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Global goals play a catalyzing role in orienting efforts to address climate change. Yet, the negotiation of the main goal in climate governance is understudied. This article aims to fill this gap by examining the negotiation, adoption, and refinement of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change’s (unfccc) Long-Term Global Goal (ltgg), from the late 1970s to date. I gather insights from semi-structured interviews with climate governance experts, the scientific literature, and official documentation to highlight the developments that shaped the ltgg over time. The study shows that agential, ideational, normative, structural, and contextual factors co-interacted in negotiating, adopting, and refining the ltgg. Drawing lessons from the ltgg experience, the manuscript contributes to knowledge on the politics of global goals, international negotiations, climate governance, and, more broadly, international relations, diplomacy, and global environmental politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on empirical fieldwork, this article analyzes the negotiation of a Framework of Engagement with Non-State Actors (FENSA) at the World Health Organization (WHO) between 2011 and 2016. The study examines the long and difficult negotiation process, which shifts from a mere adaptation of guidelines by the WHO Secretariat to an intergovernmental negotiation led by a core group of Member States. This negotiation process cannot simply be explained by traditional dialogues among delegations and hierarchical relationships within international organizations. Other factors played important roles in the process as well – the high political stakes of the issue, non-traditional coalition games, heterogeneity among the actors, and the WHO Secretariat's role as a negotiating party – all advocating for the development of a triangular, multi-voice negotiation model within international organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political regulation of the economy takes place on domestic, regional and international levels. Often, states are members of regional and international organizations (ROs and IOs) with competencies in the economic realm. This study explores the effects of such overlaps in membership and policy focus, and examines negotiations in economic Ios. It studies the phenomenon of states being drivers of regionalization of international negotiations. This analysis reveals that states make a conscious choice to influence regionalization of international economic policies. States with strong export sectors and strong economies are more inclined to act on behalf of their RO in international economic negotiations. Apart from incentives, capacities also matter. States need to have domestic and diplomatic capacities to become active in Ios in the first place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the literature of technical analysis in financial markets, this article introduces an original framework and methodology for explaining and forecasting the outcome of international negotiations based on two concepts: the relative strength negotiation index (RSNI) and the negotiation contextual conduciveness index (NCCI). By comparing the parties' levels of interest in the negotiations, RSNI serves as a powerful indicator of the direction and intensity of the momentum accompanying international negotiations, NCCI, on the other hand, helps to explain why certain potential breakthroughs may fail to materialize. These insights are being asessed empirically in the case of climate change negotiations, first, by testing retrospectively the viability of the model to explain the outcomes of past climate meetings and, second, by forecasting the likelihood that a breakthrough will be achieved in the next rounds of climate talks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liberalization of trade and investment in services through trade agreements has progressed less than trade in goods. We review the limited progress achieved to date in the WTO and major regional agreements on services and possible explanations why trade agreements have not been more effective at integrating the services markets of participating countries. We argue that the prospects for both services liberalization and welfare-enhancing regulatory reform in the context of trade agreements can be enhanced through mechanisms that enhance transparency, dialogue and cooperation between regulators, trade officials and stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the driving factors that account for patterns of linkages to broader economic, labor, environmental, and security issues in U.S. Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). Rather than only emphasizing trade benefits or security considerations as in much recent work on FTAs, this analysis provides a richer empirical picture by focusing on the full universe of U.S. FTAs. It conceptually differentiates among different issues that might be linked to FTAs and categorizes different patterns of U.S. FTAs based on the key issues that drove negotiations. The article then examines these negotiations from a theoretical stand-point, focusing on three elements. First, it examines the degree to which linkages in the U.S. domestic policymaking process are top-down or bottom-up. Second, it considers linkages types in terms of the underlying basis for issue connections - either power or knowledge. Third, it more briefly examines the bargaining process. The conceptual and theoretical analysis is buttressed through an examination of various illustrative cases of U.S. FTA negotiations to demonstrate the utility of this approach to illuminate the variety of'linkage packages' that have driven U.S. FTAs. We conclude with the broader implications of linkages politics in FTAs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article suggests that existing negotiation theory, which is dominated by the two paradigms of 'bargaining' and 'problem-solving', does not capture some important characteristics of international negotiations. It is argued that 'genuine debate' encapsulated by Habermas's concept of 'communicative action', which has largely been ignored in the negotiation literature, furthers and complements our understanding regarding negotiators' rationale for action and the dynamics of international negotiations. The paper specifies five conditions conducive to genuine debate: (1) a strongly shared lifeworld among negotiators; (2) uncertainty and lack of knowledge; (3) technical or cognitively complex issues; (4) the presence of persuasive individuals; and (5) low levels of politicization. My hypotheses are probed through a case study of EU negotiations concerning the WTO basic telecommunications agreement. My findings imply that genuine debate may occur most likely in pre-negotiations and at the diplomatic level of negotiations. I also conclude that agreements arrived at through genuine debate tend to be more enduring than those reached by bargaining and problem-solving, and that communicative negotiators are vulnerable to those merely pretending to participate in genuine debate. My analysis also tentatively indicates what kind of arguments may be persuasive in genuine debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study addresses two interrelated questions. First, how can we expand the utility of the two-level model by developing the international level of the game, and second, how can this new conceptualization of the two-level game improve our understanding of how chief negotiators create a negotiation strategy? To address these questions, it will be explained how a state formulates its international strategy by taking into account that states participate in international institutions and are bound by their own domestic politics. Specifically, the relationship between chief executive, that executive's perception of bargaining strength relative to the legislature and alliance membership will be framed in a two-level game. By utilizing a two-level model, it will be possible to construct a series of hypotheses that explain, which strategy the chief executive will use at the outset of a negotiation. The hypotheses will be tested by examining the strategies chosen by four heads of state (Francois Mitterrand, George Bush, Margaret Thatcher and Helmut Kohl) towards the Iraqi government in the days after Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. Overall, this study is meant to be a ``first-cut'' at explaining the choice of strategy during negotiations and addressing the deficiencies of the two-level model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Ottawa Process, which brought about the Convention banning anti-personnel landmines, is examined. The article looks specifically at the role of NGOs in the negotiations. A brief description of the origins of the Ottawa Process is provided. Six issues regarding the nature and status of NGOs involved and the roles they played in the negotiations are then considered. Finally, conclusions are drawn regarding the circumstances under which NGOs might participate in international negotiations. The implications such occasions might have for questions such as democratizing foreign policy are also examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]