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This paper addresses the perspective of the European Union as a differentiated integration, where the Member States participate in certain common policies and choose certain policies they are (or not) willful or able to participate. The European integration experience shows such cases - the European Monetary Union and the Schengen Agreement. The objective of this paper is to explore the differentiated integration model in the Balkan context, within the circles of integration, and thus, to identify a model of "multi-speed" Balkans. The main research intention is to explore the significance of the EU as a "multi-speed" model of integration. In the end, this paper concludes that the model of multi-speed Europe could restrictively be applied on the Balkans, introducing four integration speeds, or integration orbits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the key features of the notion of postnationalism, its modes and its theoretical implications to the subject of this research - the significance of the EU for the "helvetization" of the Balkans. This research is qua litative, implemented through the content analysis method. Data for this research were collected from various sources, mostly from official internet sites, the statements of politicians and journalists, and from views of the referent political scientists. In addition, we used the EBSCO database for collecting the scientific articles. The main intention of this paper is to explore the EU significance as a model and an agent for cooperation and integration of the Balkan region. In that favor, we conducts this research taking into account the following research question - How the EU contributes to the postnational networking of the Balkans, and thus, its "helvetization"? Consequently, as a research framework, this paper takes the EU model of postnational networking as analytical model. Within the paper, the EU is treated as a postnational model and agent, because it clearly represents the most advanced institutional indicators of a postnational networking in the contemporary world. As far as the postnational networking of the Balkans concerns, this paper takes into account the South East European Cooperation Process (SEECP) and the "Yugosphere". In that context, this paper concludes the SEECP success in articulating of the key parameters of postnational networking, derived from loosely established regional cooperation in the following areas: regional security, democracy, economic growth, social and cultural development, and legal affairs and fight against crime. As regards the "Yugosphere", the paper treats this form of postnational networking as a socio-economic phenomenon, based on linguistic, cultural, national and territorial proximity of the people and states of the Balkans, understood in strictly apolitical sense, with strong desire for integration of the Balkans into the EU. At the end, we conclude that the emulation of the EU model by the Balkan countries, strongly manifests through the creation of an indirect type of postnationalism, embodied in the SEECP and the "Yugosphere", and the EU position as an ultimate objective of the Balkan countries, enables the process of "helvetization". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

1) Background: This paper seeks to explore the strength and significance of Russian influence in the region of the Western Balkans. The purpose of the paper is to offer a short overview of Russia's actions in the Western Balkans. 2) Methods: The paper will use analytical, comparative, descriptive, deductive and historical and situation analysis methods 3) Results: The paper will analyze the level of Russian influence in the Western Balkan through the cases of Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia. Serbia has been a faithful ally of Russia even though the European Commission annihilated its expectations through the scrapped Russian-backed South Stream project. Serbia never introduced sanctions to Russia as the EU did, and it hosts the so called Russian humanitarian center in Niš. Montenegro was influenced by both NATO's intention to block Russia from docking its navy in Montenegrin Mediterranean ports, and by the Russians who are strongly present in many aspects in the country. The Russians were also subject of suspicion of involvement in the (alleged) coup d'état in Podgorica in October 2016. Bosnia and Herzegovina is unstable largely because of the intentions of Republic of Srpska to secede, and is backed by the Russians. Macedonia saw a physical attack on its incumbent Prime Minister Zoran Zaev at the Parliament in April 2017 as the two factions, pro-Western and pro-Russian fought for power. 4) Conclusion: Russia has been able to sprawl its influence in the Western Balkans, mainly through energy projects and good personal contacts with the political elites of the region. It uses its presence in the region as an advantage against the stronger influence of the disoriented European Union, and against further NATO expansion in Eastern Europe. Thus, the region found itself in the crossfire between the East and the West, and its European future looks rather bleak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We are living in an era of turbulent social changes that affect our everyday life. The contemporary societal order has been put to pressures and exposed to challenges like never before in the history of human society. Many scholars believe that what we are witnessing nowadays is an era of value ambivalence and norm relativization that is intricately related to societal deviance. Many theories, classical, modern, and postmodern elaborate these phenomena. Such are the Emile Durkheim's theory of anomie, Robert Merton's theory of strain and Zygmunt Bauman's theory of interregnum. In this paper, we are trying to elaborate those theories through the lenses of the distorted morals and values and the nexus with societal deviance in comparative European and Macedonian societal context. As far as methodology is concerned, we mainly use secondary data of available scientific literature and studies in the values and norms changes and its relatedness to societal deviance. We shall try to prove and elucidate the importance of the structural changes in values and norms and how they produce or are a product of societal deviance. Although mainly comparatively theoretical, the paper will try to overcome the possible limitations with its thorough comparative analyses of the most relevant scientific literature and research on this matter, mostly from sociological, socio-pathological, philosophical and securitological point of view. The paper will also try to summarize some relevant suggestions, proposals and recommendations on how to overcome these problems in European and Macedonian comparative perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Criminalistic science uses scientific methods used in other scientific disciplines, but adapted to the specific needs of criminal investigation. Criminalistics also uses methods that are designed to be used exclusively for criminalistic purposes. Thus, methods of identifying persons by papillary line analysis, handwriting analysis using graphological methods, odor analysis, scene accident photography with stereo graphometry, comparative trace analysis with comparative microscope, photo robot creation software, and many other methods are applied in criminal investigations. However, new methods are being developed to improve the work of criminalists who work in the field of investigating, inspecting, alibi determination, tracing and material evidence for pre-trial and court proceedings, as well as other operational-tactical measures and investigative actions. Practical field work also applies methods of profiling persons, application of modern technological means of tracking persons and situations, such as drones, which are also used in criminal intelligence, methods of detection lies, etc. The authors of the paper analyze contemporary criminalistic methods with particular reference to their application in practical work when undertaking measures and activities within the framework of criminalistic methodology. Namely, in the process of elimination of crimes, special attention is paid to detection, proving, and clarification of crimes. Particularly important in this part are the criminalistic methods that answer the nine golden questions of criminalistic, and reveal the perpetrators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we have started from the question Can culture and cultural differences serve as a justification for war, hatred and various forms of conflict and intolerance or should we through relying on culture and values it produces (that may be reflected in its diversity, too) fight our way up to democracy, tolerance and peace? As there are arguments in favour of ever more strained cultural isolation and separation between certain social groups (both on the local and on the global level), so as well we find arguments which adduce an increasing number of cultural rapprochements and establishment of common cultural elements that link and reconcile peoples, social groups and individuals. The way of treating cultural differences is, above all, of vital importance for the process of social integration, so stability, and even survival of the state depends directly on its successful implementation. Depending on the way in that they will be articulated and treated by the state, cultural differences may become an agent of integration or even swell into a factor of disintegration. Not so rarely, cultural differences are abused, that is instrumentalized for certain political goals. Cultural variety is almost everyday ground of killing in many countries, including European ones - one would say, especially in Balkans. Some authors go so far to talk about culture as the detonator of ethnically motivated hatred and wars on the Balkans, which has been markedly salient during 1990s. Today, those who support this statement argue that culture got out from those wars almost intact and that it is ready, if necessary, to serve the same purpose: to kindle. Our approach does not plead for account of culture as a security challenge, which produces negative consequences only (violence, as a model of behaviour and a substantive part of cultural pattern). The aim of this paper is to single out those elements or dimensions which could serve for the analysis of positive constructions of certain cultural aspects, which lead to dialogue. In theory, preconditions are recognized for establishing the relations of cooperation and friendship between two different cultures. One of them can be the elaborated awareness of one's own identity and envisaging the difference of the Others, and a second one is elementary coincidence of value systems generated by each society. Common values form the basis