War Radio: The Russian Broadcasts of the Voice of America and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty" by Mark Pomar and "Under the Radar: Tracking Western Radio Listeners in the Soviet Union" by R. Eugene Parta. Pomar's book focuses on the conception and development of the programs of the two Russian services and their impact on international broadcasting, U.S.-Soviet relations, Russian political and cultural history, and the end of the Cold War. Parta's book explores audience research conducted by RFE/RL, providing insights into the methods and techniques used, as well as the personalities involved. Both books are well-written and based on substantial documentation, making them valuable additions to the literature on U.S. international broadcasting. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses a book titled "The Long 1989: Decades of Global Revolution," which examines the international dimensions of the events of 1989 beyond East-Central Europe. The book consists of nine independent essays on diverse topics, highlighting the influence of Central/Eastern Europe on international politics. While the book does not convincingly argue that the events of 1989 inspired revolutions worldwide, it provides valuable insights into the interconnectedness of thought and events across the East-West divide. The text explores the influence of 1989 on various global events and highlights differing perspectives on its meaning and significance. [Extracted from the article]

This article is a historiographic review of the literature on the Olympic Games and the Cold War. The topic has been a growth area among scholars of both diplomatic history and the history of sports over the past three decades. Most of the literature has been in English, but a significant amount of work has appeared in French, German, and a few other languages. Despite the proliferation and richness of the historiography, some large gaps in coverage still exist, and some important issues still need to be explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Committee for the Free World (CFW), a U.S.-based advocacy group, constituted a key foreign policy branch of the neoconservative movement in the late Cold War. This article offers the first comprehensive examination of the CFW, tracing the motivations for its establishment, the scope of its activities, its position within the neoconservative movement, and its relations with the Reagan administration. The group sought to ensure that the defense of democracy would be a core component of U.S. foreign policy, but in the 1980s this mainly encompassed the defense of existing Western democracies against Communism rather than an attempt to spread democracy to non-democratic authoritarian states. By tracing the CFW's vision for democracy promotion, the article unearths a key intellectual lineage for the more active democracy promotion agenda in U.S. foreign policy that emerged in the post–Cold War world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Freeman then introduces a parallel initiative, promoted in England by historian E. P. Thompson and political scientist Mary Kaldor, among others, that led to the formation of the European Nuclear Disarmament (END) movement for a nuclear-free Europe. Dreams for a Decade: International Nuclear Abolitionism and the End of the Cold War Histories of the end of the Cold War have credited a range of actors, from leaders and diplomats to grassroots activists in peace and human-rights movements, some of whom engaged in collaboration across state borders. If the Freeze, END, Gorbachev, and Reagan are the heroes of Freeman's story, Bush is undoubtedly the villain. [Extracted from the article]

Cold War Radio: The Russian Broadcasts of the Voice of America and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty U.S. international broadcasting platforms - Voice of America (VOA) in Washington, DC, and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) in Munich and since 1995 in Prague - have been continually broadcasting to native Russian speakers in their own language from the Second World War through the Cold War into the post-Communist period, especially now with Russia's invasion of Ukraine. As is the case today, the Cold War period was marked by high tensions between Washington and Moscow and creative programming by the VOA and RFE/RL. [Extracted from the article]

(1) Although Joe Sr. in Logevall's depiction is as ruthless in business and as philandering in his private life as he is usually characterized, he also seems warmer and more paternally supportive. Although Kennedy was a tough politician in the mold of his maternal grandfather and namesake, Boston Mayor John F. ("Honey Fitz") Fitzgerald, he treated opponents as adversaries, not enemies. Notes 1 Jill Abramson, "Kennedy, the Elusive President", I The New York Times Book Review i , 22 October 2013, pp. 1, 30. 2 See, for example, David Nasaw, I The Patriarch: The Remarkable Life and Turbulent Times of Joseph P. Kennedy i (New York: Penguin, 2012); David Pitts, I Jack and Lem: John F. Kennedy and Lem Billings: The Untold Story of an Extraordinary Friendship i (New York: Carroll & Graf, 2007); Paula Byrne, I Kick: The True Story of JFK's Sister and the Heir to Chatsworth i (New York: Harper, 2016); and Lawrence Leamer, I The Kennedy Men: 1901-1963 i (New York: Morrow, 2001). 4 See, for example, Logevall's foreword to James G. Blight, janet M. Lang, and David A. Welch, I Vietnam if Kennedy Had Lived: Virtual JFK i (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2009), pp. ix-xi. 5 Robert Dallek, I An Unfinished Life: John F. Kennedy, 1917-1963 i (Boston: Little, Brown, 2003); David Nasaw, I The Patriarch: The Remarkable Life and Turbulent Times of Joseph P. Kennedy i (New York: Penguin Press, 2012); Barbara A. Perry, I Rose Kennedy: The Life and Times of a Political Matriarch i (New York: W. W. Norton, 2013); I Jacqueline Kennedy: Historic Conversations on Life with John F. Kennedy i (New York: Hyperion, 2011); and Barbara A. Perry, I Edward M. Kennedy: An Oral History i (New York: Oxford University Press, 2019). [Extracted from the article]

