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With China's economic rise and influence, financial statecraft has increasingly been deployed to serve the country's national interest. The growth of China's financial statecraft in the region has drawn greater media and academic attention. Notwithstanding the abundant literature on China's financial statecraft in Southeast Asia, the previous studies lack a detailed analysis of various financial statecraft instruments deployed by China. To get a better understanding of China's deployment of financial statecraft over the years under Xi Jinping's administration, this article fills the gap in the existing literature by delving into various factors that influenced various financial statecraft instruments with respect to the objectives, trends or patterns and agencies involved in the region. Given Xi's successful bid for continued political rule by eliminating a term limit on the presidency as well as the escalating China-US strategic rivalry, it is important to examine how the interaction of domestic and international forces has shaped the evolution of financial statecraft in Southeast Asia. Due to the changes in domestic politics and shifts in the geopolitics and geoeconomics, an important question that deserves our attention is how these changes has influenced China's deployment of various financial statecraft instruments in different Southeast Asian countries. The paper focuses on two middle-income countries (i.e., Malaysia and Thailand) and two low-income countries (i.e. Cambodia and Laos) in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the tendency of new voters to vote for the first time in the 15th General Election (GE15). Based on the statistics released by the Election Commission (SPR), the number of new voters who voted for the first time is around 6.2 million, of which 1.3 million are between 18 and 20 years old. Since they are a group of first-time voters, the tendency of their political support could be unclearer. Many parties wonder where their political support is headed, especially in the manycornered competition involving extensive political cooperation such as Perikatan Nasional, Pakatan Harapan, Barisan Nasional, and Gerakan Tanah Air. Accordingly, this paper aims to examine the tendency of new voters during the last GE15 campaign period through an online survey. The survey was conducted openly with the target of eligible voters, and 1438 respondents have given feedback. The study results show that 91 percent of the total number of respondents will go out to vote, and they tend to choose elected representatives who have integrity and are free of corruption, do not break promises, and are highly educated. Most of the group of respondents also tend to support national political trends. From that, new voters who vote for the first time have a good intensity of political literacy. Therefore, they become the determinants of changes in the current political support unrelated to political patronage elements like previous generations. They can also be catalysts for change in society in general and the country's leadership in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The colonialist-created administration in North Borneo is a reality that has altered the native people's mindset and way of life while also providing them with much-needed exposure to the value of education. This paper attempts to explain the changes that occurred to and within the Brunei Malay community in the advent of modern education from 1881 to 1963 and how continued opportunities and exposure by colonialists have finally persuaded their minds to accept Western-style formal education. The objective of this writing is to analyse their educational involvement in colonial education through three time periods, namely the administration of the British North Borneo Company (BNBC), the Japanese Occupation, and the British Colonial Administration. This study used the methodology of historical studies by conducting analysis on primary sources such as C.O. 874/235, C.O. 874/242, NBCA 73 Native Chief's Advisory Council Meetings, the British North Borneo Administration Report, the British North Borneo Annual Report, and interviews with five informants among the Brunei Malay community who were involved in colonial education. The study also found that the transition of Brunei's Malay society to modern education occurred slowly compared to other ethnic groups. This happened because the colonists were selective in their efforts to provide early education opportunities to the locals, making education accessible only to aristocrats who had influence and were interested in serving the colonists. As a result, the Brunei Malay community has had trouble competing with other more educated ethnic groups, especially in maintaining their influence, role, and position after the independence of Sabah. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, entitled The Footsteps of Tengku Luckman Sinar, his Work and Contribution to the Academic World, aims to get to know Tengku Lukman Sinar (TLS), his work, especially in the field of history, and his usefulness in the academic world. The method used is descriptive qualitative through a historical approach consisting of steps, heuristics (collection of data relevant to the topic of study, both primary and secondary), verification (criticism of external and internal sources), interpretation and analysis, and writing (historiography). The results show that TLS was the son of Sultan Sulaiman Shariful Alamsyah, a Malay aristocrat from the Fifth Serdang Sultanate. He is known as a cultural figure because he was involved in typical Malay cultural activities. TLS believed that Malay is a broad entity covering the region of Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Philippines, Oceania, to New Zealand, and Madagascar. Malay civilization has values to frame ethnic groups in the archipelago in the form of a unity with different diversity, and if combined culturally has tremendous potential. TLS was a resource person in various scientific forums, both local, national, and international. In actualizing his thoughts, TLS wrote and published papers and books, especially in the socio-cultural field, including the field of history. Various historical works have been published, both independently, by publishers, by the Provincial Government of North Sumatra, and Deli Serdang Regency. The existence of TLS provides a comprehensive, factual, and accurate picture of a figure or culturalist with special characteristics, especially working in the field of history, from which academics can use as inspiration and reference in writing scientific works such as scientific articles, theses, dissertation, as well as a legacy that can be processed into a new vital force in the millennial era according to the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The immediate response by countries worldwide to curb the spread of Covid-19 pandemic in early 2020 was through the implementation of border lockdown, minimizing human movements. Malaysia launched Ops Benteng (Fortress Operation) via National Task Force (NTF) as the country faced high risk transmission through under-detected illegal movements of people across the land and maritime borders. Human trafficking and smuggling has been a great concern before the pandemic, and thus posing unprecedented challenge to the Malaysian border security agencies. This paper aims to analyze the role of security agencies involved in Ops Benteng, the extent of coordination and challenges faced by NTF while implementing the border control measures. The methods include structured interview with officials from Ministry of Defence (MINDEF), the Home Ministry (KDN), and the National Security Council (NSC). This studywill be the first in articulating duties and responsibilities, as well as cooperation between border control agencies and challenges faced in security governance structures. The author argues that the dilemma of compartmentalizing problems by the agencies working in silo and the bureaucratic hurdles that impede coordination efficiencies need to be addressed by all involved stakeholders and the implementation efficiency can be further enhanced by an integrated cooperation framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The employment relationship is a contemporary concept compared to industrial relations. Moreover, employment relationships include employer-employee relations, institutions and power. Therefore, this study examines the literature that is in line with trends and developments from time to time about trade unions and the employment relationship. Besides, the literature on trade unions and employment relationships in the Malaysian language and scope of political science are still lacking. Thus, all papers related to the two topics including democracy was identified. This study considers both qualitative and quantitative research papers. The year limitation for this literature review is from 2001 to 2021 to see