for overcoming the negative connotation of cultural differences, and eo ipso offer a chance for dialogue. Dialogue among people creates a network of ties wherein common experiences and realizations of values, the feeling of relatedness and awareness of familiarity are shaped, which all together can contribute significantly to (more) security for all. Whether and to what extent these conditions are present in the Balkan area, we attempt to depict in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contemporary world, globally, is still facing serious issues from the past. These social issues can be seen through the religious, racial and ethnic intolerance, prejudices, humiliation of the people, but also, the same issues can be recognized through the negation of the historical injustices. Migrations are means for achieving ends without military involvement, while putting pressure on Europe and its ability to solve these issues. This paper will focus on the Macedonian experience of dealing with refuges and illegal migration as two distinct matters. Emphasis will be put on the paradox in the case of Macedonia and the incapacity of the mechanisms of the European Union to sort out the issues of the third millennium, which are not merely refugee crises. The paradox in this paper will be further elaborated through Macedonian's role in protecting Europe as a nonmember of the EU, from a territory of a member state of the Union. This study can bring us closer to some clear findings about the omissions and the mistakes that were made in the past, through a more lucid picture of the level of preparedness of the Macedonian state for handling this kind of humanitarian catastrophes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Western Balkans is a region in transition, where economic development is underway and in which cooperation is increasingly seen as an obvious choice, rather than a last-resort option. The countries of the region are today much more closely connected through various cooperation schemes than they were years ago. But there are still acute social problems. The region is blighted by severe unemployment, poor infrastructure, drug and human trafficking and other forms of organized crime. The EU integration process seems to have been plagued with controversy about 'absorption capacity', 'integration capacity' and 'enlargement fatigue', leading c itizens of the countries in the region to question whether the prospect of membership promised to them is in fact a credible one. Many analysts and officials believe that one of the processes that will contribute to overcome those problems is unconditional integration of all Balkans countries into Euro-Atlantic structures (EU and NATO). Regional cooperation in the region of the Balkans is very weak, also from an economic point of view. There are much more joint projects on the level of civil society and think tanks than on the state level. So the regional cooperation in the region rather comes from the basis and not from the top. According to this analyses the regional cooperation in the western Balkans is needed as a crucial ingredient of stability; as a catalyst for reconciliation, good-neighborliness' and good political relations; to help overcome nationalism and intolerance and promoting mutual understanding and political dialogue in the region. The present paper analyses the different data of economic convergence in this transition countries during the last decade. The paper also addresses the question about the role of integration in the process of long-term growth and further economic convergence within the European Union (EU). Analyses of the macroeconomic, human capital, infrastructure indicators of this countries compared with the previous cohesion countries indicated that the new members have been much better prepared to the enlargement. Finally, some conclusions are drawn on the basis of the results of the analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political conflicts and ethnic relations are constantly present. Before, they are aimed at achieving the objectives of the parties to the conflict that is commonly associated with touch to resources. Balkans is traditionally politically turbulent region underwent drastic changes, and that their security threats found in various sources. One of the key sources represents ethnopolitical conflicts. These conflicts are extremely supported capacity for causing security threats and risks by minorities. All Balkan countries within its borders have a smaller or larger number of one or more minorities from countries that surround them. It is this feature of tactile territories and the presence of minorities in the neighboring countries in the territory of each of the Balkan states, whether official policy that recognizes it or not, is a very strong tool in managing conflict processes. This may be a direct conflict management process toward its escalation or resolution, but basically is a practical opportunity for political rhetoric aimed at the realization of national interests at the regional level. This rhetoric translates into practice very easily which may cause regional conflicts at different levels, and as a result of conflicting national interests. In this paper despite the theoretical aspects of the conflict, especially ethno-political and definition of national interests in contemporary international relations, and as an expression of the strategic goals of states and political elites, will focus on the presentation of data from the survey related to national interests and security. This research represents the support of the theoretical aspects of this paper, refers to the ability to control the mechanisms and instruments that states use in order to achieve its national interests. The second aspect relates to the experiences of the Republic of Macedonia's relations with its neighbors, as paragraph experts from state institutions. We expect the theoretical perspective and research to answer several key questions related to conflicts within international relations as a result of the intention to achieve national interests. And we get a picture of the feeling of experts in the Republic of Macedonia in terms of abuse of minority rights by neighboring countries in achieving its national interests, and as a security risk of escalation of the conflict in the Republic of Macedonia and the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the end of the confrontation between the former Military Blocs and the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact in 1991, after four decades of existence, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) lost its ideological, political and military opponent. Initial expectations were that in such a global constellation of relations NATO would lose its sense of existence. However, as previously when Alliance faced with numerous challenges maintaining internal cohesion, from this situation came up with even stronger strategic concept, focusing on its own transformation, redefinition of its role and expanding the tasks, primarily on development of new partnerships and preventive actions in unstable and crisis areas. NATO established a new policy, relations, and an open dialogue with the former opponents. The Partnership for Peace (PfP) was created as a program aimed at cooperation and confidence building between the NATO members and other South Eastern European and former USSR countries, while countries that came after the collapse of the former Yugoslavia began their Euro-Atlantic integration processes after the end of the military conflicts in the late 1990s. Both countries that will be comparatively covered by this research are successors of the former Yugoslavia. They have had different paths and processes of independence and transition, and also their Euro-Atlantic integration processes have begun different and faced different challenges. The Republic of North Macedonia brought the decision for NATO membership in 1993, and in 1995 it joined the Partnership for Peace Program. On the other hand, Montenegro began its processes much later, after it became independent in 2006, and became a full-fledged NATO member on June 5th 2017. The Republic of North Macedonia faced a veto by a permanent NATO member over the widely known name issue and unfortunately did not join NATO together with Albania and Croatia in 2009. After that, the long path to the full membership is seen to be accomplished at the beginning of 2020. Through the topic of this research by comparative method will broadly analyze all circumstances of the integration processes for both countries, while research questions will be directed to the already visible and expected benefits of euro-atlantic integrations. The particular research attention of this paper will be paid on the military and defense benefits as well as to other consecutive benefits, such as improvement of the overall security of the both countries and the region, strengthening the rule of law, economy, businesses, investments, tourism etc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization and modern relationships in the world lead to a situation where certain communities and groups have been favored at the expense of others that remain on the margins and not sufficiently integrated into society. Due to this unsuccessful integration or alienation from society, certain individuals and groups from these communities express their dissatisfaction through a radicalization, that is, accepting extreme political, social, or religious ideals, that in large extent, lead to violence and terrorism. Exactly in the region of the Balkans, that is, the countries that emerged after the disintegration of former Yugoslavia, this problem of radicalization is strongly expressed. In these areas exists radicalization on religious and ethnic grounds, which could be seen from the Balkan wars in the 90s. Over time the process of radicalization has evolved, that is, if once for one person to be radicalized, it was necessary to be in direct contact with radicalized individuals or members of terrorist organizations, nowradicalization is commonly done online, through easily available materials on the Internet. This paper will attempt to provide answers to several key questions such as:how one person is radicalized, that is, can we set up model of radicalization, what are the stages of radicalization of individual, toward what the radicalization might lead. That the radicalization is a global problem, which is largely present in the Republic of Macedonia, speaks the research made on students from two faculties in Macedonia, through a survey. From this research can be seen, how Islamic State global campaign for radicalization and recruitment of individuals to perpetrate terrorist attacks or to participate in the battles in the Middle East, affects the citizens in Macedonia. By analyzing the international experience and