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The article explores the events of October 7th, 2023 in Israel, which had a significant impact on Jewish history. It discusses the violence and death that occurred on that day, as well as the failure of the state to protect its citizens. The article also examines the responses to the attack and the criticisms of Israel that emerged, highlighting the complexity of the relationship between criticism of Israel and antisemitism. It raises questions about language, knowledge, and the need for clarity moving forward. The article concludes by emphasizing the importance of recognizing the ambivalence and complexity of Jewish history and the establishment of Israel in order to challenge simplistic categorizations. [Extracted from the article]

Women have been active as architects in Israel since 1921, designing projects of varied types and scales, including synagogues. The first woman to design a modern synagogue in the country was Judith Segall Stolzer, who in 1935, won a prestigious competition for Hadera's central synagogue. A few decades later Genia Averbuch designed three synagogues in a remarkably innovative modern style. These female architects were noteworthy partners in the endeavor to develop a local style in the design of synagogues. This article engages with four synagogues designed by two of the country's first female architects and explores their symbolic style against the built environment of the day. It examines the architectural planning process—references, concepts, and ideas—as well as the unusual commissioning of women as architects for these projects, with an emphasis on their contribution to Israeli culture, the development of a local style in modern architecture, and synagogue design. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jawaharlal Nehru, India's first Prime Minister (1947–64), and David Ben-Gurion, Israel's first Prime Minister (1948–54; 1955–63), played substantial roles in shaping two modern nation-states in post-Colonial Asia. The article is anchored by a comparative study of the two leaders who influenced nation-building through their individual political values and ideological convictions. The key question posed here is what similarities existed in the nation-building roles these figures played and how they may have contributed to the trajectories followed by their respective nations. Nehru and Ben-Gurion were both modernists in terms of their political visions of a secular, socialist-democratic and egalitarian state. Although the two men never met and remained on non-speaking terms because India had reservations about forging ties with Israel, they both represented qualities of leadership in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article illuminates the process by which the Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) memory of the Holocaust has been transformed to enlist society in reconstructing consciousness of the tragedy into a carefully nurtured memory of idyllic ultra-Orthodox life in interwar Eastern Europe, with the assertion that there is a direct continuity between that vanished life and life in Israel today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The accepted approach to American-Israeli relations during Eisenhower's presidency (1953–1957) holds that Eisenhower was aloof and distant toward Israel. Yet, Eisenhower's policies toward Israel during those years were nuanced and sophisticated, entwining interests and ideals. With the onset of the Cold War, Eisenhower aimed to preserve and increase American influence in the Middle East in a way that would not put Israel at risk, but would respond to concerns voiced at home about his policies toward Israel and the surrounding nations. Furthermore, the administration's approach was more continuous with Truman's than Eisenhower and Dulles let on, as evidenced by their policy of "friendly impartiality" toward Israel, attentiveness to Israel's military and economic needs, and sensitivity to the views of American Jewry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1944, the Arab League started planning a propaganda offensive in Western countries to prevent the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. The League's focus of attention was the United States, where, members believed, Palestine's future would eventually be decided and where they deemed it imperative to counter the Zionist campaign. In 1945 and 1946, it opened offices in Washington, D.C. and New York. The efficiency of these offices in undermining support for Zionism in the US was, however, hampered by infighting between Musa Alami, head of the Arab Offices, and the leader of the Palestinian national movement Amin al-Husseini. When the British relegated the Palestine Question to the UN, the Arab League and the Arab Higher Committee (AHC) were therefore ill-prepared to meet the challenge. Omar Haliq, a member of the anti-Zionist Institute of Arab-American Affairs (IAAA), devised a strategy to mobilize Catholic anti-Semitism in Latin America and Europe for their cause. As a result of these recommendations, in April 1947, the AHC sent a team of senior members, many of them experienced in the field of propaganda, to the US. Moreover, a special committee staffed by the Arab representatives at the UN and functionaries of the AHC was set up to organize a propaganda campaign focusing on South America. The strategy, however, was not successful. Most of Latin America and Catholic Europe voted for UN resolution 181 on November 29, 1947, at the UN session in Lake Success. The article explores the strategy of the Arab League in its propaganda campaign in the US, its Arab Office activities and its actions in 1947, which aimed at preventing the establishment of a Jewish state by the UN. It further discusses why these efforts failed. It is based on records of the Arab League, the Jewish Agency, the British Foreign Office and the Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi League located in US, British and Israeli archives and on documents left by the actors themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article attempts to label Israel an apartheid state and transfer the legal, moral, and ethical degradations of apartheid to Israel. Topics covered include the semantic and psychological theories that make it possible to label Israel as an apartheid state since the conflict, the concept of apartheid and its inapplicability to Israel, and a theoretical look at the communicative, semantic, and political qualities of language that make it possible to apply such labels.

