Search

There is little research on the relationship between welfare policies and immigrant entrepreneurship. Accordingly, this paper examines changes in three welfare domains: child‐care, health/medical insurance, and unemployment insurance in the context of France since roughly the 1980s, but with a focus on the 21st century. Given changes in French welfare policy, I show that immigrants' greater access to fluctuating, sometimes declining, but overall increasing spending in the three domains, can be positively correlated with slowly increasing immigrant entrepreneurship since the early 2000s. However, I also argue that welfare policies do not seem to have a significant effect on the levels and survival of immigrant‐owned firms in France. The findings of this paper should nonetheless be taken with extreme caution in light of the obstacles to analyzing this relationship. As a consequence, I provide an assessment of three possible research designs as a route towards better understanding this relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European continent has been facing a significant challenge causing social, economic and political inequality among not only the countries, regions and cities but also the community members. What would be problematic within this broad context is to formulate a European immigration policy irrespective of framing a European immigration policy. Some primary issues, such as economic and employment integration, public goods sharing, ethnic and cultural diversity, social and political participation should be discussed in terms of the EU policy goals. Having applied the nationalism theory, this research scrutinizes nationalism and immigration influx in France. The study analysed that the French policy‐making process and the political rhetoric that influenced the immigration flow in France; those policies did not integrate the immigrants or stabilize France's situation. This analysis illustrates that France is becoming one of the toughest countries in Western Europe concerning its immigration laws and measures, which trigger the nationalistic sentiments. Nationalism, nevertheless, and its naturally opposing organization can also mutually boost anxieties and disputes in Europe, especially in France. The paper concludes that there is a paradigm shift in understanding immigration as a concept; throughout the twentieth century, it was considered a positive factor that proves France's attractiveness, which altered the perception of nation and the citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various types of anti‐immigrant sentiments have been taken as the characteristic independent variable to explain specific support for radical right parties. However, some survey respondents tend to conceal their attitudes towards socially sensitive issues. To overcome this challenge, the present study used a list experiment method (item count technique) to reveal respondents' covert attitudes towards immigrants (and compared these with overt expressions) based on party support in France. Results indicated similar levels of anti‐immigrant sentiments among radical right National Front supporters and other centre‐rightist parties. In addition, comparison with the direct question method revealed that while supporters of centre‐right parties were reluctant to express their anti‐immigrant sentiment in overt expressions, National Front supporters willingly expressed it overtly more than in covert expressions. Using regression analysis, this paper demonstrates the diversity of anti‐immigrant norms and the social desirability bias gap in the French political space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Migration is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article focuses on the secularism debate currently taking place in France by examining how this issue impacts the integration of immigrants, particularly Muslim immigrants. Secularism is one of the key values of French Republicanism, but one which has been challenged by the establishment of a settled population of Muslim immigrants in France. The issue has been particularly highlighted by the affaire des foulards (headscarf affair), an ongoing debate over the rights of Muslim girls to wear a headscarf to secular French schools. Discussions of the principle of secularism and of its application have been even more intense in recent months with the publication in December 2003 of a report by the Stasi Commission, a commission set up by President Chirac to investigate the application of the principle of secularism, and by the passage of legislation intended to outlaw the wearing of any “overt” religious insignia in French schools. This article examines these recent developments in the context of the long-running debate over Muslim women's right to wear a headscarf in French schools. It argues that the current focus on secularism provides evidence of the return of assimilation as a primary objective of public policy (Brubaker, 2001) and the decreasing strength of the movement in favour of the droit à la différence (right to difference). Finally, the paper argues that this has provided important obstacles to the integration of certain groups of immigrants, particularly Muslim immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Like the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, France is one of the major centres of Chinese migration in Europe. Chinese sojourners arrived in France at the beginning of the twentieth century and the 1911 census showed the presence of 238 Chinese in the country. From 1900 to World War I, this little community remained heterogeneous in its socio-economic and professional composition (Archaimbault, 1952). Changes in this community occurred during World War I when the lack of labourers led the French Government to recruit 140,000 Chinese workers (Wou, 1939). The 2,000 to 4,000 Chinese who remained in France after the war constituted the basis of a Chinese community in France. In the 1920s, they were joined by some 2,000 student labourers (Wang, 2001; Bailey, 1988). From the 1920s to the 1940s, Zhejiang immigration in France rose until World War II and the rise of the communist party in China stopped the movement. Yet, Chinese immigration did not cease. Migrants of Chinese origin arrived essentially from the old French Indochina (Viet Nam-Laos-Cambodia) (Le, 1995). Immigration from these countries increased in the 1970s when different conflicts occurred. From the late 1970s to the early 1980s, France also saw the arrival, albeit in smaller numbers, of Chinese from Hong Kong and Taiwan, family members of citizens of the People's Republic of China (PRC). The new wave of Chinese migration from PRC started in the mid-1980s and grew steadily until now, with some peaks, e.g. in the mid-1990s. Recent fieldwork in France approached this community, in particular, those living in France with a precarious administrative status (asylum seekers