guidance on deradicalization, arise the conclusions of this paper, on which way the deradicalization process of radicalized individualsshould go, that is, which methods thelaw enforcementagencies may apply for easier detection of such persons as well as prevention of possible violent acts through deradicalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper emphasizes the still neuralgic security state in the region of Western Balkans which is in an incomplete process of Euro-Atlantic and European integrations and is in a sort of "fire line" according to the creators of the security policy for the Western Balkans. In this context, the author particularly focuses on the security threats from the aspects of terrorism, the organized crime and the acts of violence at an anti-state level, related to the states in this region. Regarding an efficient discovery in due time and handling with such security threats, this paper suggest the creation of a Regional Security Centre for the Western Balkans which would integrate the securitycounterintelligence, the police and the intelligence aspects of discovering and handling the forms of terrorism, organized crime and violent anti-state acts. The author especially focuses on the structure and function by presenting concise schemes of its organization and function. The creation and function of such Regional Security Centre would be a contribution towards the development of cooperation among states in the region; it would strengthen the state of security and open a wider space for development of the overall democratic relations and faster completion of the processes of Euro-Atlantic and European integrations of states within itself including the Republic of Macedonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the present study is to provide a summarizing qualitative analysis of the linkages between criminal and terrorist groups with explicit reference to the Balkans. The fundamental connection set out in this paper is consistent with a continuing convergence between terrorism and transnational organized crime. A theoretical basis of the relations between organized crime and terrorism is delineated and systematically used to identify how these two phenomena come together in the Balkan theatre. In considering the interaction between criminal and terrorist groups, the available facts indicate that the intensity of collaboration is most often dependent on the nature of the geographic region in which these relations are established. Relations in transitional states are most precisely described as ad hoc because they are mainly based on fulfilling urgent operational needs; and relations which emerge within (post)conflict societies tend to be the ones that are most developed and interactive. Criminal and terrorist networks, which have emerged from a state of lasting conflict and instability, expose the ultimate danger of the crime-terror relation to international security. Nevertheless, after establishing that a nexus does exist, a potentially more considerable question is what form these linkages take, and how different crimeterror 'configurations' impact the security and stability of Balkan states. In order to answer the research question, the paper will examine three forms of convergence: contribution to criminal activities by terrorists, transformation of terrorists groups into hybrid or solely criminal organizations and collaboration between organized criminal organizations and terrorist groups. This is a phenomenon challenging both states and international institutions, producing important implications on politics and policies at national and international level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Balkans, especially the Republic of Macedonia, as form historical perspective and contemporary geopolitical conditions, is one of the zones for which the Republic of Turkey shows particular interest in. Turkey is leading a policy of "regaining" the territories that were under the occupation of the former Ottoman Empire. The aim of the paper is to identify the interest of the Republic Turkey to Macedonia through analysis of the five main entry points: economy, religion, culture, education and politics. On the economic plan, stand out more capital investments of Turkey in Macedonia, including the construction of Alexander the Great Airport - Skopje, the skyscrapers "Dzhevahir Holding" in Skopje, until construction of the ordinary student boarding in Shtip, for accommodation of Turkish students. In religion, IRC is influenced by the Turkish way of practicing Islam, which is basically good. This is clearly seen in the celebration of Kurban Bayram in 2012, when some of the countries that are unaffected of Turkey celebrated the holiday on Thursday, and those under the influence of Saudi Arabia celebrated on Friday. On cultural level, full coverage of the Turkish movie series, the presence of the "Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency" (TIKA) are operating in more than 100 countries on 3 continents, organized activities of more than 30 (about 33) Turkish NGOs in the Republic Macedonia jointly organized under the umbrella of the "Union of Turkish NGOs in Macedonia (MATÜSİTEB)", and act in many spheres of social life: through education and sports to religion, achieving various goals that are of interest to the Turkish state and nation1 etc. On political plan, through Turkish parties in the Republic of Macedonia, the target group is Turkey's population which numbers about 3.9% of the total population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to many surveys most of young people think that the EU accession of their countries is going well, but not as well as it actually could. There is a lack of credibility about some reforms that in some aspects are doing well, in some not as well, such as corruption or reform of judicial system. Problems like unemployment are hitting especially the young people in Western Balkan and for the governments these issues still remain the main challenges in order to face the future. In the other side, there are very sensitive key issues for the development of their countries, such as: large administration and bureaucracy, enlargement, democratic deficit, crisis of values, nationalism, and common monetary and fiscal policy. Despite all difficulties a front of them, there is a vast majority of young people from the Western Balkans thinking that their countries should join the EU. Referring to so called "the cost of transition" there is a pessimistic scenario, about the time when this countries will be member of the European countries. In this paper the main results of the survey made in Albanian universities and high schools on the perceptions of young people on integration of European process, and the meaning and future of the EU, in front of the similar issues that are treated in whole region will be analyzed. It looks at the attitudes and perceptions of respondents aged 18 to 22 based on snowball sampling among young people in higher education. For this purpose a questionnaire composed by 12 different questions was prepared. The questionnaire survey is applied to 488 young people during late autumn 2012 to early spring 2013. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the key attention is dedicated to the question of the agreements after the World War I, bounded on the Paris peace conference in 1919, i.e. to those agreements which refer to the eviction and exchange of compact national groups from the occupied territories on the sides of Greece and Bulgaria (Treaty of Neuilly, Treaty of Saint-Germain, Treaty of Sevres, and the Treaty of Lausanne). In the paper is also given an estimation of the influence of the exchange of the populations in the process of the national homogenization of the state interests of the Kingdom of Greece and Bulgarian Empire, in the first decades of 20th century. This is an especially important moment in the history of Macedonian nation, because the effects of the exchange of minorities between these two Balkan states contributed to negation of the right of the Macedonian national individuality and the right of the Macedonian independent national development. Undeniable is the social importance of these processes, especially of the agreements for voluntary exchange of populations, of year 1919. This comes from the fact that with the sole negation of the Macedonian national question and the rough assimilation at the time of the exchange of the Macedonian population between Greece and Bulgaria, the question of the identity is opening, the question of the territorial pretensions and most of all, the question of the role of the big forces in the historical destiny of the Macedonian people through the whole interdependence of the balance of the forces on the Balkan peninsula in the 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It was set clear that the European perspective of the Western Balkans is a key priority for the Bulgarian Presidency of the Council of the EU (1 January - 1 July 2018). The membership in the EU is only workable way to achieve sustainable peace, security, economic growth and prosperity in the region. In this context the bilateral relations between Bulgaria and Macedonia are of utmost importance and many positive steps for strengthening and improving the political dialogue have been made, emanating with the signing of the signing and ratification of the Treaty of Friendship between the two countries. The author's main task is to analyze the current debate about the Euroatlantic perspective of Macedonia in the overall context of the integration of the Western Balkans, including the achievements and future challenges. There is a special focus upon the importance of building an active and aware civil society that is able to leave behind the contradictions of history and to look ahead and work with dedication to a 'united in diversity' future for the region. When we talk about united and secure Europe, we shall have no doubt that the Western Balkans need a clear European perspective. This is a salient topic for the Bulgarian Presidency and the future of the European Union and the aim is to come closer to an agreement for a clear action plan with each one of the countries candidates. The idea is not to create unrealistic, overloaded expectations. As Bulgarian prime minister said 'The enlargement has been talked about for a long time now and now is the right opportunity to make concrete steps forward." When presenting the priorities of the Bulgarian Presidency to the European Parliament Mr. Borissov pointed out the extremely good relations between Bulgaria and the Republic of Macedonia, which can serve as a role model for resolving long-standing bilateral problems. He underlined the importance of the infrastructure projects in the region that enable investment and tourism development. "The stability of the Balkans is directly linked to the stability of Europe; the solution is a European perspective. They expect it, they want it." (European Parliament, 17 January 2018 - Speech of Bulgarian Prime Minister Boiko Borissov). In February 2018 the European Commission adopted a strategy for "A credible enlargement perspective for and enhanced EU engagement with the Western Balkans." ThePresident of the European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker stated: "Investing in the stability and prosperity of the Western Balkans means investing in the security and future of our Union. Although there will be no further enlargements under this mandate, today the European Commission is charting the European path ahead for the Western Balkans. With strong political will, real and sustained reforms, and definitive solutions to disputes with neighbours, the Western Balkans can move forward on their respective European paths. Whether this is achieved will depend on their objective merits. The European Commission will be rigorous but it will also be fair. I will travel to each of the countries of the Western Balkans at the end of this month with a clear message: keep reforming and we will keep supporting your European future." (European Commission, Press release, 6 February, 2018). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Notwithstanding the overall progress of the Western Balkan countries during the last quarter of the last century, the region is still characterized by high human insecurity due to the poor socioeconomic performances and unfinished structural adjustments. For a long time, the socioeconomic and democratic development of the entire region was marginalized because of the given priority to security, even though these categories are mutually reinforcing. As a result, today the region is exposed to numerous internal weaknesses mainly deriving from the underdevelopment, such as: high poverty and inequality, corruption, organized crime, illiberal democracies, weak rule of the law, etc. At the same time the region is facing external security threats such as: global financial and economic crisis, EU identity and euro crisis, migrant crisis, global terrorism etc., which are additionally emphasizing its vulnerabilities and influencing its internal security dynamics. In this context the concept of security system reforms provides a framework for addressing security issues and simultaneously enhancing development and democracy, thus improving the situation with the human security in the Western Balkan countries. The paper argues that security system reforms in the region should be focused more on the human dimension of security, i.e. human development and human rights as to resolve or prevent violent conflicts and build greater resistance to contemporary security threats. The findings obtained by application of content analysis, secondary analysis of statistical data and comparative analysis will show that economic weakness, political instability, and fragile state security are inhibiting the region in creating wealth, achieving stability, and integrating into the European and Euro-Atlantic structures. Therefore, only comprehensive security system reforms understood as a component of human security agenda and based on people's needs along with the national security interests, will ensure human rights and freedoms as well as human development without which there cannot be sustainable peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper is conducted a research attempt based on analysis of exhaustive literature on crisis, development and changes on the Balkans, especially in the countries of former Yugoslavia, in order to define the implications on the relations and arrangements of the security in the region, and especially on the security in the Republic of Macedonia. It is important to mention that after the termination of the Cold War on the Balkans and wider, the region experienced changes of greater extent, mainly positive. In the first decade of 21st century, the Balkans grows into a region which is calming and stabilizing, but still trying not only the national systems of defence and security, but also the international security structure. For one decade, the Republic of Macedonia answered the security challenges and risks, but as well as the other Balkan countries it was also under a great influence of the crisis and the changes, including the most recent ones which resulted from the recession and the financial crisis in Europe. The assumption which is followed by this paper is that the region needs balanced socio-economic development, in order to follow and answer the accessional standards of the Euro-Atlantic integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the main characteristics, etiology and connection between human trafficking and other related phenomena, such as migrant smuggling. The focus is on the detection and punishment of the perpetrators of these crimes and the protection of the victims. One of the biggest problems related to human trafficking is its detection and finding both perpetrators and victims and collecting evidence. Accordingly, the analysis of trafficking acknowledges the transnational character and various forms of international cooperation, such as cooperation between police forces, the use of formal legal instruments or extradition. These are crucial for the success of the transnational investigation, prosecution and punishment of trafficking. Consultation and cooperation are essential, in order to coordinate the activities and, more importantly, to determine the appropriate jurisdiction under which to conduct the prosecution in a particular case. Issues such as nationality, location of witnesses, the applicable legal framework, the availability of resources and the place where the suspect is arrested, must be taken into consideration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the meeting of the European Council in Copenhagen in June 1993 that determined the criteria for membership into the European Union, democracy was given the first mention as one of the conditions that applicant countries must respect. The priority given to democracy reflects the fact that it is considered a core element of European political identity and an essential characteristic of the countries wishing to be admitted to the EU. The European Union's insistence on the guarantees of democracy is not based on altruism, but rather on self-interest, for it arises from the belief that the process of European integration cannot function with members that do not subscribe to the democratic principles or whose practical application of these principles is inadequate. The paper aims at elaborating the democratization process of the Balkan states, including the Republic of Macedonia, having in mind that they are all aspiring toward European Union membership, but are also facing internal issues and problems, which makes the democratization process of their societies more difficult. It is considered that democracy is the first and fundamental precondition for eventual start of the negotiation process, and it should therefore be on a high level by the time the decision for starting the accession negotiations is taken. With respect to the Regarding the Republic of Macedonia, in this present context, the decision-making process of the European Council regarding the start of the negotiations is difficult because of the open issues with its neighbours, which on the other hand, leads to disorder of the internal political juncture and a set-back in the integration process. In addition, a short brief of the political crisis in the Republic of Macedonia is given and the (un)successful engagement of the European Union in solving the two-year political crisis. At the end, a conclusion is derived based on the past experiences and understanding the present, offering lessons for future EU policy engagement in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The end of the Cold War brings to the fore a new, nontraditional security threats that have risen in prominence marking the emergence of a new context for the international order and security environment. This is particularly important in the post conflict areas such as the Balkans. Countries in the Balkan are struggling to find sustainable frameworks for dealing with the new security challenges more systematically. Through the capacity and state institutions building for the improvement of primarily public safety, stability, and the overall prosperity in Southeast Europe, the integration process is well advanced so that today many countries of Southeast Europe are fully integrated in the European Union. In this paper, the authors give an overview of existing of regional mechanisms in South East Europe, related to confidence building and creation of a more secure region in today's world, emphasizing the objectives of those initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world order is changing much faster than we think: conflicts are more than ever part of the everyday political life. Interstate conflicts are not a rarity, but the number of intrastate conflicts has significantly increased since the fall of the Iron curtain. Ethno nationalism and a perceived lack of human rights became a root cause for (armed) conflicts in states, with the outcome of strong ethno-political polarization, greater concessions, regional autonomy and even division and "Balkanization" of the state(s). The world has tried to respond to these events appropriately and the number of peace keeping / support missions has also grown. Nowadays, the UN is engaged in more peace keeping mission and is spending more money on peacekeeping than ever. NATO has become engaged outside the Euro-Atlantic area with a new role of peace support operations (first in the Balkans and then even further afar). Security is the first area that needs attention in conflict and post-conflict society. The security system (in all of its dimensions) must be reformed as soon as possible and local ownership of it must be achieved so that a functional system of providing security is set in place. International force should handover security provision as soon as possible, but the question remains: when should the security sector reform (SSR) start and should it ever finish? This paper will try to give an answer to that question, based on the some UN and NATO examples of SSR in the conflict / post conflict countries occurring since 1990s in Africa, the Balkans and the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whether we look at them, from a historical, geographical, cultural or even religious perspective, the Balkans will always appear as something unique, as a peculiar part of Europe and the world, characterized by uncertainty, conflict and potential violence. Although grand attempts of transcending this perception and re-anchoring the Balkans back into Europe have led to the acceptance of several