The articles in this special issue shed light on the influence of the Eisenhower administration's "Atoms for Peace" proposal on the civilian nuclear programs of five European countries, including Italy and France, which were member-states of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO); Hungary and Czechoslovakia, which were part of the USSR's Communist bloc; and Spain, which did not become a member of NATO until nearly three decades later. Based on detailed archival research, the articles analyze the commercial, scientific, practical, and cultural aspects of nascent nuclear research programs in these five countries. The authors demonstrate that all five acted early on to pursue peaceful nuclear activities for their own economic benefit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Diplomacy and Subversion in the Balkans: British Policy toward Albania during and after the Second World War" by Biser Petrov is a valuable addition to the literature on 20th-century Albania. The book explores British activities in the region during the war and the early years of the Cold War. Petrov discusses British clandestine operations and subversive activities in Albania, as well as their attempts to undermine the Communist regime led by Enver Hoxha. The book draws on declassified materials from the British Foreign Office and other sources, providing a comprehensive analysis of British policy in Albania. Despite some omissions, the book offers a well-researched and insightful account of this period in Balkan history. [Extracted from the article]

"Mountbatten, Cold War and Empire, 1945–79" by Adrian Smith is a book that explores the life and career of Lord Louis Mountbatten. The book delves into Mountbatten's royal connections, character flaws, and his violent death in 1979. It also examines his role in the Cold War, particularly his understanding of anti-colonial nationalism and his involvement in the partition of India. The book highlights Mountbatten's views on power and powerlessness, including his changing stance on nuclear weapons. Overall, the book offers a unique perspective on the challenges faced by the British state during this period. [Extracted from the article]

After the Second World War ended in 1945, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) tried to seize Qingdao, a major port city on the Shandong Peninsula. The landing of U.S. Marines there foiled the CCP's attempt. With the support of the Kuomintang (KMT)—the CCP's main enemy—the U.S. Marines stayed in Qingdao throughout the civil war in China, from late 1945 to mid-1949. Drawing on archival sources from China, the United States, the former Soviet Union, Great Britain, and Japan, this article explores CCP-KMT-U.S. interactions regarding the presence of U.S. Marines in Qingdao. The KMT-CCP civil war influenced—and was influenced by—the presence of the Marines in Qingdao. The KMT government depended on the U.S. Marines for security, whereas the CCP, opposing the U.S. presence, took a tough propaganda stance but remained cautious in its actions. The United States ultimately decided to withdraw the Marines to avoid overt involvement in the Chinese civil war. This type of triangular engagement influenced the future pattern of Cold War confrontations among the three parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Their success in this regard underscores the benefits of mining local archives in the PRC to study China's Cold War experiences. Despite problems with archival access and numerous other obstacles, the field of Cold War studies in the People's Republic of China (PRC) has expanded greatly in recent years. In August 2011, ECNU and the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars inaugurated the ECNU-Wilson Center Cold War Studies Initiative (housed at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, DC), which subsequently has offered Chinese Cold War scholars and doctoral students new opportunities to conduct research in the United States. [Extracted from the article]