trends and developments on this topic in the last 20 years. Following on from that, this study finds that the factors of trade union membership, trade union density, organizing and recruiting, trade union challenges, union democracy, employer tactics, and the role of the State are discourses that are consistently discussed among scholars in various countries. This consistency suggests that the theme of trade unions is well established in the employment relationship literature because trade unions to this day remain seen as the most relevant actor in fighting for workers' rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the reaction of members of the Malayan Communist Party towards the British administrators during the emergency in Malaya. The analysis focuses on the observation of the memoirs written by selected MCP members involved in the emergency in Malaya, 1948 - 1960. The objective of the research is to show the reaction of the members of the MCP through the guerrilla movement as well as the cooperation displayed by the masses throughout the 12 years of emergency. Hence, memoirs written by a number of selected members of the MCP such as Abdullah C.D., Suriani Abdullah, Chin Peng, Rashid Maidin, and Shamsiah Fakeh were used as the primary source of this discussion. Analyzing the memoirs of the selected members are important to identify the types of reaction displayed by the organization during the emergency as the memoirs holds the ability to clearly magnify the reactions discussed in this paper. The memoirs were observed, interpreted and arranged in a single chronology supported by objective argumentation and notes from the primary documents sourced from the archive. The archive sources were retrieved from the National Archive of Malaysia, The National Archive (TNA), London as well as National Archive of Singapore along with documents in the form of newspaper. The document consists of foreign offices files (FO 800), the colonial files (FCO 141) as well as the cabinet files of the British government (CAB). This paper therefore, conclude that memoirs of the selected MCP members has the ability to show the reactions of the MCP on the national state of emergency declared by the British administrators in order to present an objective historical discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to demonstrate another side of the history of secular education in the Malay States in the 1940s and 1950s. The focal point of this paper is on the discussions published in the Malay magazines and newspapers on the responsibility of the teachers to enhance methodology of their teachings. This is a library research and conducted based on qualitative approach. Information derived from the Malay magazines such as Majalah Guru, Panduan Raayat, Sahabat and Bintang Malaya. Besides that, secondary sources like books and articles had also consulted. Documents consulted demonstrate that teachers were required to have a charismatic personality and creative in their teachings. Governments paid special attention to the issues related to education and tried to eradicate illiteracy through radio broadcasting program. In summary, discussions on teaching methods and strategies as well as teachers' personality traits published in Malay periodicals in this period of study contain valuable information for those involved ineducational field today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the development of China's reform and opening up policy, China's identity has gradually shifted from a solely foreign investment destination country into one that prioritizes capital exports. Among the capital receiving countries, Malaysia has been definitely attractive. As the first ASEAN country that has fostered diplomatic relations with China, Malaysia instituted friendly exchanges with China more than 2,000 years ago. This paper summarizes the history of investment and trade in the Malaysia and China in the ancient Chinese historical books based on the chronicle, and concludes the characteristics of investment and trade in various periods. With the qualitative method, it specifically analyzes the related research materials and historical writing records and focuses on the reasons why China has been willing to invest in Malaysia. The paper finds both countries' complementarity of goods, the continuous accumulation of exchanges, mutual understanding, influx of Chinese immigrants, and Malaysia's unique geographical advantages, which have contributed to the fact that China chose to invest and cooperate in Malaysia for two thousand years. This paper can help understand the development of the China-Malaysia relations and can accelerate understanding between the two countries, thus helping in removing hindrances against Chinese investment in Malaysia due to various modes of incomprehension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Johor Sultanate emerged in the 16th century as the heir of the Malay Sultanate of Melaka. This paper examines the consolidation of Johor's authority from its founding up to the new era of politics and administration in the 18th century. The Johor Sultanate was one of the rising powers in the Malay World. To the Malays, the nexus, focal point, and execution of power began and end with the palace. This power encompasses not only politics and administration, but the socio-economic aspects as well. With this in mind, the objective of this paper is to discuss the extent of the Johor Sultanate's enduring presence from 1528 to the 18th century (in fact, even to the present), and also explain the significance of the 'sultan' as the pillar of Malay authority. The final objective is to assess how the Johor Sultanate became an influential Malay power among the competing regional and foreign powers for centuries. This paper uses the qualitative method based on historical discipline. Therefore, the library research method was used, with the author's exhaustive consultation of Malay manuscripts and authoritative secondary sources. This study found that overall, the political and administrative developments in the Johor Sultanate within the period in question saw many ups and downs. However, the sultanate endured as the symbol of Malay power from 1528 to the 18th century. The position of the 'sultan' as the pillar of Malay authority remained, even with conflicts of succession and dynastic changes. Therefore, the Johor Sultanate remained among the most influential powers in the Malay World, alongside their competition such as Aceh, Jambi, the Portuguese, the Dutch, and other political entities. This was achieved through an organised political and administrative system, as well as well-planned diplomatic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses an Indonesian woman named Noer Nahar who struggled and sacrificed time and money to help her husband, Natsir achieve his ambition of developing a modern religious school known as the Pendis School (1932-1942) during the Dutch colonial era, specifically in Java. The article examines the role and character of a modern woman in the struggle to shape awareness in children and women in terms of education, nationalism and the emancipation of Indonesian women. According to Noer Nahar, the Indonesians were not only weak in general knowledge of the world, their religious knowledge too was not properly developed in the modern education system. Based on these problems, the main objective of this study is to analyze the role of Noer Nahar's struggles in establishing a modern religious school, known as the Pendis School in West Java. The question now is, did Noer Nahar's struggles to form such a school, succeed? The discussion in this paper is based on the analysis of various resources spanning from private letters, work papers and interviews, to the archival research method based study that analysed Dutch documents. This research employed materials and data from the National Archives of Indonesia, the National Library of Indonesia and the Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah of Indonesia. This paper traces Noer Nahar's struggle in developing a modern religious school despite not getting any support from the Dutch colonial regime. As a female teacher, she also fostered education through Indonesian nationalism to her students for the ultimate purpose of obtaining Indonesian independence. This writing highlights Indonesian women figures in the folds of history for public knowledge and awareness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Jardine Matheson & Co.'s (JM) response to the riots, strikes, and boycotts that the Chinese people, particularly the workers, engaged in from 1925 to 1926. The occurrence was widespread and lasted for a considerable amount of time. spreading from the south to other regions. The British were a prime target of protests, strikes, and boycotts. JM became one of the British companies that were immediately impacted by the disaster as a result. JM's business's shipping, port, and manufacturing sectors were severely disrupted and