Balkan countries within the Euro-Atlantic "family", events such as those in Bosnia or Kosovo have reminded the world that this part of Europe is indeed something special, prone to skirmish and still somewhat unsecure. Now the question is why this is still happening and where are the Balkans heading? Well, as the saying goes "in order to discover the future, one must look in the past". Therefore, within the present paper I intend to prove that the unique history of the Balkans (its multiethnic character, its mix of religions and cultures, as well as its tumultuous evolution) does not only explain its hard-core existence, but a lso offers key ins ights into the region's potentia l development in the future both from a security/conflict point of view, but also from an integrationist perspective. The paper focuses on the peripheral character of the region, an attribute which the Balkans always fought to surpass, sometimes succeeding, and on other occasions failing miserably. Nevertheless, the 21st century seems to provide a new, fresh chance for this troublesome part of Europe, an opportunity to which the Balkans responded positively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conflict prevention has an emphasized significance within contemporary international community. It has its beginnings in the multilateral diplomatic initiatives and other legal arrangements taken many centuries ago at interstate level in order to reduce the range of violence and the occurrence of war. For centuries the states and regions continue to live in the ancient cycle of creation, existence, but with a different final outcome: destruction, accession to an existing or a new union, and finally disintegration. The 1990s showed the vulnerability of the whole world to respond to the violence as a result of the changes in the world's international system structure and the dissolution of the Soviet Union and SFR Yugoslavia (SFRY). Thus, a new era of conflict prevention emerged: from interstate into intrastate conflict prevention. The Balkan region, often identified with the Balkan Peninsula, was an area of different types of conflicts, ones not only a consequence and continuation of the latent or visible clash of the Superpowers but also as eruptions of a different kind of nature. Most of the conflicts were rooted way back before the creation of SFRY after the Second World War. In the Balkans, conflict prevention as a process failed because of the speed of the events which lead to the creation and further development of the intrastate conflict prevention mechanisms. At the aftermath, several newly constituted states appeared, one of them still not fully recognized in the international community. The newly constituted states now have boundaries which divide and connect them simultaneously. Most of the conflicts in the region were and still are motivated by one reason - the desire for unification of territory in which the people of one ethnicity live. The current borders leave the same possibilities that endanger the integrity and existence of the states, and an opportunity for the gap or the crack to be exploited. This paper defines the geographical and temporal scope of conflicts in the region and focuses on the conflict prevention as a holistic systematic approach. It describes the conflicts in the Balkan region since 1990's and makes a classification of the conflicts by intensity and type. Also, by identifying the conflict prevention mechanisms, paper presents the current ongoing processes in the region, simultaneously depicting the current evident, latent, or possible conflicts. The main outcomes are deducted and a prediction of security in the region is presented: binding or separating state borders? The methodological aspects of the paper are based on analysis of content of documents and experiences and comparative analysis of qualitative and quantitative data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disaster Risk Reduction is concept and preventative approach to disaster management that includes the technical, social or economic actions or measures used to reduce disaster losses. It encompasses 'preemptive action', 'mitigation' and 'preparedness'. It is a process concerned with reducing the level of vulnerability and minimizing the disruptive effects of hazards by building community capacities. The 1990's were named the 'Decade for Disaster Risk Reduction' by the UN and the Disaster Risk Reduction approach gained a higher profile. International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (ISDR) is strategic framework adopted by United Nations Member States in 2000 to guides and coordinates the efforts of a wide range of partners in achieving a substantive reduction in disaster loses. On the other hand, The United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (UNISDR) is name for office of United Nations Secretariat as a part of ISDR system. UNISDR is responsible for promoting DRR and it has established a Global Platform for this purpose. In January 2005, the UNISDR organized a World Conference on Disaster Risk Reduction in Kobe city, in the Hyogo District of Japan. The conference outcome is known as the Hyogo Framework (Framework for Action 2005-2015: Building the Resilience of Nations and Communities to Disasters). The ISDR system comprises numerous organizations, states, intergovernmental and nongovernmental organizations, financial institutions, technical bodies and organizations of civil society, which work together and share information to reduce disaster risk. UNISDR serves as the focal point for the implementation of the Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA) - a 10 years plan of action to protect lives and livelihoods against disasters. In Europe several regional and sub-regional organizations (Council of Europe, European Commission and the South East European cooperation process) have disaster risk reduction activities at their core and cooperate actively with the European Forum for Disaster Risk Reduction. The European Forum for Disaster Risk Reduction (EFDRR) was established during the Meeting of European National Platforms and HFA Focal Points, 11-13 November 2009 in London, UK. Following the official launch of the EFDRR, a concept paper was developed in May 2010 and finalized in December 2010. It is intended to serve as a forum to stimulate and facilitate the exchange of information and knowledge among participating National HFA Focal Points, National Platforms and regional/sub-regional partners. The EFDRR includes: HFA Focal Points (Council of Europe - EUR-OPA Major Hazards Agreement; European Commission; Disaster Preparedness and Prevention Initiative for South-Eastern Europe - DPPI SEE; The Regional Cooperation Council; A European Network of National Platforms) and representatives of National Platforms in the European region, UNISDR-Europe, regional organizations and sub-regional organizations/institutions as agreed by the forum. There have been attempts to create a common platform of the Western Balkans, as well as SEE Sub-Regional Platform for Disaster Risk Reduction. The importance of EFDRR and activities of the Western Balkans on it indicates the fact that the last two summits held in Macedonia and Croatia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conflict prevention has an emphasized significance within contemporary international community. It has its beginnings in the multilateral diplomatic initiatives and other legal arrangements taken many centuries ago at interstate level in order to reduce the range of violence and the occurrence of war. For centuries the states and regions continue to live in the ancient cycle of creation, existence, but with a different final outcome: destruction, accession to an existing or a new union, and finally disintegration. The 1990s showed the vulnerability of the whole world to respond to the violence as a result of the changes in the world's international system structure and the dissolution of the Soviet Union and SFR Yugoslavia (SFRY). Thus, a new era of conflict prevention emerged: from interstate into intrastate conflict prevention. The Balkan region, often identified with the Balkan Peninsula, was an area of different types of conflicts, ones not only a consequence and continuation of the latent or visible clash of the Superpowers but also as eruptions of a different kind of nature. Most of the conflicts were rooted way back before the creation of SFRY after the Second World War. In the Balkans, conflict prevention as a process failed because of the speed of the events which lead to the creation and further development of the intrastate conflict prevention mechanisms. At the aftermath, several newly constituted states appeared, one of them still not fully recognized in the international community. The newly constituted states now have boundaries which divide and connect them simultaneously. Most of the conflicts in the region were and still are motivated by one reason - the desire for unification of territory in which the people of one ethnicity live. The current borders leave the same possibilities that endanger the integrity and existence of the states, and an opportunity for the gap or the crack to be exploited. This paper defines the geographical and temporal scope of conflicts in the region and focuses on the conflict prevention as a holistic systematic approach. It describes the conflicts in the Balkan region s ince 1990's and makes a classification of the conflicts by intensity and type. Also, by identifying the conflict prevention mechanisms, paper presents the current ongoing processes in the region, simultaneously depicting the current evident, latent, or possible conflicts. The main outcomes are deducted and a prediction of security in the region is presented: binding or separating state borders? The methodological aspects of the paper are based on analysis of content of documents and experiences and comparative analysis of qualitative and quantitative data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past two decades, the number of people who cross the national borders in search of a better life is increasing. Europe, as in the past and today, is a destination for many emigrants. Most of the refugees are motivated by \the need of better life and better opportunities, but there are millions who were forced to leave their homes in order to save their life. Increased current wave of refugees and asylum seekers from the Middle East and North Africa are more associated with conflict situations, bad living conditions in these countries, rather than with the lack of labour force in Europe. In EU countries, Germany has the largest number of refugees around a million of who more are from the former Yugoslavia, Turkey, Iran and Iraq. The number of migrant Muslims in the countries of Europe is large. They are an important factor influencing and shaping the internal and foreign policy of