The split between the Soviet Union and China had a great impact on other Communist countries, including the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV, or North Vietnam), under the leadership of the Vietnamese Workers' Party (VWP). As the rift between the PRC and the Soviet Union intensified, the VWP tried hard to balance between the two Communist powers so that it could focus on the war against the United States and the conquest of the South. Interactions between the DRV, China, and the Soviet Union highlighted the frequently complex nature of relations within the Communist world during the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on recently declassified Chinese sources, this article traces the history of open-source intelligence (OSINT) research in the PRC and discusses its impact on Chinese foreign policymaking during the Cold War. From the time the Fourth Bureau of the Central Investigation Department (CID) was founded, it was headed by veteran intelligence expert Xue Qiao, who collected and analyzed OSINT to produce intelligence estimates for Chinese political leaders. These intelligence estimates covered a host of global and regional topics crucial for Chinese foreign policy, including U.S. politics and foreign policy, decolonization movements in the Third World, and political and economic developments around the world. Available evidence shows that politics and ideology marred the quality of China's OSINT research. When Mao Zedong launched the Great Leap Forward in the late 1950s, the CID's intelligence estimates were distorted to advance his radical political agenda. Later on, China's intelligence research came under attack during Mao's Cultural Revolution. Kang Sheng and other radicals attacked OSINT analysts as traitors, and the CID ceased to function in the late 1960s and 1970s. After Mao's death, the CID was revived, but its intelligence estimates no longer served the new Chinese leader, Deng Xiaoping. Deng's personal tension with CID Director Luo Qingchang, who had criticized him during the Cultural Revolution, hindered the CID's estimates. This political schism in the post-Mao years contributed to the CID's dissolution in 1983. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This survey explains how the field of Cold War studies has been able to survive and even flourish in the People's Republic of China (PRC) from 2000 to the present, despite all the practical and political obstacles. It reviews several areas that Chinese scholars have been exploring: the economic Cold War; foreign intelligence operations and psychological warfare; nuclear strategies; the sciences during the Cold War and overseas education projects; and China's policies toward neighboring countries during the Cold War. The article outlines the major practical challenges facing Chinese scholars and the potential for overcoming these challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how North Korean leaders tried to maneuver between Iran and Iraq to gain greater leverage in the Cold War. Both of these Middle Eastern countries seemed potentially attractive partners for Pyongyang, but they were often on hostile terms with each other. The article considers how the Iraq-Iran rivalry and domestic changes in Iraq and Iran affected North Korean policy. Even when Pyongyang's cooperation with one or the other of the two states reached a high level, the North Koreans also reached out to the other country, regardless of the position of either state and of external actors such as the Soviet Union and China. The North Koreans generally avoided taking a public stand on the Iraq-Iran dispute, but on occasion they became more deeply involved. Mainly, the North Korean government sought to maximize the number of its partners, rather than to make a stable commitment to just one state. In turn, both Iraq and Iran eventually came to perceive North Korea as a state that was mostly out to benefit itself rather than helping either of them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tito's role in the NAM was long-standing, but his success in expanding Yugoslavia's influence with developing countries illuminates an important development in Cold War history. Unmaking Détente: Yugoslavia, the United States, and the Global Cold War, 1968-1980 Although Yugoslavia was not a major power, it played a significant role in the Cold War. But Stalin soon came to perceive Tito as a rival and expelled Yugoslavia from the Communist Information Bureau (Cominform) in 1948, hoping to precipitate Tito's downfall. [Extracted from the article]

Polish émigrés were an important feature of the Cold War landscape in Europe, as were exiles from other Central European countries. In addition to opposing the Communist systems in their countries of origin, they tried to pursue independent policies in the West. Émigrés were active in political parties—including Christian Democratic, Socialist, and agrarian parties—but at the same time they attempted to create new forms, such as new political and social movements and transnational organizations. With active international agendas, they also worked to influence their own societies, both in the countries in which they had settled and in their countries of origin. This mixture of social and political dimensions was a specific phenomenon of Cold War intellectual history in Europe. The article draws on archival materials from Poland, Great Britain, France, Italy, and the United States and builds on concepts developed by scholars such as Maurice Duverger, Giovanni Sartori, V. O. Key, Jr., Yossi Shain, and Idesbald Goddeeris. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Roth does a good job highlighting some of the challenges faced by black servicewomen, including a lack of access to professional hairdressers and black hair products and cosmetics. Nonetheless, Roth has done an excellent job illuminating how military women have been integrated into the U.S. armed forces since the end of World War II. Her Cold War: Women in the U.S. Military 1945-1980 I Her Cold War i is a historical analysis of structural changes in U.S. military gender laws after World War II. [Extracted from the article]