The article explores the use of the term occupation in discourse on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, such as to denote Israel's control of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. Topics covered include the creation of the State of Israel by an internationally recognized act of national self-determination, the vast progress in social welfare that Palestinians made under the Israeli rule, and the remote prospects for peace and reconciliation in Israeli-Palestinian relations.

The author offers a personal reflection on factors that influenced her work on the study and teaching of the Holocaust in Israel. She shares some of her personal experiences and insights about the study of the Holocaust. She discusses the role of memory and public discourse on the Holocaust, including the arrival of relatives who were Holocaust survivors in late 1945.

The article explains why the conflict between Israelis and Palestinian Arabs has no solution. It explores the foundation of the conflict which is Muslim perception of Jews as believers of a common religion and not as members of the same nation. The refusal by Palestinians to accept Israel as a state and to end the conflict is discussed. In addition, the article compares the status of Palestinian refugees to that of other refugees.

The article explores the cultural component of social resilience as the State of Israel celebrates its 70th anniversary. It highlights the issue of preservation of the Israeli heritage, including buildings and sites of cultural, historical and architectural value. Also discussed are the state's readiness to advance toward maturity and the roles of the Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA) and the Nature Conservation and National Parks Authority in the preservation.

The article deals with the history of the Israeli rule of law and judiciary since the declaration of its independence in 1948. It explores the interrelationship between the judiciary and the Knesset and the national government. The controversy over the scope and limits of democracy is discussed, as well as the nature of the principle of separation of powers in Israel.

The article looks at the relationships between the established European-origin Israelis and the hundreds of thousands of Israeli immigrants from Arab countries who had arrived in Palestine. It makes a comparison of Israeli ethnicity in the present with the past. The meanings and practices attributed to ethnicity among the second and third Israeli-born generations are discussed, as well as the structural inequalities and cultural differences between the First Israel and the Second Israel.

The article looks at the role of immigration in the nature of Zionism as a national liberation movement. It remembers the establishment of the Zionist Organization in 1897 and the influx of Jewish immigrants in Palestine during the pre-1948 period. Also explored is the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948 following the creation of a political Jewish entity in Palestine.

The article chronicles the history of Jewish immigration from Arab countries to Israel in the 20th century. It discusses the integration of immigrants into Israeli society, as well as the progression of the ethnic conflict in Israel following the declaration of statehood in 1948. The role of the Zionist movement in the creation of the state of Israel is explored.

The article explores the 1967 War between Israel and the neighboring states of Egypt, Jordan, and Syria that led to the expansion of the former's territory. It reflects on the 2004 song "The Sticker Song" which is about Israel and its politics. The connection between the war and the collapse of Jewish society in Eastern Europe is discussed, as well as the Israeli government's efforts to promote Zionism around the world.