or clandestine migrants). In general, the situation of the population covered by this fieldwork was still precarious. Although the paper does not include other categories such as students, entrepreneurs, or researchers, it is nevertheless possible to gather some details on the basis of French official data and reports. The following sections deal with the growing Chinese presence in France, and their precarious status. Most recent research tends to show a diversified Chinese migrant population profile; it also shows that they are still primarily active in the French ethnic Chinese market. In the initial stages of migration, the Chinese migrants continue to maintain links with China and sometimes with Chinese communities in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite its widespread use as an equivalent for migrant populations, the term diaspora remains semantically and theoretically ambiguous. This study hypothesizes that the term diaspora fails to represent Iranian migration and its divergent heterogeneities. Discussing theoretical approaches to the diaspora, the characteristics of Iranian migration, and the findings of interviews with forty young Iranian migrants living in France, the present study attempts to offer a more suitable alternative to the term diaspora. It will be revealed that the heterogeneity of Iranian migration in causes, the conception of migration experience, as well as disinclination to create a unified community in host countries, lead Iranians living outside their country to form scattered clusters. The term proposed to be used in lieu of diaspora is archipelago ethnicity, which shows both the heterogeneity and divergence in Iranian migration in general and represents the only connection between the scattered and isolated islands, that is Iranian‐ness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This article reconstructs the socio‐historical processes that have led to the formal inclusion and marginalization of “irregular migrants” in the French public health insurance system and the parallel legal production of exclusion of a share of this group. It interrogates the binary inclusion/exclusion in the field of healthcare linking it to the logic of sovereignty and governmentality in a stratified society. It shows how these processes have led to unequal health practices and increased obstacles to accessing health insurance and healthcare providers, and, consequently, has resulted in the exclusion of a share of this group from the regular healthcare system. These two levels of discrimination are illustrated using empirical research on departments in French public hospitals that have been designed to enable access to care for individuals without insurance (Permanence d'accès aux soins de santé, or PASS: health care access units). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on the formation of a transnational identity among immigrants from France who are employed in French-speaking companies in Israel (mostly call-centres). The preliminary qualitative analysis shows that this unique employment pattern contributes to the formation of their transnational identity, which is a combination of their francophone, Jewish and Israeli identity. The findings obtained from a larger-scale online survey indicated that French immigrants employed in French-speaking companies are more ethnically, socially and culturally segregated, and less fluent in Hebrew than French immigrants who are not employed in such companies. However, no significant differences were found between these two groups in their Israeli identity and sense of belonging to Israeli society. In general, the French immigrants feel at home in Israel, are satisfied with their life in Israel and plan to remain there. The implications of these findings for policymakers are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using an index measuring the relative probability of names in different populations, our results indicate that immigrants and especially those from the Maghreb/Middle-East give first names to their children that are different from those given by the French majority population. Though we find a correlation between religiosity and our name index for European immigrants, the differences in naming practices cannot generally be attributed to religiosity as we find no correlation between our name index and the religious practices of immigrants from the Maghreb/ Middle-East. These differences in the naming patterns are, as one would expect, related to general cultural references, language, citizenship and educational attainment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the effects of the politics of seasonal foreign worker admissions on migrant legality in the context of the post-1945 and the post-1990 seasonal foreign worker policy in Switzerland, France and Spain respectively. It seeks historical evidence attesting to the ability of seasonal admissions to restrict workers to their non-resident status. It presents implications for circular migration, the dernier cri in European migration policy aimed to strike a compromise between a perceived post-crisis demand for the admission of foreign workers and the reluctance to make them prospective citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I use cross-national comparative and ethnographic methods to explore how religion influences the incorporation of Haitian immigrants into the US, Quebec and France. First, I explore the ideological, legal and institutional forces that shape religion-state differentiation in the US, Quebec and France. Using census and immigration data from each site as well as interviews with Haitian leaders and government officials in Miami, Montreal and Paris, I show that the general pattern of consensual differentiation between religion and state in the US favours the more successful symbolic and socio-economic incorporation of Haitians in Miami, whereas secular nationalism in Quebec and assertive secularism in France weaken the incorporation of Haitian immigrants in Montreal and Paris, respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Migration is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the seven industrialized countries selected for comparison concerning immigration and national health policies which includes France, Great Britain and U.S. It states that the immigration policies with special attention have been concisely reviewed being paid to the composition and size of the ethnic community, access to social and political rights from the immigrants of the society status and illegal immigrants' presence. It mentions that European countries do not consider itself that needs new citizens for developmental and demographic objectives unlike U.S. and Canada. It adds that the seven countries have an abundance of resources apportioned to their health systems such as financing, structures and organizations vary to entrepreneurial from comprehensive.