Running along parallel tracks, Soviet diplomats and Leonid Brezhnev oversaw superpower détente, whereas the Soviet Communist Party's International Department, the Soviet state security organs, and the Soviet military pursued the Cold War in Africa. Cold War Liberation: The Soviet Union and the Collapse of the Portuguese Empire in Africa, 1961-1975 The Russian term "mezhdunarodniki", which refers to the middle-ranking Soviet experts on international affairs who helped to implement Soviet policy toward Africa, Asia, and Latin America, drives Natalia Telepneva's I Cold War Liberation: The Soviet Union and the Collapse of the Portuguese Empire in Africa, 1961-1975 i . Cold War Liberation: The Soviet Union and the Collapse of the Portuguese Empire in Africa, 1961-1975 by Natalia Telepneva. [Extracted from the article]

This article analyzes the aid provided by U.S. and multilateral institutions to Brazilian states during the government of João Goulart in Brazil (1961–1964). Although scholars have long emphasized that John F. Kennedy's Alliance for Progress employed state-by-state shaped by Cold War goals that helped to destabilize Brazil's political system and to facilitate the advent of a military regime that lasted 21 years, little has been known until now about the amount, characteristics, and impact of these loans. This article presents the first comprehensive list of U.S. dollar loans and cruzeiro grants to Brazilian states during this crucial period of Brazil's history and demonstrates that U.S. aid was strongly guided by political objectives, particularly boosting anti-Communist and pro-U.S. governors for the forthcoming Brazilian presidential elections. Officials in Washington were hoping to keep strategic Brazilian states under U.S. influence in case a military move against Goulart proved necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Nixon administration's attempt to promote a military coup in Chile after the election of a far-left president in September 1970 is a well-documented example of U.S. officials' willingness do whatever was needed to curtail Soviet influence in the Third World. Drawing on declassified White House documents and records of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, this article examines the parallel but largely unknown story of U.S. dealings with right-wing extremists in one of the founding members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Italy, at around that same time. In December 1970, far-right activists in Italy staged an abortive coup that was intended to prevent further gains by Italy's leftist parties. The article draws on new and widely forgotten sources to examine the background and involvement of two private U.S. operatives for the Republican Party who were closely aligned with senior coup plotters in Italy. Their involvement with Italian neo-fascists should raise concerns about the dangers of private meddling in foreign policy and the potential for private actors to create misperceptions about critical U.S. government policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Cold War, international film festivals proliferated on both sides of the Iron Curtain. The United States and the Soviet Union recognized these festivals as important venues for "cinematic diplomacy" and the pursuit of broader foreign policy goals. This article explores how the U.S. government, together with the U.S. motion picture industry, made use of its participation in the Moscow and Karlovy Vary International Film Festivals in the 1950s and 1960s. It confirms many of the findings of earlier studies of Cold War cultural diplomacy but also expands our historical understanding of this phenomenon. Specifically, it reveals the extent of cooperation and conflict—as well as an interchangeability of roles—among public officials in Washington and private citizens in Hollywood, with implications for both the formulation at home and reception abroad of U.S. cinematic diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of this is familiar to Cold War scholars, but Sixsmith relates these segments to the overarching theme of the psychology of the Cold War. The U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) promoted modern abstract art to show up the inferiority of Soviet "Socialist Realism." Sixsmith gives extra space to pivotal events, such as the beginning of the Cold War, the death of Joseph Stalin, and the Cuban missile crisis. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses how West European governments reacted to U.S. efforts to control the emergence and spread of gaseous diffusion and ultracentrifuge technology for uranium enrichment. The article focuses on Dutch, British, and West German Cold War perspectives on nuclear technological cooperation with the United States. U.S. insistence on maintaining secrecy around the ultracentrifuge was driven not only by technological and nuclear nonproliferation concerns but also by overarching Cold War dynamics at the time of the 1961 Berlin crisis and NATO's nuclear modernization. The Dutch–West German exploration of bilateral nuclear cooperation on gas centrifuges and the subsequent U.S. classification efforts also reveal a story of transatlantic competition over technological ambitions, commercial interests, and Western Europe's strategic potential. The article thus highlights the intersection of the history of science and technology and Cold War diplomatic and nuclear history, combining fresh material from Dutch archives with U.S. and British primary sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The bifurcation of Germany during the Cold War induced the two German states to compete around the world over German cultural sovereignty, as they offered rival conceptions of what it meant to be German. The contest over this matter was fueled not only by the division of Germany but also by the military occupation. With restrictions imposed on both governments in their foreign policy activities during the early Cold War, foreign cultural diplomacy (auswärtige Kulturpolitik), a form of proxy diplomacy developed in the interwar period, became a crucial means of forging ties with countries outside Europe. This article traces how the two German governments sent language teachers, artists, academics, musicians, and exchange students to Asia as cultural ambassadors in a bid to reestablish a German presence. Divided countries along the Bamboo Curtain, especially the People's Republic of China, became the most important battlegrounds in the competition for hegemony in representing Germany in Asia. The need to engage in foreign cultural diplomacy also brought Asian ideological conflicts home to Germany. Exchange visitors and their governments tried to achieve their own interests by steering a middle course between the two German states. Foreign cultural diplomacy thus was an essential—and complicated—part of "soft power" for both German governments in trying to win over foreign audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This interpretive essay explores the multiple, changing faces of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks. When SALT I was being negotiated in the early 1970s, it was generally viewed as the product of contemporary arms control theory that stressed the value of crisis stability. The U.S. national security adviser at the time, Henry Kissinger, justified the talks in those terms while also positioning them as part of a broader attempt to forge a détente with the Soviet Union. But after the Cold War ended, Kissinger claimed that he had really been engaging in a holding operation to buy time for the U.S. government to rebuild support for a more assertive policy. Declassified documents reveal that he and President Richard Nixon hoped that technological innovations would yield military and political advantages. The two of them believed that previous administrations had failed to overcome dangerous military vulnerabilities and that the United States could get a better deal because the USSR was more anxious for an agreement than Nixon and Kissinger were. In the end, however, this did not prove to be the case, and SALT was little different from the sorts of policies Nixon and Kissinger had scorned. But SALT I was a centerpiece of détente and a symbol of U.S. and Soviet leaders' recognition that each side had a legitimate interest in the other's military posture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jim Leeke's I The Turtle and the Dreamboat: The Cold War Flights That Forever Changed the Course of Global Aviation i is a highly readable and engaging narrative of the experience of these flights. The Turtle and the Dreamboat: The Cold War Flights That Forever Changed the Course of Global Aviation. [Extracted from the article]