Europe, not only from demographical but also geographical aspect. From a historic point of view, Europe and Islam have never had mutual understanding. EU Attitudes connected to Islam are well balanced, controlled and estimated. This scientific paper will cover: demographic dynamics, or in which direction the population was moving in the past, about today and also for the future. Also it will specifically elaborate the European continent or what is the situation with Muslim immigration in the European continent with a special review and analysis of countries like: Germany, Great Britain, Spain, Holland, France and the Balkan region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Integration of the Western Balkans countries into the Euro-Atlantic organizations - EU and NATO is crucial for the stabilization and democratic development of the Region. According to the historic and political context, for the Balkans it is characteristic that there is no permanency of nationalism and violence, even though it is its primary content. The situation on the ground in the Balkans varies enormously from country to country. After the break up of the former Yugoslavia, EU and NATO played a key role in the reforms and transitions of the former systems, in developing democratic institutions, in establishing principles of good governance and democratic and civilian control, in the fight against deviances in many other areas. In that direction, they created numerous tools and mechanisms for cooperation to provide assistance primarily in the security sector, and to invest significant resources in the Euro-Atlantic integration of the Western Balkans countries. Additionally, to reinforce long term stability in the Western Balkans, NATO is trying to integrate the region into the Euro-Atlantic structures through regional cooperation initiatives. Both NATO and the EU are aware that nonintegration means significant negative political, economic and psychological impact on the affected countries, and currently there are and in the future it can be expected to have greater negative impact on European security. Despite this enhanced regional cooperation there is one dilemma "Is the regional approach of the Western Balkans countries towards EU and NATO a hot topic again?" The answer has to be in the direction that NATO and EU can and should do more to promote regional cooperation in those countries on their road toward Euro - Atlantic integration. All actors know that progress in regional cooperation can not be separated from the broader political and security development of the Region. Therefore, both NATO and the EU aspire for dual integration of all countries in order to decrease the fears and the security dilemmas in Europe. NATO and EU have more urgent work to do in the Western Balkans and much to rose if it is not done well. If you set high standards for others, it has to meet the same. Standardly, the EU and NATO, with the absence of those countries, will not become important actors in the international arena. Hence the idea of Euro-Atlantic integration seems the only thing that connects the Western Balkans and gives the opportunity to develop democracy and to assimilate democratic principles. Both EU and NATO, in the shortest period of time, need to integrate these countries in order to ensure their safety and to strengthen the security in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Joining the European Union (EU) has been the common goal of the Western Balkan countries1 for almost two decades. Since they have small economies and low level of economic development, it is necessary for them to act together through various forms of regional networking and cooperation. The historical legacy, of both far and recent past, often represents an enormous obstacle to the development of mutual cooperation within this group of countries. This paper explores the dynamics of the EU's policy of promoting regional cooperation in the Western Balkans. Special attention has been devoted on problems affecting the role of the EU as an "external actor" supporting regional cooperation. On the other hand, EU membership aspiration can bear significant transformations in the Balkan domestic scenes. It represents, for all the countries in the region, a good motive to correct the existing shortcomings; and creates new prospects for the future regional role of the EU and, what's more, it allows new considerations concerning the region's place in the European geopolitical sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The characteristics of major disasters have consequences on human health, living and working environment. Depending on the risk assessment, there is a need of taking measures for protection by meeting the required standards for facilities and open spaces. Fires in open space, especially forest fires, cause huge material damage to the flora and wildlife, biocenosis (environmental damage). There is a need for implementation of certain scientific methods and development of modern forms of security and protection. For this purpose, international, regional and cross-border cooperation in the field of fire protection is required. The Balkan countries can advance contemporary forms of protection through mutual cooperation at all levels (security services, protection and rescue, etc.) by using the technical and technological achievements, monitoring, the Internet and the rapid exchange of information etc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Euro-Atlantic perspective and regional cooperation can be listed as the key ingredients of stability in the Western Balkans countries. In fact, the regional cooperation has not only tied together all Western Balkans under a shared purpose, but it has also been the most essential tool of stabilization and association - a process that is effectively paving the way of EU integration for the six Western Balkan countries. Regional cooperation covers a wide range of sectors, among which security cooperation is one of the top priorities. Manifesting many challenges, security cooperation among the Western Balkan countries is a project heavily promoted by the EU, especially some EU member states that have a strong interest in the region. The enhanced cooperation in the security sector is indeed driven by the overall EU objectives in the framework of the EU criteria on good neighborly relations, but also on the resilience and preparedness of the region to respond to security challenges with serious implications for EU countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The news about Donald Trump winning the presidential elections in the USA and becoming the 45th American president came as a surprise to the whole international public, as well as to the countries of the Western Balkans, which observed the presidential transition with mixed hopes. Many practitioners and observers from the Western Balkans expressed their expectations that this outcome would cause changes in the US foreign policy positions towards this region. This article aims to examine the place of the Western Balkans (WB) in the first two years of Trump's mandate and trace the (potential) deviations of the American Western Balkans policy matrix. The research consists of an analysis of political and diplomatic official public discourses, as well as studies exploring the nature of the US political and security requests imposed to the Western Balkan states. The longterm element of the US WB policy is a hegemonic position in its relations with small WB countries - with rulemaking and imposing key principles in their political and security interactions. Authors argue that David Lake's security relations models offered in his works on anarchy and hierarchy in international relations are a proper theoretical framework for observation of such asymmetric relations. Considering the security relations between the great powers and small, weak countries, David Lake outlines several types of their relations through alliance, protectorate, informal and formal version of an empire. American influence on the security of Western Balkans countries has elements of the protectorate and informal empire relations, so it could be best described as a hybrid relationship, relying on Lake's terminology. The results indicated that since Trump's arrival as President, there has been a change in the established matrix of the US foreign policy towards the Western Balkans. Although the change is most visible in the field of public discourse, the flexibility with which Trump's administration treats some of the urgent security issues in the region is evident. Considering the direction of Trump's foreign policy and his forthcoming successor, whether through elections or by impeachment, certain actors from the Western Balkans have obtained a more independent position in their relations with the United States, temporarily deviating the patterns of behavior described in Lake's models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The production and smuggling of drugs in the Balkan region represents the most dominant and most profitable type of organized crime, in which the largest number of organized crime groups (OCGs) are involved. As regards drug smuggling, the Central Balkan countries, including the Republic of Macedonia, are transit countries. Certain quantities remain in their territories for the purpose of consumption or storage, and marijuana and synthetic drugs are illegally produced for the needs of the local market. The drug market is dynamic, as a result of the fact that most of the routes used by the OCGs are also used for the smuggling of other types of products. One of the main factors favoring the presence and development of serious and organized crime in the Balkan region is the region's geographic position on the crossroads between Europe and the Middle and Far East. The assessment of the drug trafficking threat is an enlarged and compiled overview of the drug trafficking situation, trends and routes, including data on the markets and demands, with the focus on the Balkan region. OCGs dealing with drug trafficking have become more flexible, adaptable, open to international cooperation, with business-like approach, often multi-crime oriented, and, what is extremely important, better prepared to adapt their criminal activities to the obstacles posed by police actions. The organized criminal groups are often involved in other forms of crimes, and many of them are involved in trafficking of more than one type. Drugs trafficked and smuggled by OCGs are cocaine, heroin, marijuana and synthetic drugs. The criminal activities of an OCG depend to a large extent on its structure, and the capability to adapt that structure to the specifics of the criminal markets and to the need for cooperation with other OCGs. For this purpose, mainly through an analysis of the reports of drug seizures and available data from official sources