Social policy and state building have long been central themes in the study of Israeli history. By shifting the focus from the spending side of social programs to their revenue side (dues and contributions), the article explores the fiscal dimension that connected social policy with state building in the Israeli pre-state period, 1920-48 (the YishuvJewish-Zionist settlement). The findings show that social programs served the broader agenda of a state-in-the-making, not just through its allocative functions (providing health services and basic income), but also through creating the domestic fiscal capacity necessary to its emergence. This account calls for some important revisions in the understanding of key issues in the political economy of the Yishuv. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The past few decades have witnessed numerous notorious scandals involving blasphemy. Consequently the politicization of the idea of blasphemy has increased, and evoked a lively public debate accompanied by academic discourse. However, a systematic study of Jewish and Israeli variations of blasphemy is conspicuously absent. This essay attempts to rectify this lacuna. It offers a critical survey of Jewish traditions on blasphemy. The aim is to explicate the distinct features of the Jewish blasphemy legacy, to trace the transformations blasphemy has undergone from ancient, biblical times through the Middle Ages, to present current notions and usages with special reference to the Jewish state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As part of the peace accords with Egypt over 30 years ago, Israel was required to evacuate the Sinai Peninsula and to transfer its three military bases to the Negev. The largest of them was moved to Tel Malhata in the northern Negev. Toward its establishment, it was necessary to evacuate and resettle the Bedouin residents. The article reconstructs and analyzes the steps that preceded this process, including specific legislation, attempts to reach agreements during the legislative process, and the program that was ultimately accepted and implemented. It traces the circumstances that made it possible for the resettlement to take place without extensive public protest and without the authorities having to resort to enforcement. It examines the implications of this process for the long-term relationships between the State of Israel and its Bedouin citizens. Moreover, a complex of factors is presented, both changing and permanent, internal and external, that influenced the outcome. The contribution of this study lies in its scrutiny of the successes, limitations, failures, and future implications of the process through the perspective of time. Thus, it can serve as the basis for understanding the contextual changes that have taken place from then until today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to shed light on a significant aspect of the Nakba and of Emile Habibi's oeuvre that has received little if any attention. It examines the ways in which Emile Habibi systematically deals in his literature with the collective trauma of the Nakba as it was experienced by the Palestinians who became citizens of the state of Israel. Through his writings, Habibi seeks to translate his personal experiences into collective knowledge that might help the Palestinian society in Israel work through its traumas. The "Working through" process Habibi sought to instigate involved encouraging an acknowledgment of the reality of the trauma and the new situation it created, and mending the rift in individual and collective identity. Its end was to enable the Palestinian society in Israel to attain critical acclaim on the trauma, thus enabling it to learn from its experience and apply its lessons in the struggle for socio-political change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines exhibitions on the 1948 War in three museums: the 1947-48 Etzel Museum, the Haganah Museum, and the Israeli Museum at the Yitzhak Rabin Center, which opened in 1992, 2001, and 2010, respectively. Established at different times and by different political entities these exhibitions represent various outlooks and "communicate" with each other on narratives of 1948 concerning sensitive issues and events, and thus enable us to compare their varied approaches to the way the war is presented in both content and timeframe, albeit without expressing an opinion on the content or examining its historical validity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The two Israeli historic-documentary series--Amud Ha'esh (Pillar of Fire--POF) and Tkumah (Revival--TK)--have as a central subject the 1948 War, a major signpost in the Arab-Israeli on-going conflict. During the 20-year gap between them--the first produced in the 1970s, the second in the 1990s--major changes occurred in Israel which weakened the Zionist master-narrative and introduced post-Zionist historiography. The study places the two series within this changing scene, examining the connection between their constructive means and ideology. Findings show that POF uses time-structuring and employment to build a classical narrative, with Arabs as evil antagonists, whose point of view is rejected, and Jews as good and just protagonists. TK avoids binary oppositions and portrays two peoples entangled in a tragic, vicious struggle. It gives extensive expression to the Arab-Palestinian point of view and to the refugee problem. It emphasizes Arab's attachment to the land, negating the Zionist "Empty Land" ethos promoted in POF. While POF totally adheres to the Zionist ethos, TK's de-mythologizing attitude fully expresses post-Zionist criticism of that heroic yet traumatic War, leading to the birth of Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Israeli Socialist Organization (ISO) known later as Matzpen was founded in 1962 but did not earn much notice until after the 1967 Six- Day War when it attracted great attention, chiefly for being the first Israeli organization to speak against Israel abroad. The rhetoric that characterized Matzpen was largely based on a historical analysis of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The article argues