Soviet officials ordered Fisher and Häyhänen to provide Helen Sobell, the wife of convicted spy Morton, with $5,000. Although Kuhne claims that Fisher was "undoubtedly the most prolific Soviet spy to have ever pierced the shores of America", he is wildly off the mark. [Extracted from the article]

He asserts that the Reagan administration deployed the concepts of human rights and democracy promotion to rebuild the bipartisan foreign policy consensus that had legitimated U.S. intervention earlier in the Cold War and then decayed in the 1970s. Schmidli is nuanced and meticulous in tracing the changes in policy on human rights and democracy promotion in the 1980s, delving beyond rhetoric to draw out connections between general concepts and the Reagan administration's Cold War objectives. Similarly, further detail on how the Bush administration deployed the NED and official U.S. democracy promotion programs against the Sandinistas in the 1990 elections would give additional context on the operationalization of democracy promotion on the ground, in line with U.S. national security priorities. [Extracted from the article]

The idea that Allende, born in 1908, was, at age 65, imagining a literal, biological revolutionary legacy and that Gloria Gaitán was on board is perhaps remarkable - though it was detailed by Gaitán repeatedly and confirmed in Eduardo Labarca's sometimes unflattering biography of Allende: I Salvador Allende: Biografía sentimental i (revised edition, 2014). Of course, as Harmer recognizes in that same interview, there were no other women like Beatriz Allende: "In Beatriz's case, it is impossible not to understand her political trajectory as the result of who her father was." Tanya Harmer has written a creative and deeply researched political biography of Beatriz ("Tati") Allende, the daughter of Salvador Allende Gossens, the first democratically elected self-proclaimed Marxist president in Latin America, who took office in 1970. [Extracted from the article]