destroyed.JM suffered a large loss because of the riot's property damage. JM was also required to comply with the workers' requests for pay increases. To defend JM's position and business interests in China, JM reacted to the incident because of the circumstance. Therefore, qualitative research methods and library research were utilized to examine JM's response to episodes of riots, strikes, and boycotts that happened throughout the time covered by this paper. Primary sources for the study included letters, reports from the London Foreign Office (FO371), meeting materials and minutes from the JM Company, and British business organizations including the China Association. While secondary sources are the results of earlier research, including books and journals. Both sources were used in the creation of this article. The results of this study are expected to add to the corpus of additional knowledge in the study of modern Chinese history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the theory of social evolution, this paper attempts to explain the changes in the adaptation of ASEAN states to security norms since the cold war. After the end of the cold war, the ASEAN states did not immediately adopt the ASEAN Framework for security cooperation, but still followed a certain degree of survival instinct. With the strengthening of ASEAN's normative power, the situation of security cooperation between Southeast Asia and other major states in the region has begun to be dominated by ASEAN. This change has not only led to changes in the security habits of ASEAN states but also prompted ASEAN states to gradually adapt to the security norms based on the ASEAN Framework. The changes in the adaptability of ASEAN states to security norms illustrate the fact that ASEAN norms are spread from another perspective, and also show the reasons why ASEAN can advance towards a security community. On the whole, the development of security norms of ASEAN states after the cold war shows a direction of social evolution, and it is a kind of convergent evolution. With the influence of the external environment, ASEAN states "choose" ASEAN norms to obtain security, and the ASEAN Security Community finally becomes a form of "inheritance". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1970s, the government has been focusing on building unity among multi-racial communities. This is being taken seriously through the implementation of several key policies such as the New Economic Policy (NEP) and the National Cultural Policy. The goal of both policies is to create an ambitious National Unity. One of the elements contained in the National Cultural Policy relates to sports activities. Through sports activities, the government believes that it can foster inter-racial relations, in addition to fostering common sense and at the same time stimulating the spirit of nationalism among societies. However, it should be noted that the scope of sports activities is too broad to explore. In addition, studies about it have received little attention from local scholars, although they are widely reported. Because of this, it is important to choose the main aspects of sports activities to be the topic of discussion. Therefore, this paper focuses on the existence of a group of football supporters who call themselves Ultras Malaya. Since 2007, the involvement of Ultras Malaya has shown a lot of light that the sport of football is capable of bridging race relations. It has been shown by the attitude of the group. To see these things, it is very important to go back to the history of the establishment of Ultras Malaya and also require that the aspect of uniqueness displayed by Ultras Malaya that can be used as a medium for integration platrorm. This paper uses a qualitative approach. While primary data were obtained based on interviews with the Ultras Malaya coordinator, apart from the direct involvement of the authors in the group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the existence of the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) in Sabah and its achievements in the General Elections (GE) from 1986 to 2018. Thus, the historical research design is used by examining newspapers, election reports and interviews. Respondents chosen for the interview are individuals who have been directly involved in early political movements of PAS to provide a new narrative of Sabah political landscape. The results showed that the existence of PAS in Sabah and its achievements in election results were inconsistent and showed a decrease despite a slight overall national increment during the 2008 and 2013 general elections. During these elections, UMNO (United Malays National Organisation) and PKR (The People's Justice Party) showed vertical increment, whereas PAS has shown horizontal and unchanged election results. The lack of political dynamism and direction as well as poor reconciliation with other dominant political parties at the state or national level were two of major issues surrounding PAS that made it difficult to win the election. It is hoped that this paper will guide political leaders from Malaysian Peninsula who wish to extend their party to Sabah as well as setting the party's direction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of the fourth industrial revolution (4IR) is both thrilling and frightening. The technology under this era would have an impact on mankind. The 4IR has the potentials of increasing income heights through new entrepreneur innovations. The new technologies under 4IR will improve productivity and reduce the cost of communication and transportation. On the one hand, there are numerous gains of the 4IR, on the other hand, there are also many challenges associated with it. With particular reference to security, it is feared that the 4IR could pave the way to greater insecurity, particularly when it is used by terrorists like Boko Haram to carry out their attacks. The main argument of this paper is that the non-deployment of 4IR technologies in countering Boko Haram terrorism is a major hindrance to Nigeria's war against terrorism. The major objective of this study is to investigate how the use of 4IR technologies have enhanced the activities of Boko Haram terrorist and Nigerian counterterrorism operatives. The data for this research were sourced through secondary sources and analyzed by the use of the qualitative method. The strategic theory was espoused as the framework of analysis. The research discovered that the sophistication in the activities of Boko Haram is bone out of the utilization of the 4IR technologies in their operations. The 4IR enable the terrorist to seek assistance from renowned terrorist groups and acquire state-of-the-art weapons and training. The paper further reveals that the Nigerian counterterrorism initiative is not effective in curbing the Boko Haram attacks partly because it is premised around the third industrial revolution technologies. This research recommends 4IR technology compliance as the first step to match the Boko Haram onslaught before the use of soft power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyse the role of newspaper reports by the New York Times and Washington Post on the anti-palm oil campaign on Malaysia-U.S trade relations concerning anti-palm oil campaign. The campaign was initiated by the American Soybean Association (ASA), the American Heart Association (AHA), the Center for Science in the Public Interest (CSPI) and the National Heart Savers Association (NHSA), with the support of newspaper reports mainly from the New York Times and Washington Post. This paper posits that the campaign published by the newspapers affected the Malaysia-U.S trading relationship, in particular, in relation to palm oil imports and exports. The historical research method was employed for this study analyses both primary and secondary data. In addition, interviews were conducted to validate the findings. This study is crucial in filling the gap in the literature on the anti-palm oil campaign published in newspapers and its impact on Malaysia-U.S. relations. At present, the anti-palm oil campaign remains on the agenda of developed countries and other international green peace groups. The Malaysian government has remained as an active player in promoting the palm oil industry in the U.S. and European countries. This research demonstrates that newspaper reports influenced members of the U.S. Congress to propose a bill on the labeling of tropical oils. Palm oil is seen as a source of saturated fats, which poses a health risk. Newspaper reports were also used as evidence to garner support for the bill in Congress. This anti-oil palm campaign led to a decline in Malaysian palm oil exports to the U.S. These newspaper reports led to tensions in Malaysia, and the anti-palm oil campaign is perceived as an "act of war in a foreign country". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the beads: total 216 beads, in the form of shapes, colors, size, weight and its transparences. In archeological context, beads is a small artifact the contribute and important role in the reconstruction of local cultural history. Beads found in any site does not emerge on its own, but it has their own function and purpose. The writing of this paper, mainly focus on glass beads. The beads are found a Trench I in Pulau Kelumpang which was found by writer during his researched in 1989. The result of this analysis shows in it own form: size and weight, although they are from same material. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 14th Malaysian Election heralded a new dawn for Malaysian politics and society. The change of government was not predicted by observers of Malaysian politics and came as a surprise for many. Two states in particular stood out in the election as a misnomer, the states of Kelantan and Johor. The cases of Kelantan and Johor are interesting for a number of reasons. First, these states are considered stronghold states of the two Malay based political parties, the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) and the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS). Second, the results in both states were largely unexpected with most observers predicting that UMNO will retain Johor and that PAS will lose Kelantan. Lastly, both states can be described as 'maverick' states. Under Malaysia's current federal system, these states have historically manifested a strong independent streak. In the case of Johor, the bangsa Johor, a kind of state level nationalism that is centred around a Johorean identity can be observed whereas in the case of Kelantan, the conception of Kelantan as an abode of Islam has shaped the Kelantanese identity. This paper examines how both states that demonstrated similar localized election strategies yielded divergent results, with Kelantan continuing to support PAS while Johor abandoned UMNO-BN. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will approach the development of Alor Setar as a commercial centre in the era between 1735-1909. Within this context, the advancement of this city will be plotted from the aspect of the commercial activities being conducted as well as the factors that triggered the growth of a better and rapid-growing Alor Setar. This study uses the qualitative measurement which involves the collection and data analysis from primary sources obtained from the National Archive of Malaysia such as letters sent by Sultan Muhammad Jiwa to Francis Light, Reminders from the Rulers of Kedah, Sultan Abdul Hamid's Letters and CO 716, Kedah/Perlis Sessional Papers, 1905-1937. The outcome of this study shows that since the year of 1735, when Alor Setar began its operation as the state administration centre, the city had become the hub for local people and also foreigners. Within this period of time, there was evidence of hasty trading activities between Alor Setar and foreign traders from Penang, India and China. Among the commodities being merchandised were food supplies namely rice, farm animals and woods. The consequence of these transactions provided a large sum of income to Kedah state. In addition, the commercial activities in Alor Setar had been enhanced with the presence of trading emporiums which allotted stores selling assorted items, for example the pawn shop, textile stores and groceries stores. The existence of Alor Setar as a rapid-growing commercial centre was contributed by several factors such as the effectiveness of administration, the efficiency of town safety control, the sophistication of the communication and transportation system, the competency of health control system and also the presence of town port. These indeed have become the undeniably alluring attractions for traders to pursue their trading business. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Teachers are an important political socialization agent in assisting the process of fostering ethnic unity among students. At primary school level, teachers act as influential political socialization agents in nurturing awareness of students at their early age on the importance of ethnic unity especially in the context of a multi-ethnic society in Malaysia. However, the process of fostering ethnic unity in Malaysia generally, and at the primary school level in particular, is still faced with various challenges and obstacles. Hence, this paper discusses the barriers to the role of teachers as effective political socialization agents from the aspect of school administration practices in shaping ethnic unity at the primary school level. The data collection process for this study was carried out through focus group discussions method involving 16 Malay, Chinese and Indian teachers from National School (SK), The Chinese National Type School (SJKC) and Tamil (SJKT) in Petaling district, Selangor. The results found that there are three factors of administrative practices that hinder teachers in playing a role as agents of ethnic unity that can affect the process of fostering the values of unity in a school. First, teacher separation system throught double-session schooling system; second, grouping of teachers in teacher's office by subject; and thirdly, the focus more on syllabus than other aspects such as ethnic unity in school. This study found that these three factors contribute to the existence of ethnic gaps among teachers, but also at the same time become an obstacle to the role of teachers as effective agents of ethnic unity in schools. Hence, the school should pay attention to this issue and raise awareness of all school members on the importance of ethnic unity in the institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will focus on the "demographic onus effect" to challenge established cognitions of rising China. The country's demographic dynamics, especially the trade-off between a military build-up and welfare spending, will most probably lead to what might be called a "geriatric peace" by around 2030. This is because, due to its longtime one child policy, China is set to confront an unprecedented ageing population before becoming an advanced industrial country. Until then, however, the Chinese will have the fiscal wherewithal to continue the country's formidable military accrual. China is also likely to become far more belligerent by manipulating nationalist sentiments at home, alongside using foreign policy to divert growing popular discontent. This paper will analyze China's demographic dynamics and explore the implications of the ageing population to Japan's security, with the focus on a possible contingency over the Senkaku Islands as the most likely flash point. It will conclude with policy recommendations for Japan and the U.S. to weather possible China's bellicosity during the next ten to fifteen years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kedah is a state with a history in the agricultural sector, such as rice and cassava production, since before the arrival of the British. However, the rubber started to be brought in after the British intervention in 1909, prompting many European and Chinese investors to open rubber plantations on a large scale. Until the beginning of the Second World War in 1941, the production of rubber cultivation overgrew. This paper aims to investigate the extent of the role and contribution of the Chinese in the Kedah rubber plantation sector from 1909 to 1941. This research highlights the method of content analysis as a key data collection method on the history of the Chinese in Kedah through The National Archives of Malaysia for data analysis on the function and contribution of the rubber cultivation field. The results of the study found that the Chinese were involved in developing the rubber plantation sector since the beginning rubber was introduced in 1909. Besides, they are also entrepreneurs and owners of rubber plantations. Up to 1930, the acreage of rubber plantations owned by the Chinese in Kedah exceeds another race such as Malay and India. Chinese workers were also brought in to further boost the rubber plantation sector. The Chinese also established associations among rubber entrepreneurs to look after the welfare of each other. Subsequently, several policies involving rubber cultivation were introduced by the British such as the introduction of ownership licenses and the sale of rubber. As a result, the significant involvement of the Chinese in the rubber plantation sector has increased the economic output of the state of Kedah. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of the world economy created its own footprint as a result of the phenomenon. 