and statistics of this type of crime for the research period (2014-2016), a conclusion will be drawn on the drugs situation in the Balkan region with a wideranging overview, and early warnings about the new trends and threats in the region will be reiterated in order to facilitate the prevention and suppression of these criminal phenomena. The assessment provides clear data and information on the main characteristics of this type of crime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European Union (EU) enlargement is under threat. There is little enthusiasm among European member states for further enlarging of the Union. The slowing down of the EU integration process in the Western Balkans has been accompanied by a slowdown in investment in the region by EU member states. European states are facing different problems of their own making. Citizens across the continent feel less connected with the European supranational institutions and globalization processes. Economic progress has been stagnating and populist leaders have exploited anti-elitist feelings. In the Balkans, leaders imitate and improve populist strategies. New regional powers, such as Turkey, Russia, and China threaten to use the impasse in the EU enlargement process. It is necessary to improve democratic consolidation in the Western Balkans and the EU to aid the process. Consolidation of democracy in the region depends on elite consensus and cooperation, as well as remodeling key public institutions to be powerful and independent from party influences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nearly a decade and a half after the end of the conflict in the region, the Western Balkans failed to transform in the zone of complete stability. On the contrary, numerous unresolved bilateral issues in the Western Balkans have been further deepened, by continuing poor economic trends and parameters, evident gradual neglect of the region by the European Union and the potential strengthening of the new wave of ethnic nationalism in certain Western Balkan countries (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, North Kosovo, etc.). This instability could also be additionally strengthened by insufficient orientation of the Western Balkan countries in connection with the fight against corruption, organized crime, religious fanaticism and radical manifestation of ethnic nationalism. This raises the question whether the Western Balkan countries are ready to deal with these issues individually, or regional response is required. Existing forms of regional cooperation, primarily the Regional Cooperation Council, should have more active and meaningful role. However, the author concludes that the fight against the latent security challenges in the Western Balkans, primarily radical ethnonationalism and economic crisis, must take place in the countries individually, rather than regionally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drug trafficking and consumption of narcotics (both natural and synthetic) in Balkan countries are reaching high level, a level that cannot be resolved by any individual effort of a single state. Drug problem needs genuine policy on fighting drugs. This new anti drug policy should be integrated as much as possible with EU general policy and practice in antidrug struggle. The objectives of this investigation are to make a comprehensive inventory of existing national resources, institutional mandates and actual practices across the sector of anti drug struggle in the Balkan countries and to compare its abilities with EU practice. This inventory affords newly added value to the general security of Balkan countries by identifying and proposing general and unified police practices in dealing with synthetic drugs. This investigation suggests and proposes directions and opinions for appropriate changes in security components and actual practice for their improvement in its efficacy. Divisions between mighty local authorities, established ethnic lines in almost every public affair, corruption of public officials, pure coordination and lack of attention of political leadership in the narcotics problem, is extensively used by domestic and foreign organized crime groups to even more enlarge their own capacity for corruption. The situation characterized by so-called transition economy is characterized by limited potentials of the legal system of Balkan countries. Besides this, as a consequence of the formation of new states, legal systems of newly formed countries are mainly engaged in build-up of its own formal structures. The opening of all Balkan countries toward European Union was followed by significant inflow of foreign money in West Balkan countries economy. There is no doubt that this opening was followed by parallel influx of money which originates in organized crime activities and was intended as a support to local crime groups. Relatively low level of police forces specific training in anti drug actions, lack of practical experience in fighting well organized crime groups, lack in legal ability and shortage in technical capability for tracking of precursors, lack of information and experience on illegal methods of drug synthesis among police experts in charge, inadequate and incomplete use of already existing legal and institutional possibilities to fight problem of narcotics, are also among the reasons which support the necessity of making an extensive and unified inventory of existing national resources, institutional mandates and practices in antinarcotics struggle. In this investigation, the proposals for unification of police practice between Balkan countries and its parallelism with EU and USA police practice are illustrated by its comparing and making the general remarks on further fusion of police operative protocols among Balkan states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The regional security complex theory (RSCT) sets regional subsystems as objects of security analysis and analytical frameworks for engaging with these systems. Such framework is created to emphasize the relative autonomy of regional security grounds and put these relations in a structure consisting of the unit (state) and the systematic level. RSCT announces something about the appropriate level of analysis in security studies and highlights the regional level. RSCT shows interest in the Balkans, taking into account all its characteristics. The central issue it seeks to examine is how this region, at one point, found itself on the verge of being separated by RSC (regional security complex) and arrived at its current position vis-à-vis the European complex. Furthermore, the instance of the Western Balkans is very suitable for examining the nature of sub complexes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU crisis management missions in the Western Balkans have been assessed as the most complex due to the EU commitment of Europeanization of the region - a process that is seen only as a gradual phase to a full EU membership of the Western Balkans. It involves a long process of crisis management that has a sequence of a military component, police component, reforms of the political context and institutional and economic development. The question is whether the current EU capabilities are sufficient for performance of tasks such as those required in the Western Balkans - e.g. limited operations for peacekeeping in Bosnia and Herzegovina, police support and training missions in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia or partially provided police presence in the largest civilian ESDP operation in Kosovo. The analysis of the legal documents of the European Union and numerous reports from the Mission as well as the results of a number of primary researches on crisis management of the EU in the Western Balkans, show that police missions in Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina have fulfilled important functions in the creation of the ESDP and have built a basis for application of its experiences in the future. The Proxima mission in Macedonia has offered valuable lessons for mission planning as well as issues pertaining to the chain of command and the overall political oversight. But opposite to excessive ambition of its mandate, the mission has also suffered from lack of realism about what is actually possible on the ground. The Mission in Bosnia has also fulfilled the role of mapping the EU as a regional security actor and the role in improving the security environment and the ongoing maintenance of order. The result of this research suggests that all the efforts of building effective capabilities for crisis management made by commitments of EU members, are not yet fully tested. Police missions, both in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Macedonia amounted to 10 % of the total number of police officers who were committed by the EU members. It brings to the conclusion that police missions have to be seen as part of a comprehensive EU policy for the region. The EU policy of conditionality is much more effective in accession countries for which the promise of closer association and possible EU accession are credible and where political elites and the public are willing to compromise in order to facilitate access. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the end of 20th and the beginning of 21st century, certain Western countries were directly encouraging the Albanian national prepotency on the Balkans, and instigating them in order to execute the great Albanian political program by using tactics of the "Alban-terror", whose ideology includes extreme "Albanism" and "ultra-right terrorism". On the entire Balkan Peninsula, especially in the area of the southern Serbian territory of Kosovo and Metohija, everything has been dedicated to accomplishing Shqiptars 'separatists' terrorist goals, which are openly assisted by some international institutions and nongovernmental organizations. The all-Albanian separatism and terrorism directly endangers the national security of Balkan countries (Serbia, FYR Macedonia, and Greece / LAC), and the most obvious example is the illegal declaration of Kosovo's independence by the temporary Parliament of Kosovo, and its international recognition by some western powers and other countries, which are pressured by the West. This is a precedent in the entire history of the international political relations supported by legalizing terrorist organizations "KLA / OVK", "ONA / UÇK" and "ANA" by the USA, UK, and other Western countries. Thus, the Balkans still remains in a state of potential turmoil, in which the highest levels of violence are tactically forced upon Serbia and its citizens. An inflicted declaration of Kosovo's independence is also illegal in the aspect of international rights, because the elements of Albanian statehood were never present in this area. Serbia and its citizens have the constitutional and