that Matzpen underwent significant ideological shifts that influenced and at times changed the way it perceived historical events retroactively. A systematic reading of Matzpen's publications from its seminal book in 1961 until the end of 1972, reveal that unlike the common notion, transitions in Matzpen's view regarding the nature of Zionism and its relation to the Western powers in the Middle Eastern context, occurred also before the Six-Day War. The War was merely one important turning point in a process of de-Zionization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In late November 1942, the Jewish Agency Executive called a press conference and made the first-ever official announcement of the shocking truth: Nazi Germany was perpetrating a systematic, all-inclusive, industrial annihilation of European Jewry. Not a pogrom of the type all too common in Jewish history, but a Holocaust. From that moment began a long, convoluted, agonizing process of internalizing the Holocaust's meanings; of living in its shadow, along with the scars engraved in the flesh and embedded in the consciousness. The article tries to analyze and evaluate the fortitude of presence of the Holocaust in the history and memory of the Israelis, and its possible evolution in the years to come. As well as the odds of Yehuda Elkana's call from 1988, in what he defined as 'a call in sake of life and life', to FORGET. To be freed, finally from 'the deep existential which is fed from a particular interpretation of the lessons of the Shoah.' 'To stand for life, to divert ourselves for building our future and not to deal over and over in symbols, ceremonies and lessons drawn from the Holocaust.' To uproot, once and for all, 'the ruling of the Historical Yizkor' on the everyday life of the Israelis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the bi-nationalistic framework devised by early Zionists and its immediate and long-term implications. Various constituencies including Zionist theoreticians; Arab leaders; and Israeli, Arab, Jewish, and non-Jewish academicians have employed the term 'bi-nationalism'. The manner in which bi-nationalism is discussed varies according to individuals' political goals and their ultimate vision for the state of Israel. The concept of bi-nationalism has acquired new meaning in its application by contemporary proponents that diverges dramatically from its original conception, use, and aims. It is not a fixed and rigidly defined concept, but rather has been interpreted and employed over time by various advocates for either the construction or the dissolution of Zionist society and the Jewish state. This paper highlights key examples of individuals and movements that have espoused bi-nationalist goals, from members of Brit Shalom and Ihud beginning in the 1920s to contemporary Palestinian Arab intellectuals residing in Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Israeli art music reveals that the soundtrack of Israeli history is greater than the sum of its parts, which usually include popular and folk music genres. Surveying the development of Israeli art music from the late 1930s to the 1970s, this article attempts to transcend the periodic partitions that characterize the field's historiography, which has had little contact with recent historical and historiographic shifts in the study of Israeli history. Focusing on four synchronous vectors--namely, processes of autoexoticism, asymmetrical musical borrowing, the post-statehood dilution of national sentiment, and the post-67 reemergence of Jewish musical idioms--the article guides the reader through the dissolution of national art music and its post-statehood stratifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1949 the majority of Yemenite Jewry-more than 40,000 persons-arrived in Israel. Their arrival was the result of an Israeli initiative, in cooperation with Jewish organizations and the rulers of Aden and Yemen. However, the gradual, planned departure turned into a hasty mass exodus that cost hundreds of lives. The suffering and the victims were mostly the result of failures by the organizers: the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, in charge of the operation with the assistance of the Jewish Agency, and the government of Israel. Despite its catastrophic characteristics, the immigration from Yemen was described in terms of rescue, miracles, and redemption-a combination of eschatological and orientalist concepts. In the following years 'Operation Magic Carpet' was commemorated in the naming of streets and was praised in literature, poetry, historical research, and in the collective memory of Yemenite Immigrants in Israel, becoming one of the establishing images of the relationship between the state and its Mizrahi citizens. It presented these Jews as victims of persecutions by hostile Arab rule, victims who were sentenced to poverty and to social and cultural degeneration. According to this image, Israel was portrayed as a rescuer of these wretched Jews. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines whether policymakers were successful in taking advantage of the massive immigration of the 1990s to meet the demographic objectives laid out in Israel's long-standing population dispersal policy. This policy has been one of the most consistent in Israel's history, endorsed by every government since the State's establishment. Population dispersal policy has been a key component of security, housing, economic, and land-use policy for more than sixty years. As in the 1950s and 1960s, the massive influx of one million immigrants from the former Soviet Union provided a unique opportunity to realize this policy's goals. This work examines the degree to which that opportunity was utilized through analyses of policy implementation and demographic change during and after the 1990s immigration wave. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses various published reports within the issue, including one by Moshe Yegar that examines Israeli diplomacy, one by Gabi Sheffer that explores the Israeli government's relations with the Jewish Diaspora and one by Ronald Zweig that Israeli foreign policy during the 1950s.