After Japan surrendered in 1945, more than 6 million Japanese were stranded in various parts of what had been the imperial domain. From 1945 to 1956, thousands of Japanese found themselves in the USSR and mainland China, unable or unwilling to return. Drawing on Soviet, Chinese, Japanese, and Western archives, this article compares Soviet and Communist Chinese policies toward the stranded Japanese. The distinct pathways adopted by the Soviet and Chinese Communist parties during the Chinese Civil War led to significant differences in their approaches to the day-to-day lives of the Japanese, the methods and messages of propaganda they adopted, and their means of handling the repatriation issue. Soviet and Chinese policies toward the Japanese during this uncertain and unsettled decade were shaped less by Cold War ideological and geopolitical alignments than by the legacies of East Asia's recent wars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article challenges long-standing assumptions about Spain's status in the international system during the first several years of the Cold War, from 1945 to 1950. These assumptions constitute the "isolation paradigm," which emphasizes Spain's exclusion from the United Nations (UN), the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the various Councils of Foreign Ministers, and other major international institutions, supposedly keeping the country internationally isolated and unable to pursue its interests during the early Cold War. The article debunks the "isolation paradigm" and supplants it with "informal integration." The United States, the Soviet Union, and Great Britain embarked on numerous initiatives with Spain despite isolationist rhetoric and policy, and the Spanish authorities sought to counter formal exclusion from international institutions and to engage in other types of diplomatic, economic, and cultural interaction. From this perspective, it becomes clear that 1946—not 1947 or 1950, as other scholars have argued—marked a decisive year for Spain's efforts in these areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently declassified archival materials reveal that the United Kingdom conducted a sustained program of so-called black propaganda at the height of the Cold War. This article examines roughly 350 operations in which the British government spread propaganda through forgeries and front groups. Placing the campaign in its broader global history, the article demonstrates that British black propaganda mainly targeted Soviet activity in Africa and Asia as part of the postcolonial battle for influence. The British government engaged in black propaganda far more often than has previously been kown, including aggressive operations seeking to disrupt, attack, and sow chaos as much as simply to expose lies. Although much of the content was broadly accurate, the fake sources deliberately deceived audiences in order to encourage a reaction, incite violence, or foment racial tensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Advanced geophysical techniques developed in Hungary contributed immensely to the success of geological surveys carried out in the PRC after 1956. A group of Hungarian geophysicists played a pivotal role in discovering and exploring oil deposits in the Songliao Basin, which later became known as Daqing, the largest oil field in China. Based on declassified primary sources from Hungarian archives and firsthand testimony from people involved in the expedition, this article examines how Sino-Hungarian cooperation in Cold War activities evolved against the backdrop of the radicalization of Chinese politics and growing tensions between the Soviet Union and China. Taking the Hungarian geophysicists' expedition as an example, the article explores the historical setting of early exchanges and the daily practice of scientific and technological interactions between the PRC and one of the closest East European allies of the Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Albania emerged from the Second World War as an appendage of Yugoslavia, the Albanian Communist regime soon turned against Yugoslavia and forged an alliance with the Soviet Union. However, after the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev launched a campaign of de-Stalinization, Albania's alliance with the USSR steadily eroded and collapsed altogether by the early 1960s. The PRC under Mao Zedong emerged as the new patron for the only Stalinist regime left in Europe. This article draws on recently declassified archival materials to reassess how and why Albanian Communist leaders shifted from one alliance to another. Both ideological and security considerations shaped the decision-making process. The article sheds light not only on Albania's Cold War history but also on the history of Eastern Europe and the Soviet bloc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Daddis thus bridges gender and war studies in a new way by demonstrating how popular media, such as pulps, linked domestic gender norms to the conduct of war. Pulp Vietnam: War and Gender in Cold War Men's Adventure Magazines Gregory Daddis's I Pulp Vietnam: War and Gender in Cold War Men's Adventure Magazines i is a fantastic book that delves into the creation, reinforcement, and perpetuation of "martial masculinity" in the Cold War and its impact on the U.S. war in Vietnam. [Extracted from the article]