international right to Kosovo and Metohija, which should always prevail over the ethnic right. Even the United Nation's parchment forbids the violent takeover of parts of sovereign countries. The strength of a national community is not determined by the number of its members living in one part of the state, but by the number of its members throughout the whole state. Thus, according to this criterion, Albanians are a national minority in Serbia. Nowhere in the world has a national minority ever had the right to its own state. A certain national community cannot have the power to determine whether it is a nation or a minority all on its own. At the same time, in a geopolitical and geostrategic sense, Kosovo and Metohija enlace over two thirds of the strategic depth of Serbia around its southern borders. If that territory was outside of the borders of the Serbian state, its strategic depth would be reduced to around fifty kilometers. Reducing the strategic depth of a state to such negligible dimensions would lead to the unfavorable position of her entire geostrategic and militarystrategic position, as well as jeopardize all of her strategic national interests and national security. In order to change these illegal conditions, it is necessary to rehabilitate the fundamental values of the international rights and the UN's parchment, but to also radically change the geopolitical, economic, and military imbalances that benefit the Western powers in the Balkans, which would significantly improve the regional safety's architecture. This can be achieved, not only by national actions of the oppressed Balkan states against the Albanian extremism, but by the repeated fortification of the international rights and the United Nations, especially by Russia's global consolidation in a (geo) political, economic, and military sense. The Russian return to the Balkans is a prerequisite for establishing the balance of power with the western powers, which would also restore faith in establishing and maintaining a long-term state of peace in the Balkans, and the safer environment for Serbia and her national interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the 90s of the last century, crises management has become a serious challenge in the functioning of the European Union. After a short preparatory period the European Union commenced of a whole series on the crisis management missions, of which the most were undertaken in the Balkans. The results of the survey indicate the manner of conduct of these operations, the instruction it may be extracted at, and what is the most important whether the institutions of the EU has learned these lessons for themselves. These missions are graded as the most complex precisely because of the obligation of the Union for the Europeanization of the region, which has been seen only as a gradual stage to full membership in the European Union to the countries of the Western Balkans. It means one long process of crisis management in which there is a sequencing of military component, police component, the reform of the political context, institutional and economic development. Hence, one of the main problems which crises management of the EU faces with is the determination of the mandate for missions. That leaves uncertain evaluation on the effectiveness of the missions and the criteria for their success. Of course, EU institutions were understandably interested in the significant development of the system for crisis management in the EU, with the concrete implementation of the projected to be assessed as successful. It remains the great issue of degree to which are learned and applied lessons extracted from the experience of the EU in the Western Balkans in the shaping of the system of crisis management in the EU which still continue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With Law about protection of people and goods in Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Law about protection of people and goods and private detectives of Republic of Srpska in force a new history of a new security agency sector started. Law about social self-protection of Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1986 partially deals with this private security sector. As a part of a whole security mechanism in a community private policing appears. Its activity primarily is focused at the protection of people and goods done by physical, technical or combined (integrated) protection. Due to the fact that Bosnia and Herzegovina lacks the tradition in this area, it was necessesary to provide full legal framework for this complex area of security service. With new laws at force finally, we have complete split of the competencies of private security services with other state organs, which up to this time had the competences in this security area. Newly formed agencies rise as a grants of supplementary overview of the criminality in precise area in which they have the competencies that are provided by that Law. With this article author will analyze actual lay out in the area of private policing sector in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with special emphasis at the obstacles and recommendations for dealing with some challenges of actual legal framework in the field that has been in force for full decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the end of 20th and the beginning of 21st century, certain Western countries are directly encouraging the Albanian national prepotency on the Balkans, and instigating them in order to execute the great Albanian political program by us ing tactics of the "Alban-terror", whose ideology inc ludes extreme "Albanism" and "ultra-right terrorism". On the entire Balkan Peninsula, especially in the area of the southern Serbian territory of Kosovo and Metohija, everything has been dedicated to accomplishing Shqiptars 'separatists' terrorist goals, which are openly assisted by some internationa l institutions and non-governmental organizations. This is a precedent in the entire history of the international political relations supported by lega lizing terrorist organizations "KLA/OVK", "ONA/UÇK" and "ANA" by the USA, UK, and other Western countries. Thus, the Balkans still remain in a state of potential turmoil, in which the highest levels of violence are being tactically forced upon Serbia and its citizens. An inflicted declaration of Kosovo's independence is a lso illega l in the aspect of internationa l rights, because the elements of Albanian statehood were never present in this area. Serbia and its citizens have the constitutional and international right to Kosovo and Metohija, which should always prevail over the ethnic right. Even the United Nation's parchment forbids the violent takeover of parts of sovereign countries. The strength of a national community is not determined by the number of its members living in one part of the state, but by the number of its members throughout the whole state. Thus, according to this criterion, Albanians are a national minority in Serbia. Nowhere in the world has a national minority ever had the right to its own state. A certain national community cannot have the power to determine whether it is a nation or a minority all on its own. At the same time, in a geopolitical and geostrategic sense, Kosovo and Metohija enlace over two thirds of the strategic depth of Serbia around its southern borders. If that territory was outside of the borders of the Serbian state, its strategic depth would be reduced to around fifty kilometers. Reducing the strategic depth of a state to such negligible dimensions would lead to the unfavorable position of her entire geostrategic and military-strategic position, as well as jeopardize all of her strategic national interests and national security. In order to change these illegal conditions, it is necessary to rehabilitate the fundamental values of the international rights and the UN's parchment, but to also radically change the geopolitical, economic, and military imbalances that benefit the Western powers in the Balkans, which would significantly improve the regiona l safety's architecture. This can be achieved, not only by nationa l actions of the oppressed Balkan states against the Albanian extremism, but by the repeated fortification of the international rights and the United Nations, especially by Russia's globa l consolidation in a (geo) political, economic, and military sense. The Russian return to the Balkans is a prerequisite for establishing the balance of power with the western powers, which would also restore faith in establishing and maintaining a long-term state of peace in the Balkans, and the safer environment for Serbia and her national interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many contemporaries consider that unconditional integration in the Euro-Atlantic family of the Balkan countries is the only possibility to overcome the retrograde policies of autocratic rule. However, beside the current functional needs and external financial and moral support of the regional cooperation in the Western Balkans, the actual progress leaves space for further improvement. The reason for that probably is the lack of regional identity, a necessary component in order to transfer the necessary loyalty to the region of any social group or community. Another reason is the constant negative connotation associated with the term Balkans. The popular and political discourse and perception of the Balkans as opposite of Europe contributes to the unwillingness of political elites and the population to identify with the Balkans, which makes the regional cooperation less probable and effective. Moreover, the approach of the western institutions and organizations to the process of enlargement based on individual progress contributes for the regional cooperation to be viewed only in instrumental terms and as a temporary state before the end goal of acquiring full membership in the European Union (EU) and NATO. On the one hand, EU and NATO have invested considerable resources in the region and continually confirm the enlargement efforts. On the other hand, non-integration means significant negative political, economic and psychological perceptions and implications that reflect as consequences on the regional cooperation of the respective countries, and beyond on the relevance of the Euro-Atlantic integration processes. Hence the ambiguity comes from an actual issue: "If status quo for some means limbo and unsustainability", why is it that for others the same would mean extended association. Regional cooperation is understood merely as a station to the full membership and political elites in the region join regional initiatives provided that they support the final integrative goal. Nation states sometimes perceive the region as a competition arena, and at other times for convergence of national interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]