Israeli public diplomacy surrounding the disengagement from Gaza and the general elections in the Palestinian Authority (PA) in 2005 reflects a problematic misconstruction of Israel's messages in English regarding its relations with the Palestinians. Based on content analysis of official documents, such as official announcements, press releases, and speeches by Israeli government officials (the PM and the foreign ministry), we point to the incompleteness of Israeli public messages aimed at non-Hebrew speakers in terms of major framing functions. Incorporating narrative analysis, we further claim that the problem of missing framing functions is part of a larger problem of misconstruction of the state's foreign policy narrative. At the core of this problem lies a discontinuity between the definition of the problem faced by Israel, the characterization of those who are responsible for the problem, and the proposed solutions to the problem. While the definition of the problem tends to rest quite heavily on internal disputes within Israel, namely the dispute between the government and the settlers, the Palestinians are those who are held responsible for the problem, and the solution is defined as a confrontation with the Palestinians. his incoherence between the definition of the problems and the solutions offered has damaged the internal logic of Israeli public diplomacy. The article discusses these findings against the backdrop of the traditional Israeli approach toward public diplomacy as reflected by the concept of "explanation" (hasbara). It suggests that these incoherencies played a key role in the explanation of why Israel failed to achieve significant improvement in its international image following the disengagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1960s, when most African states south of the Sahara achieved independence, Israel was one of the first countries to establish diplomatic relations with them and to offer them assistance. Israel was a major "donor" in Africa, and Israeli ambassadors operated in 33 countries. Africa had an important place in Israel's foreign policy. However, in 1973, during and after the Yom Kippur War, in an unexpected and severely disappointing move, almost all African countries severed their diplomatic relations with Israel. Ten years later, Israel returned, gradually, to Africa. The article examines the factors that influenced these changes and to what extent Israel drew the necessary conclusions after returning to Africa. Special emphasis is givento the making of Israel-African policy in the 1960s, which still remains the basis of Israel's present activities on the continent, although with significant changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Israel's Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) was officially established on 14 May 1948 when the State of Israel was proclaimed, but extensive diplomatic activity conducted by the Zionist movement and the Jewish Agency preceded its official debut. The authorized body that existed previously—the political department—served as the template for the MFA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1980s and 1990s, a group of historians and sociologists revolutionized the study of Israeli history. These scholars, often called collectively the Post-Zionists, sought to undermine "the founding myths of Israel". The Post-Zionist paradigm has made important and lasting contributions to the understanding of Israeli history, but no historiographical trend is permanent. In the last decade, a new generation of scholars, sometimes called "the third wave in Israeli historiography", or "the Post-Post-Zionists", has produced works that differ in many respects from those of the previous generation. This generation studies new subjects, utilizes new types of sources and new writing styles, asks new questions about Israeli society, and its attitude to Zionism is often more empathic than that of the previous generation. The article analyzes some aspects of the new paradigm, which can be seen as a local, Israeli, manifestation of a more general approach—the new cultural history—that appeared outside Israel in the 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between World War I and the founding of the State of Israel in 1948, decisions were made by the Zionist Movement that continue to provide lessons for the dilemma facing Israelis and Palestinians today. In these territorial decisions the Zionist movement was willing to consider trading territory for other values, mainly political sovereignty. Jewish attitudes toward territory in these decisions reflect a duality. On one hand, territorial attitudes were emotional and inseparable from a sense of collective identity, fatherland, motherland, and homeland, leading to expressive positions. On the other, territory was seen as a tangible resource, a means for satisfying specific needs—security, economic viability, social development, natural resoutces. The Zionist agreement to partition indicates that the pre-1948 decisions of the Zionist movement fell rather consistently on the side of instrumental pragmatism, and this approach dominated Israeli policy until 1967. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Those acquainted with the history of the Yishuv know that a deep gap can be found in both the quality and the quantity of research on the role of labor and left wing circles in Israel's nation building process and the part attributed to the right wing. This gap extends to the representation of Revisionist activity in the areas of pre-WW II illegal immigration, wartime aid, and rescue of Europe's Jews, participation in the fighting and in resistance in Europe, clandestine cooperation with the Allies, as well as in Bricha, illegal immigration, arms procurement, and the building of the Yishuv's armed forces in the wake of the World War until the establishment of the State. Can this gap be readily dismissed by the cliché that history is written by the victors, and that the movement that led the nation-building process in those decades also perpetuated its role and uncompromisingly and systematically excluded others from the story? Or was there a "history" of revisionist activity that hasn't so far given rise to a historiography representing its role in fitting scope and quality? Or perhaps there was indeed such a "history", but the movement's leaders chose not to explore it for their own reasons, and it was they who directly or indirectly, openly or covertly, ousted themselves from the story or consciously and intentionally contributed to their own exclusion? This article provides several observations on the makeup of this gap, its boundaries, and possible roots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the implication of war as children's play for human history in Israel. Representation of children's board and card games as reference to war; Uses of toy soldiers as part of educational play process; Comparison of the weight and meaning of board games in Israel to that in Europe and the U.S.

