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Abstract Background An individual's overall burden of behavioural and emotional problems across childhood is associated with increased likelihood of later mental health conditions. However, the relative extent of behavioural versus emotional problems ‐ that is, the extent to which the domains are differentiated from one another ‐ may provide additional information about who is at risk of developing a mental health condition. Here, we seek to validate differentiation as an independent predictor of later mental health conditions, and to explore its aetiology. Methods We analysed data from ~79,000 children in the population‐based Norwegian Mother, Father, and Child Cohort Study, and linked health‐care registries. In preregistered analyses, we modelled the extent and rate of differentiation of behavioural and emotional problems between ages 1.5–5 years, and estimated associations with later symptoms (age 8) and diagnoses (after age 8). We also explored the aetiology of differentiation by estimating associations with early life exposures and, in a subset of 23,945 full siblings, assessing the impact of accounting for unobserved familial confounding. Results Differentiation of behavioural and emotional problems was associated with later symptoms and diagnoses of mental health conditions, independent of total problems. Maternal at‐risk drinking (β = 0.04 [0.02, 0.06]) and parental relationship problems (β = 0.04 [0.02, 0.05]) were associated with higher behavioural relative to emotional problems at age 5. Maternal prenatal distress (|β| = 0.04 [0.03, 0.06]), concurrent distress (|β| = 0.04 [0.02, 0.06]) and parental education (|β| = 0.05 [0.04, 0.07]) predicted higher emotional relative to behavioural problems at age 5. Estimates for maternal prenatal distress and at‐risk drinking were consistent across both unadjusted and adjusted analyses accounting for unobserved familial risk. Conclusions Differentiation of behavioural and emotional problems in early childhood represents a valid source of inter‐individual variability linked to the later emergence of psychopathology and may be relevant for early detection and prevention strategies for mental health.

Abstract Background Children of parents with high levels of neuroticism tend to have high neuroticism themselves as well as increased risk of experiencing symptoms of anxiety and depression. It is not yet clear how much of this link is attributable to a potential effect of parent on child (e.g., via a socializing effect) versus to shared genetic risk. We aimed to determine whether there is an intergenerational association after accounting for genetic transmission and assortative mating. Methods We used data from the Norwegian Mother, Father and Child Cohort Study including 11,088 sibling pairs in the parental generation, their partners (N = 22,176) and their offspring (N = 26,091). Exposures were maternal and paternal neuroticism (self‐reported), and the outcomes were neuroticism, symptoms of depression, and symptoms of anxiety in 8‐year‐old children (mother‐reported). Results After accounting for assortative mating in parents (phenotypic r = 0.26) and genetic transmission (explaining 0%–18% of the mother‐offspring correlations), potential maternal effects explained 80% (95% CI = 47–95) of the association with offspring neuroticism (mother‐child r = 0.31), 78% (95% CI = 66–89) of the association with offspring depressive symptoms (r = 0.31), and 98% (95% CI = 45–112) of the association with offspring anxiety symptoms (r = 0.16). Intergenerational transmission of genetic variants associated with paternal neuroticism accounted for ∼40% (CI = 22%–58%) of the father‐offspring correlations with neuroticism and symptoms of depression (r = 0.13 and 0.13, respectively) but none with offspring symptoms of anxiety (r = 0.05). The remaining father‐offspring correlations were explained by maternal influences through assortative mating. Conclusions These results are consistent with direct effects between maternal and offspring neuroticism and between maternal neuroticism and offspring symptoms of anxiety and depression. Further understanding of these intergenerational processes will require an adequate model of how these constructs (neuroticism, anxiety and depression) relate to each other within generations.