1/3 of that economic space is owned by the informal economy also referred to as the Local Economy or System D. The increasingly sophisticated and world-class phenomenon takes the place of the economic space left by the formal economy. The manipulation of the vast resources, the dynamic practices that take place in the legal and illegal dimensions, provide a guarantee of employment shadowed by survival. This paper traces the phenomenon occurring on the Sebatik Islands of Malaysia and Indonesia. The research approach is qualitative based on the interviews of key informants. The results suggest that this phenomenon occurs due to the fact that economic space and opportunities can be exploited for the sake of sustainability in meeting economic demands, especially marginalized groups at the border that ultimately establish a local integration of kinship relations beyond ethnicity, identity and ethnic boundaries itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The refugee's narrative in Malaysia is unforeseen because most of them live in vulnerability without essential necessities such as shelters, foods, financial issues, difficulties in getting medical treatment and children living sans formal education. The instability of the refugee life has attracted the attention of many actors notably NGOs, to provide humanitarian assistance. Therefore, this paper sheds light on identifying the role of NGOs in alleviating refugee suffering and concurrently to explore how their participation contributes to community integration. This study is a case study that adopted a qualitative approach through a semi-structured interview with four MyCARE's officers and participant observation. The selection of organization has been made based on the active participation of refugees in Malaysia since its establishment. The findings show that forms of humanitarian assistance are subsistence assistance, food packs, health care, education, counselling, self-reliance and qurban have greatly reduced the burden of refugees. The NGOs involvement, activities, foreign partnerships, recipient, distribution across the globe, charitable, government support through this humanitarian activities have found elements of religious, ethnic, ethnic, gender, age and power to share in unity and integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The line between popular and nationalist music is hazy because any musical style or repertoire has the potential to express nationalism given the right environment and circumstances. Yet, singing and listening to it never misses its aim because the language of song is the most widespread way in which music signifies the nation.1 The unified singing of anthems and patriotic songs done together by a group of people usually not known to each other is called 'unisonance'2 and can result in an emotionally overwhelming feeling of collective cohesion. Focus group discussions on local popular music listening were conducted in 2019 throughout Kota Kinabalu, Kuching and Klang Valley. This paper discusses findings surrounding data drawn from this research focusing on respondent's reactions towards patriotic songs. Findings suggest that Malaysians enjoy listening to and singing patriotic songs individually and more importantly, in concert, as they are a verbal way of manifesting love for the country. Of paramount point here is it creates a moment of unisonance for them, a simultaneous and unanimous acknowledgment of the common symbol, that is the song - over and above any racial or cultural trait - that signifies belonging and begets collective emotional commitment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a cultural discourse, the problematic conception of citizenship is a product of social fragmentation in Malaysia. Citizenship can carry two meanings - legal and sociological. The legal simply refers to a subject's right and duties to be recognized as a legally permanent inhabitant of a state. Secondly, the development of citizenship, understood in sociological terms, would involve a transformative process in which individuals come to see themselves as part of a wider citizen body, to which they owe obligations involving duties as well as having rights. The objective of this paper is to pull together citizenship and education as central themes, not legal but the sociological aspects, with the 'nation-of-intent' as a conceptual framework. Nevertheless, the present effort of citizenship education in Malaysia is based on a particular form of 'nation-of-intent' (Bangsa Malaysia). The concept of citizenship and citizenship education in Malaysia is prompting only one form of 'nationof intent' available in the country. An implication of it is that the concept of citizenship and thus, nation building in Malaysia is still fraught with confusion. The presence of plurality of 'nation-of-intent' in contemporary Malaysia demonstrates the fact that dissenting voices are present and heard, within and without government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mainstream rise of "bundle" clothing consumption in Malaysia mirrors the global trend of thrift shopping. Theories about this phenomenon range from the birth of recessionistas, to environmental conservation and identity construction. In this paper, I examine the trend of "selam bundle", or diving into clothingbundles in thrift shops, where people deliberately purchase material goods to communicate their fashion tastes to the public. Bourdieu's concepts of habitus and field are also used to elucidate this phenomenon. I theorise that the act of thrift shopping, or "selam bundle" here is not caused entirely due to a lack of funds based on social class, as individuals from various levels of income participate in this activity. Instead, I view "selam bundle" as an act of increasing one's "street cred" or social capital, where the more unique the find, the more "street cred" one achieves. This is also an activity that is common among the hipster subculture. Observations about thrift shopping or "selam bundle" were made using a mixed-method approach, combining visits to thrift stores, watching YouTube videos of thrift bloggers, reading their blogs, obtaining newspaper interviews and feature stories about thrift shoppers and thrift shops, and obtaining data from social media, as well as data from a large-scale survey titled Platform Integrasi:Pendekatan 'Top-Down' dan 'Bottom-Up' Dalam Mendepani Cabaran Kesepaduan Sosial (Integration Platforms: 'Top-Down' and 'Bottom-Up' Approaches to Facing Challenges in Social Cohesion). As this is a shopping act that transcends the usual social categories of social class, I theorise that "selam bundle" can be seen as a potential platform of social integration, driven by the grassroots or everyday-defined approach to constructing identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Management of the South China Sea disputes must consider the "hedging" behavior of the claimant and non-claimant countries. This behavior is characterized by an insistence on not aligning with any of the competing powers, through intentionally contradictory actions to offset multiple risks, or through a continuous effort to maintain a fallback position. Indeed, in the face of China's increasingly assertive actions and U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy, nearly all the states in the region have avoided "balancing" (fully aligning with the U.S. to check China) and none of them have adopted "bandwagoning" (fully aligning with China for economic reasons but at the expense of autonomy and other national interests). Instead the Southeast Asian states have insisted on hedging. This paper argues that this proclivity to hedge is a result of both structural and domestic factors. Structurally, the high uncertainties surrounding China's intentions, U.S. commitment, and future U.S.-China ties have compelled the smaller states to avoid putting all their eggs in either power's basket. Domestically, for their political legitimation, the ruling elites in the states hedge to offset multiple risks and pursue mixed policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Malaysia's relations with Thailand can be described as paradoxical. On the one hand, bilateral ties had been the least 'problematic.' On the other, the situation in the Southern Provinces had constrained relations and this could be seen during the administrations of Mahathir and Abdullah which became preoccupied with finding solutions. In 'aggregating' these two polar states together ('superposition'), one could construe or amplify bilateral relations within a broader range of so-called overall 'benign neglect' that to a certain extent - characterised the approach of successive administrations of both countries. The objective of this paper as conditioned by archival sources as well as interviews seeks, therefore, to highlight the under-appreciated and overlooked role of the leadership factor in bilateral relations. This is in turn co-related to developments in political contestations and reconfigurations centred in Bangkok ("national politics") which whilst promising little hope on the resolution for peace and stability in the Southern Provinces - contributes to the (unchanging) broader narrative. In short, directions in bilateral relations have been - to a critical extent - determined, influenced and constrained by the inability to achieve a breakthrough to the situation in the Southern