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This text represents an analysis of the controversies of the relations of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of Argentine with the military regime in 1976-1983, based on the documents of the CC archive of the CPSU. In the context of the international socialist system and the international communist movement entering the crisis, its relations with the military dictatorship presented a series of political problems, which correlated and conditioned the attitudes of all parties: the Argentine communists occupied the position of support for the regime concerned with the preservation of the structures and apparatus of the party, justifying it by the interests of the USSR in economic collaboration with Argentina, and on another side, the Soviet part followed its policy of economic cooperation with the military regime having its approval by the part of the Argentine CP. These attitudes towards the Argentine military dictatorship provoked complications within the international communist movement, half-solved by the CPSU without being able to avoid a certain isolation of the Argentine CP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The object of this article is the little studied history of the Peasant Leagues created by the Communist Party of Brazil after 1945. I point out some of the reasons for the little interest that scholars have dedicated to such Leagues, in contrast to what was observed with the study of those that arose in Pernambuco in the following decade. I also indicate how, even after the party was declared illegal in May 1947, some Leagues continued to function. I also analyze how such activities were impacted by a gradual radicalization, crystallized in the "1948 Manifesto". This analysis was based on party documents, editorials published in the press and police reports. In addition to put into context the information obtained from the political scenario, an attempt was made to specify the different attempts to take over these entities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of the 20th century is going to be incomplete without the history of international communism and its national manifestations. This text presents an outline of the history of the Communist Party of Bolivia, based on the documentation still unknown to the researchers, coming from the archives of the Soviet Communist Party, which allows to document and expose the analyzed events with greater foundation. This study chronologically covers the period of greatest communist presence in the national life of Bolivia, from its foundation to the debacle of the late 1980s, focusing on three dramatic crises of the PCB, always related to factors of internal action and international influences., from the division of the party with the departure of the pro-Chinese fraction in 1965, going through the major disruption of the organic life of the party related to the catastrophe of the Che Guevara guerrilla and ending with the catastrophic policy of party participation in the government of the Unidad Democrática y Popular, whose outcome was aggravated by the drastic changes in the international communist movement, initiated by the perestroika process in the USSR. In all these crises, the party was divided by the opposite currents, reformist and rupturist-revolutionary - both relied more on external, international factors and ideas than on internal politics and experience, always being the party aggrieved and unable to elaborate a line independent and creative for a national project that was ultimately the cause of the political collapse of the PCB. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The next article will address the dynamics of political solidarity developed by the Catalan communism and Chile in the years 1973 to 1980, focusing on the Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia and the Communist Youth of Catalonia. The article will highlight various internationalist stances, the influence of the passage from clandestinity to legality of the Catalan communism and the numerous solidarity actions developed in the analyzed context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I analyze the questions of the widespread maternalization of women during the 1920s and 1930s in Argentina, in its multiple expressions, through the works of the teacher, communist militant, writer and philosopher Angélica Mendoza (1903 -1960). First from the Communist Party, and then from the Communist Workers Party, Angelica Mendoza dissects not only the history of "female slavery" but also questions its naturalization, with its specific expressions: mandatory motherhood and social condemnation of the abortion, the "hypocrisy" that governed the relations between the sexes in all areas, the patriarchal right, prostitution, the "moralist bourgeois literature" that presented an idealization of love and that condemned women to a duty to be chaste and pure until marriage, the institution of "bourgeois marriage" -defending, on the other hand, free love and sexual pleasure for women-, among other topics that I will analyze here. In this sense, we will see that some of his criticisms have great affinity with the more radicalized versions of his anarchist contemporaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research proposal, problematizes the history of the Chilean Left from a transnational perspective, emphasizing the reception and resignification of Latin-American political processes developed between the fifties and sixties of last century. About this matter, we conceive that the programmatic construction of the left and its project of the "Chilean path towards socialism", was permeated and nourished by debates, experiences and political formulations emanated from other latitudes of the continent. Thus, the diverse receptions of these political processes in the Chilean left, became important instruments for the discussion around problematics linked to the character of the revolution and strategic and programmatic construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will study the communist leader Fernando Nadra's political stances with respect to Perón's third government and Héctor José Cámpora's previous presidency. Furthermore, on the basis of Nadra's editorial notes published in the oficial argentinian communist weekly, Nuestra Palabra, this work will focus in his conceptualization of violence in the years 1973 and 1974. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transition from capitalism to communism is a subject that has always generated a broad debate around the world, especially in the left sectors. In general, among the classical theorists of Marxism, it was assumed that between the two modes of production there is an intermediate phase, which has been called socialism. Socialism would then be a period of transition that demands the abolition of social classes, the suppression of all private property of the means of production, the elimination of the difference between the city and the countryside, as well as the difference between work manual and intellectual. In this article we analyze the postulates of some of the main theorists of Marxism who reflected on the transition from capitalism to communism, postulating that between both modes of production there are stages or intermediate stages that they denominated differently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we propose to do a state of the question of communism, gender and labor movement in Argentina, especially in the first half of the twentieth century. At the same time propose a theoretical and methodological framework that combines gender studies and social history from a perspective that includes the analysis of class, gender relations as constituents of the experience of workers and women workers in Argentina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we will give an account of what, in partisan terms, was named the Military Task of the PCCh (Communist Party of Chile), its composition, the formative process, the perspectives and the main tensions that it experienced. We will also inquire into the dynamics that have politically configured this particular initiative in the long history of Chilean communism. We will characterize the experience of fifty young communists that were formed as military professionals of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Cuba as of 1975. Aforementioned, in order to measure the impact of this process in the development and path of military politics in the PCCh during the first phase of the military dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work intends to reconstruct the formulations elaborated by the Argentinian communist thinker Héctor P. Agosti during the period between 1956 -months after the coup which deposed president Juan Domingo Perón- and the poll process that took place during 1962, marked by passionate and fruitful debates in the leftist political field. In these years, Agosti not only produced his most relevant works, but he also triggered a renewal in the communist cultural field, favoured by his novel theoretical poses inspired by Gramsci's ideas, not by then so well known. His debates with different figures of the peronist and the national lefts, not always friendly but frequently rich in coincidences. constituted an interesting aspect of his theoretical-political production, which is necessary to recover to provide a more complete idea of his contributions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work is going to rebuild the action of the communist union between the 1930 and 1940 decades in the City of Córdoba (Argentina) and it's going to demonstrate the political and union resistances that the 1943-46 government and the Peronism caused on its leaders. Unlike what historiography holds about this topic, our hypothesis points that the Peronism didn't found an organizational empty between the workers, but many unions of trajectory that were organized by communists and socialists. On the other hand, it is stressed the autonomy that the communist union leaders from Córdoba defended when the national party authorities wanted to reconcile with the Peronist union, after the XI National Communist Party Congress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to study the intervention of the Communist Party of Argentina in the Labor Movement during the times of the "Revolución Libertadora". It analyzes the link between the programmatic claims of the party and its involvement in the Resistance, the Intersindical Commission, the Normalizing Congress of the CGT and the creation of the "62 Organizaciones" in alliance with the Peronist sindicalism from 1957 on. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]