Discusses the attitudes of Jewish Yishuv leadership to the mixed municipalities during the British mandate in Haifa, Israel. Position of leadership of the Yishuv; History of the attitudes of Yishuv leadership; Implication of the creation of subsidiary municipality in Haifa.

Discusses the concept of the political expression `mamlakhtiyut' in the Israeli culture and history. Hebrew-English translation of the term; Role of Israel's Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion on the development of the idea of mamlakhtiyut; Historical and etymological roots of mamlakhtiyut.

Discusses the role of the fall of Kfar Etzion settlement in the formation of the Israeli collective memory. Historical background of Kfar Etzion settlement; Arab attacks on settlement; Establishment of a community of memory by widows and orphans of Kfar Etzion fighters; Myth of return; Linking of immemorial memory of the Jewish people to the Israeli memory of Kfar Etzion.

Focuses on the impact of the IDF raid on Samu on the relationship between Jordan, Israel and the Palestinians. History of the raid; Alliance between Jordan and Israel; Factors influencing Israeli-Jordanian relations; Intervention of the Jordanian King.

Criticizes and interprets the book 'The Jewish State: The Struggle for Israel's Soul,' by Yoram Hazony. Flaws in the work and its literary characteristics; Desire to reclaim the one and true Zionism in the book; Treatment of the German-Jewish intellectuals who left Europe to form the founding generation of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem.

The article discusses the role of Israel's national cemetery, Mount Herzl, in memorializing Zionist history. The 1949 reinterment of Zionist leader Theodor Herzl at the cemetery in Israel's first state funeral, pilgrimages to Herzl's grave, and Jewish religious ceremonies at his grave are addressed. Also noted are the reinterment of revisionist Zionist leader Zeev Jabotinsky in 1964, the burial of Israeli soldiers at the cemetery, and the burial of Israeli statesmen, including former Finance Minister Eliezer Kaplan, former Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, and former Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, at the site.

The article introduces a special issue which reflects on the interest for perspectives on the 70th anniversary of the establishment of Israel.

The article presents the statement of the co-editors of the summer 2019 special issue of "Israel Studies" (World Crimes; Reclaiming the Language of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict) that was published without the knowledge or approval of the journal's Editorial Board. Topics discussed include steps that the editors should take to remedy the situation and rehabilitate the current and future scholarly standards of the journal, and drawbacks of the publication of the issue.