Provinces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alor Setar was the earliest location in Kedah which received the implementation of the domestic water supply plan by the British beginning in 1909. This initiative was due to administrative, economic, health, population and other relevant factors. Thus, the British built several water plants and the projects turned into a water supply module in other locations in the Kedah state. This paper would like to see the role of the British in developing the water supply system in Alor Setar from 1909 to 1957. This research began in 1909 due to the introduction to British advisers in the state of Kedah and ended in 1957 as the year was the final phase of the British domination in Kedah before the independence of the Federation of Malaya on August 31, 1957. This research employed materials and data from the National Archives of Kedah / Perlis, National Archives of Malaysia, University of Malaya Main Library, the Kedah Public Library, Tun Sri Lanang Library of Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia and Kedah Water Company (SADA). The results of the study found that British advisers in Kedah successfully abandoned the water supply module in Alor Setar and succeeded in raising the standard of living of the residents at the stated locations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The unprecedented World Economic Depression of the 1930s affected Malaya just as it did to numerous other countries in the world. In Malaya's case, with the rubber and tin industries, the two main pillars of the country's economy, well integrated with the international market forces, the sudden economic downturn caused the collapse of both these industries, resulting in widespread retrenchment and mass unemployment of workers. To the people of multiracial Malaya the economic meltdown was more than an economic crisis. It was a crisis of all sorts that threatened their very own survival. Despite the colonial government's efforts to contain the situation every community was displaced in one way or another though by varying degrees. This paper examines some of the immediate effects of the economic depression on the Federated Malay States and confines its discussion to Malay reaction to the crisis - how they were affected, the challenges they faced and how they coped with the crisis and the government's role in ensuring the protection of the Malays. It also discusses Malay reaction to the presence of immigrant races in the country and their rise to seek greater protection of their rights as natives of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to investigate the dilemma of transportation on the Lower Niger and Benue Rivers in Nigeria in the Hey days of European commercial water traffic in the period 1879 to 1960. This study finds out that the Lower Niger and Benue Rivers experienced a heavy traffic during the high water season of June to November but in the dry or low water season in December to May, vessels could not come up river from the open sea at Burutu. This paper concludes that the seasonal nature of transportation on the Lower Niger and Benue Rivers in the colonial period was a set-back to serious and effective transportation. This study is significant because in the Hey Day of commercial water traffic on the Lower Niger River, over ten steamers or Vessels or boats plied up to the confluence of the Lower Niger and Benue Rivers at Lokoja daily from Burutu. The study adopts historical methodology using primary sources such as archival documents and oral interviews and secondary sources which involve the extensive use of published books and dissertation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The regional security of the Middle East has been changed since the so called Arab Spring started in late 2010. This paper seeks to study the Israeli strategic situation in the changing regional security of the Middle East since the Arab Uprisings incepted. The research questions focused on the main concerns for Israel since the Arab Uprisings incepted and the response of Israel. Israel looked to the uprisings as a strategic change which could affect its security. Even though Israel seems more stable while other regional powers were affected by conflicts, Israel has been faced new challenges in fragile region. The main security challenges emerged for Israel were the liquidity of the region for ambiguous future, the rise of the non-state armed groups within the region and the emerging influence of Iran in the region. Israel relied on its strategic relations with the US and other super powers and its strategic military superiority in the region to deal with the situation. It worked as well on developing its relations with the moderate Arab states like Egypt and Saudi Arabia in face of Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses diaspora and the media, in particular how a diasporic society uses citizen journalism when discussing the practice of democracy in their native country. Recent studies have revealed the significance of citizen journalism compared to mainstream and traditional media and this paper aims to consider the phenomenon by comparing African diasporic citizen journalism with that of Malaysia. Both countries have high levels of active citizen journalism which has been found to be influential. However, current statistics suggest that Malaysia has overtaken Africa in numbers of citizen journalists and output and uniquely, tends to be practiced by resident Malaysians. This paper suggests that a more in-depth study of the practice in Malaysia could lead to the development of a positive citizen journalism culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sabah voters in the 13th Malaysian General Election were considered a Barisan Nasional (BN) "fixed deposit" and Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak had proclaimed that his party would actively work on enhancing this edge to sustain their dominance. Pakatan Rakyat (PR), of the opposition coalition acknowledged the threat and took steps to neutralise it. Initially, the opposition parties believed that they had a fifty percent chance or more to capture Sabah to form both the State and Federal governments and, on reading contemporary discussions in the social media, it is easy to see why. However, the main stream media persisted in promoting the government as a sure winner and, as GE 13 drew nearer, the tide changed to favour BN. This paper determines the strategies and issues that proved to be effective in winning state and parliamentary seats in Sabah.. Further, it investigates the impact of the Suluk incursion in Lahad Datu on the election, seeking to discover how the political parties involved exploited and benefited from this tragic incident. Finally, this paper explores the people who were instrumental in influencing the tide of change in Sabah's GE 13. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The situation and the issue of cooperation between the Kedah Government and the Perlis Government in developing domestic water supply in Perlis from 1969 until 1978 had various interests in both parties. With this cooperation, the development of domestic water supply in the state of Perlis can be implemented in accordance with the planned planning for a long time. In addition, with this partnership, Perlis had a dependency on the procurement of clean water from Kedah for domestic purpose. There are many steps and stages that had been implemented during this collaboration. Therefore, this paper will discuss the problems and issues of water shortage in Perlis, the form of cooperation between the Kedah Government and the Perlis Government, the domestic water supply project implemented in Perlis, the impact and benefits of the cooperation between the Kedah and the Perlis Government in developing domestic water supply in Perlis. This research started from 1969 because during the year the official relationship between the Kedah and the Perlis Government was established in developing the domestic water supply system in Perlis. This research ended in 1978 as the water supply development project implemented was fully completed according to the designated plan. This research obtained research materials and datas at National Archives of Kedah/Perlis Branch, National Archives of Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, Kedah Public Library, University of Malaya Library and Kedah Water Company (SADA). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the history, development and experiences of the propaganda agencies in Malaysia during the Malaysia-Indonesia Confrontation, 1963-1966. The discourse, however, commences from their development since the years of Emergency, 1948-1960. This is crucial for obtaining earlier information as the British has already started the initiatives to establish and aknowledge the importance of the propaganda agencies. They evolved from colonial information bodies to official government propaganda agencies after Independence. The executors also shifted from the British colonial officer to the local officers. The second section of this article focusses on the execution of the propaganda and psychological plans during the confrontation. Based on the past experiences during the emergency, the Ministry of Information and its subordinate, the Psychological Warfare Section, have formulated and launched series of systematic propaganda. Films, campaigns, and mass rallies were used to instil patriotism in propaganda. The principal aim was to inculcate the people's confidence towards the ruling government and simultaneously, hostile to the enemies. As a result, the government was able to mobilize the supports from the locals as well internationals. This article uses mainly the primary sources located from the Malaysia National Archive such as newspapers, magazines, the government papers and parliamentary reports. This article concludes that the propaganda agencies played a significant role in both the Emergency and the Confrontation. The experiences gained during the emergency period served as foundation to launch more efficient propaganda during the confrontation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the genesis of the migrant workers-based relationships between Malaysia and Bangladesh that commenced in the 1980s and persists to recent days, particularly up to 2022. It provides a delineation of migration-related issues including the establishment of reciprocal relations, the commencement of labour migration to Malaysia, associate expenses, wages and remittance flow and the legitimacy of the worker’s mobility. The research further uncovers the socio-cultural constraints faced by Bangladeshi workers in Malaysia. The enduring connection between Malaysia and Bangladesh dates back to the ancient period characterised by a responsive interplay. Migrant worker issues have emerged as a pivotal aspect of their bilateral ties and were symptomatic with a new bilateral buildout with exercising diplomatic promptness after Bangladesh became an independent country. Employing the historiographic approach as a method, this study synthesises primary and secondary sources such as occasional reports, agreements, newspapers, books and articles. The findings present an empirical account and factual illustration of the reciprocal relationships and their constraints concerning the migration process, financial transactions and legalities of movement. The insights derived from this research would be the source for the policymakers and diplomats enabling them to reshape strategies in light of these perspectives. Additionally, this research paves the way for further studies by addressing gaps in the existing literature on Malaysia-Bangladesh relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an analysis of the evolution and changes that occurred in public procurement in Malaysia from two eras, namely the era of British colonialism and the era of the implementation of the New Economic Policy (NEP). The targeted objective is to examine the changes that occurred in public procurement during the period, analyze the reasons and factors why those changes occurred and then the impact that was left behind. This is important because the public procurement policy in those two periods has become the basis of the government procurement system in Malaysia today. Political and the direction of the government were found to play a role in shaping the form of public procurement in both eras and it was systematically legitimized. The British have made public spending run according to their mold and direction even though the sultan is still the supreme ruler of a state. Through the term “advising” versus “directing” in managing the administration, the British established the Federal Assembly as a legitimate control tool to govern and dominate the financial administration in their colonial states. Crown agents played an important role in public procurement representing the supreme British government in London and this continued until after independence. NEP which was launched in 1971 witnessed an important transition where there was a clear role for the government by being more actively involved in the national development agenda through public procurement. This happens through affirmative policies in the form of legislation, bureaucratic frameworks and quota systems. This has had an impact on the country’s public procurement policy until now. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 12th General Election has revealed drastic changes in the Malaysian political landscape, in particular the success of the opposition party (Pakatan Rakyat) in gaining control over several states in Malaysia, including Selangor. This success has enabled Pakatan Rakyat to govern at a state level, a commitment that includes, fulfilling their campaign promise to return democracy at the local level before their five-year term ends. Nonetheless, the very fact of the five year's ruling demonstrates that Pakatan Rakyat had previously failed to bring back democratic local elections in Selangor, in accordance with their promise they made at the 12th General Election. With regard to this issue, this paper attempts to identify the factors that have restrained local elections from being properly revived in Malaysia, specifically Selangor. The recent election result demonstrates that a number of factors have contributed to this failure, including legal constraints, the disapproval of the Federal Government, financial issues, and the reluctance of the Election Commission to properly manage local elections in Selangor. Furthermore, this paper also argues that a lack of consensus among Pakatan Rakyat members regarding this issue has indirectly hindered the restoration of democratic local elections in Selangor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political and economic development was related apparently in the political and economic history of Terengganu. Since the first elections held in 1955 until the election of 1969, the people of Terengganu have shown their concern when choosing leaders whose they trust to develop the state, both physically and spiritually. This paper aims, to assess the attitudes and sensibilities of the people Terengganu in assessing the performance and personality of the political leaders who have been elected to represent them. The discussion in this paper is centered on the political developments ranging from elections held during the period. This discussion is based on government documents and resources from private collections and the results show that the ruling party will be evaluated by their success in achieving the goals as promised in the election manifestoes. In the manifestoes of the political parties contesting, the economic aspect is one of the key issues highlighted to gain support. Hence, the focus of this paper is to evaluate the economic development of Terengganu and the performance of the ruling party. This study found that economic development and the performance of elected leaders is a priority of the people Terengganu in choosing their political leaders and it was show in the electoral boxes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the collaboration between the Nigerian press and imperial Britain for the victory of the Allies over Nazi Germany during World War II. Guided by the descriptive-analytic, historical approach, archival sources and information provided by national dailies, which are available at the Nigerian National Archives, Ibadan, as well as secondary sources on the subject were interrogated to produce the work that is embodied in this essay. Against the background of the conventional wisdom that Nigerians were so far away from the war theater that they were indifferent to appeals for self-sacrifice demanded by the war, the study proposes the counter argument that Nigerians made substantial sacrifices which contributed to Allied victory over Nazism. The point is illustrated with the Nigeria Win the War Fund, which was a scheme designed for the purchase of war equipment. It was initiated and sustained by the press, but inaugurated with active government support and encouragement, contrary to the standard notion of frosty government-press relations during the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the history and evolution of the actuarial profession. In Ancient Roman Empire, the title actuarius was given to the secretary of the Senate, responsible for compiling the Acta Senatus. In addition to duties as a secretary of the Senate, actuarius also refers to the Roman Empire’s officials who manage the daily record of the government for publication in the Acta Diurna. As time passed, the role of the actuarius continued to expand until the Eastern Roman Empire where actuarius was also involved with the distribution of wages and provisions to the Roman military. In the 18th century, the term actuary which was derived from the Latin actuarius was adopted for the Chief Official to refer to a position as a mathematician in a life insurance company. The