The Form of Ideology and the Ideology of Form: Cold War, Decolonization and Third World Print Cultures A diverse and valuable contribution to Cold War studies, I The Form of Ideology and the Ideology of Form: Cold War, Decolonization and Third World Print Cultures i features essays from a variety of international scholars of the Cold War. The question of how ideology and form intersect, and indeed whether and how political ideology can influence decisions about literary form, largely frames the book. [Extracted from the article]

Not surprisingly, the Cold War context shaped how U.S. foreign policymakers implemented the AfP. The next article, by Slawomir Lukasiewicz, examines the impact of the Cold War on exiled political parties set up by Polish émigrés. This issue begins with an article by Pierre Asselin discussing the seizure of power in Vietnam by the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) in August-September 1945, as the Second World War was drawing to a close. [Extracted from the article]

Four distinguished experts on Soviet history and Soviet politics discuss the issues raised by Andrea Graziosi in his article "The Weight of the Past in Post-Soviet Russia," which appeared in the Winter 2020–2021 issue of the JCWS. The article and the discussion forum are the first of several items that will be published in the journal over the next few years assessing a variety of legacies of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the lingering legacies of the Cold War was the enormous nuclear arsenals amassed by the two superpowers. When one of them, the Soviet Union, disintegrated in 1991, its nearly 30,000 nuclear weapons were located on the territory of not one but four newly sovereign states: Belarus, Kazakhstan, the Russian Federation, and Ukraine. Although command-and-control of Soviet strategic missiles was centralized in Moscow, the specter of the single largest wave of horizontal nuclear proliferation loomed after 1991. By 1994, however, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Ukraine had decided to join the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) as non-nuclear weapons states and to give up the missiles on their soil. Drawing on previously untapped archival records, this article reconstructs the divergent paths of Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Ukraine toward relinquishing their armaments. A combination of domestic and international political factors contributed to the resolution of the problem. Among the various contributing factors, the NPT stands out as a salient force that provided normative framing and guided deliberations on post-Soviet nuclear disarmament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late 1970s, the People's Republic of China (PRC) and North Korea arrived at contradictory answers regarding the question of succession, testing the strength of bilateral ties at a complex moment in the two countries' domestic politics and in the Cold War. Blaming the excesses of Maoist radicalism on "feudal thinking," Deng Xiaoping launched a campaign in the summer of 1980 to "eliminate feudalism" from the Chinese Communist Party and elevate a new generation of leaders. Just a few months later, at the Sixth Congress of the Korean Workers' Party, Kim Il Sung went public with what Deng saw as the ultimate "feudal" act: a plan to pass down the role of Supreme Leader to his eldest son, Kim Jong Il. By scrutinizing the public record and secret transcripts of Sino-Korean diplomacy, this article traces the origins of their contradictory approaches to political succession and the evolution of Deng's response to Kim's plan from disapproval to acquiescence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The journal known as Socialist World—the short-lived publication of the Committee of the International Socialist Conference—is instructive for what it reveals about European Social Democracy at the beginning of the Cold War and about the problems of internationalism among Socialists. At first, the journal served to mediate between West European anti-Communist Socialists and the Communists in Eastern Europe. The Socialists tried to reach a common understanding of world affairs through a dialogue across borders, but divergent ideas and the impact of international events tore this cohabitation apart. After the Communist takeover in Czechoslovakia in February 1948, Socialist World became an instrument of anti-Communist propaganda. The articles in the journal also reveal the interests, concerns, and opinions of Socialists during the early Cold War regarding bipolar confrontation, planning, European integration, and colonialism. The journal was too public to allow frank discussion and too overburdened with rules to focus on topics of greater interest. Socialist parties that aspired to gain election in their countries wanted to protect their respectability—a concern made more urgent by the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the Cold War, Bulgaria was a close ally of the Soviet Union. After the Cold War ended and the Soviet Union disintegrated, evidence emerged that Todor Zhivkov, the long-time leader of the Bulgarian Communist Party, had proposed that Bulgaria officially join the USSR as the "sixteenth Soviet republic." However, these offers, which would have entailed the sacrifice of national sovereignty, are best understood as tactical maneuvers. Zhivkov used the tactic not just once, but at least three times. Nonetheless, it is highly unlikely that he ever intended for Bulgaria to be fully incorporated into the Soviet Union. Instead, he used Bulgarian national sovereignty as a bargaining chip during negotiations for financial and economic support to strengthen his personal rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Programs such as Columbia University's Russian Institute and Harvard University's Russian Research Center investigated Russia's history, culture, and economy, as well as contemporary Soviet politics and foreign policy.[72] The result was a vast increase in scholarly knowledge of the USSR, as well as of other countries and regions.[73] In effect, Pipes was claiming that government decision-makers had failed to take account of this new stock of knowledge. During the war Soviet leaders and ideologists had drawn a clear contrast between the democratic capitalist systems of their U.S. and British allies and the predatory regimes that ruled Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy.[27] In the second half of the 1940s, however, growing U.S.-Soviet tensions and Stalin's domestic political crackdown changed the dominant outlook in the ruling organs of the Soviet Union. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan was undertaken against advice from the USSR's own military establishment.[81] One motive was concern that the unstable regime in Afghanistan might "do a Sadat" by rejecting the USSR in favor of the United States, as the Egyptian president Anwar al-Sadat had done seven years earlier. Precisely because Soviet ideologists came to view East European regimes as clones of the Soviet political-economic model and proof of the world's ineluctable movement toward socialism, the potential collapse of any of those regimes carried domestic political risks for other socialist countries, including the USSR itself. [Extracted from the article]