profession continues to grow and develop where actuarial science is needed in various areas including general insurance, pensions and social security, investment and modern financial economics. This paper also explores the history and development of the actuarial profession in Malaysia, before and after independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The declaration ending the Malayan Emergency on 30 June 1960 did not mark the end of the Communist Party of Malaya’s (CPM) objective of making Peninsular Malaysia a Democratic Republic of Malaya. In addition to this continued threat, the British withdrew their military forces from Malaysia in 1967, leaving the nation to fend for itself from both internal and external threats. This situation led the government to strengthen its Security Forces (SF) and military assets. One of the air assets acquired was the medium lift helicopters, Sikorsky S61A-4 Nuri. The capabilities of these aircraft in providing air movement of the troops and supplies made the SF dominate over the CTs. The insurrection of the communist insurgency coincided with the introduction of the Nuri in 1968 where its foreseeable roles were demonstrated during the numerous operations launched by the SF in Peninsular Malaysia (1968-1989). This paper aims to highlight the involvement of the Nuri in Op Gubir 11 (a Unilateral Operation), Op Selamat Sawadee (Combined Operation between Malaysia and Thailand), and Op Bamboo with emphasis on Search and Rescue (SAR) operations. It also discussed the threats and challenges faced by the Nuri crew while operating in hostile and challenging environments. The admirable performance of these workhorses was a contributing towards for the eventual signing of the Peace Agreement between Malaysia and the CPM at Hat Yai, Thailand, on 2 December 1989. Also it’s uses the historical approach and most of the references are based on interview with SF’s personnel and the records of Nuri’s ex-pilots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine that began in 2022 has reached diverse effects and reasons in the system. But Russia deems Ukraine within her sphere of influence and has been infuriated at Ukraine's nearness with the West and her desire to join NATO or the EU. The main purpose of this article is to discuss the multiple effects of the conflict on the global powers and explain how states' national interests and goals have driven their responses in the foreign policy. The main driving point of this article is to focus on the several reasons and effects of Ukraine war that shakes the balance between the global powers in the world and how it disturbs the already existing order. This article will benefit from the perspectives of realism theory when deciphering the causes of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine and the regional and global implications of this conflict in various ways. To reveal the increasing power race within the system, to be able to see the changing balances within the framework of the concept of national interest and to see the impact of the war within the system, the theory of neorealism has been included in the study. This article will focus on three levels of analysis such as individual, state, and systemic in examining the main driving forces behind of Russia and Ukraine conflict. This war was not only occurred between Russia and Ukraine, it has had also created a huge impact on the other regions or international organizations in a different area. Regardless of the outcome of the war in Ukraine, Russia remains the most dangerous, immediate, and long-term threat to the Euro-Atlantic community and rules-based world order. During this study, it will focus on the descriptive theory by using comparison methods and techniques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the inception of the open-door policy in 1978, China has progressively become more integrated into the global economy through trade, foreign direct investment, and, more recently, outward direct investment. This economic integration has gained momentum with initiatives like the 'Go Global' strategy, China's entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, and the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative in 2013. China's economic ascent, coupled with its increasing political influence and military power, prompted the United States (US) to initiate a strategy of rebalancing in the Asia Pacific region, starting with the Bush administration and continuing through the Obama, Trump, and Biden administrations. During the Trump administration, this rebalancing strategy was supported by decoupling strategy, ultimately leading to a trade war with China. Despite its intention to avoid the initiation of a new Cold War and to adopt a more moderate stance towards China, the US-China trade war has evolved further into a tech war under the Biden administration. Given this context, this article aims to outline the primary characteristics of the US economic policy towards China during the Biden administration, comparing it to the Trump administration and assessing its impact on both nations. The central argument of this article is that the primary characteristics of the US economic policy towards China under Biden administration are rebalancing and decoupling, carried over from the policies of the preceding Trump administration, and there are clear signs that these characteristics are deepening. Furthermore, the article demonstrates that the extensive decoupling measures enacted by the US have proven effective in diminishing China's role in global industrial and supply chains, particularly in industries related to semiconductors and chipmaking equipment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Malaysian palm oil industry is a significant contributor towards national development and economic growth. However, the industry has been facing rising tension to ensure sustainable development, as global demand for palm oil continue to grow in the coming years. The necessity for producing and trading sustainably produced palm oil is amplified with the European Union's stringent requirement for importing responsibly sourced commodities into its market, with the aim to achieve climateneutral by 2050. The palm oil industry is also inundated with anti-palm oil campaigns and agendas, which emphasize allegations of unsustainable agricultural practices as large-scale plantations damage the natural ecosystem in producing countries. Collectively, these challenges could pose a formidable impact on the trade of palm oil between Malaysia and the European Union. Therefore, the article seeks to examine the strategic responses undertaken by Malaysian stakeholder agencies to address the regulations pertaining to sustainable production of palm oil. Using a qualitative approach, a total of ten sessions of in-depth interviews were held with expert informants in stakeholder agencies, both in Malaysia and the European Union. Among the key findings were the formulation and implementation of the National Agricommodity Policy, deployment of various missions to the European Union, implementation of Malaysian Sustainable Palm Oil (MSPO) certification as the national sustainability scheme, dissemination of accurate information on sustainable and certified palm oil, and continuous engagement through bilateral and multilateral platforms. Based on the findings, this study suggests that inclusive and transparent engagement must be conducted continuously. Constantly held dialogue sessions will help to promote better understanding and fruitful collaboration among stakeholder agencies in Malaysia and the European Union to balance environmental concerns with trade interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Upon joining the Federation of Malaysia in 1963, Sabah was promised privileges in exchange for protecting the state's interests and rights spelt out in the 20 Points. However, after 60 years in the Federation of Malaysia, Sabah was frequently unsatisfied due to the federal government's failure to meet the agreement. As a result, an anti-federal sentiment in Sabah emerged, urging the state to quit the Federation of Malaysia. With the use of federalism as an analytical tool, together with primary and secondary sources such as interviews, books, journals and newspapers being research data, this article discusses the issues that persist in the 20 Points. This article contended that the federal government has failed to address five major issues, namely (i) the payment of oil royalties, (ii) the financial allocation and development gap, (iii) the immigration and foreigner issues, (iv) Sabah's constitutional status and (v) Borneonisation, which have resulted in anti-federal sentiment in Sabah. The federal government's failure to address the issues created a substantial economic imbalance between Sabah and other states, an influx of illegal immigrants and the Peninsular Malaysians dominating government offices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]