President John F. Kennedy's Alliance for Progress was intended to forestall Communist revolutions by fostering political and economic reform in Latin America. But Kennedy undermined his own goals by thwarting democratic, leftwing leaders seeking to carry out the kind of "peaceful revolution" his own analysis told him was necessary. This article reveals the Kennedy administration's role in overthrowing the Guatemalan government in 1963—until now only hinted at or even denied in the existing literature—to prevent the return to power of the country's first democratically elected president, Juan José Arévalo Bermejo. New archival evidence from Chile, Cuba, Guatemala, Mexico, Uruguay, the United Kingdom, and the United States sheds light on the transnational networks that supported Arévalo's attempt to run for the presidency in 1963, as well as the covert efforts of U.S. and Guatemalan officials to prevent "the most popular man in Guatemala" from taking office—a neglected Cold War milestone in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sheds new light on the end of the Cold War and the fate of anti-imperialism in the twentieth century by exploring how the Soviet Union and the Islamic Republic of Iran achieved a rapprochement in the late 1980s. Both the USSR and Iran had invested significant resources into presenting themselves as the leaders of the anti-imperialist movement and "the global movement of Islam," and both the Soviet and Iranian governments sought to export their models of anti-imperialist postcolonial statehood to Afghanistan. However, by the mid-1980s both the Soviet Union and revolutionary Iran were forced to confront the limits to their anti-imperialist projects amid the increasing pull of globalization. Elites in both countries responded to these challenges by walking back their commitments from world revolution and agreeing to maintain the Najibullah regime in Afghanistan as a bulwark against Islamist forces hostile to Marxism-Leninism and Iran's brand of Islamic revolution. This joint pragmatic turn, however, contributed to a drought in anti-imperialist politics throughout the Middle East, leaving the more radical voices of transnational actors as one of the only consistent champions of anti-imperialism. Drawing on new sources from the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, as well as sources from Iran, Afghanistan, and the "Afghan Arabs," the article sheds empirical and analytical light on discussions of the fate of anti-imperialism in the twilight of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most of all, scholars of the Cold War will be intrigued by Lee's treatment of the 1979 Sandinista revolution and its aftermath. They also may appreciate Lee's discussion of how "Nicaragua exemplified the Nixon administration's desire to reduce U.S. commitments abroad by devolving power to authoritarian governments" (p. 45). Lee writes that, after the Sandinista-led revolution in 1979, Nicaragua's leaders "would try to convince the world that a new sort of revolutionary government might be possible, one that combined the models of liberal and social revolution and thus might transcend the Cold War divides" (p. 70). [Extracted from the article]

Cold War Frequencies: CIA Clandestine Radio Broadcasting to the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The early chapters discuss the role of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in setting up RFE and its sister station, Radio Liberation (later Radio Liberty). [Extracted from the article]