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There is little research on the relationship between welfare policies and immigrant entrepreneurship. Accordingly, this paper examines changes in three welfare domains: child‐care, health/medical insurance, and unemployment insurance in the context of France since roughly the 1980s, but with a focus on the 21st century. Given changes in French welfare policy, I show that immigrants' greater access to fluctuating, sometimes declining, but overall increasing spending in the three domains, can be positively correlated with slowly increasing immigrant entrepreneurship since the early 2000s. However, I also argue that welfare policies do not seem to have a significant effect on the levels and survival of immigrant‐owned firms in France. The findings of this paper should nonetheless be taken with extreme caution in light of the obstacles to analyzing this relationship. As a consequence, I provide an assessment of three possible research designs as a route towards better understanding this relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various types of anti‐immigrant sentiments have been taken as the characteristic independent variable to explain specific support for radical right parties. However, some survey respondents tend to conceal their attitudes towards socially sensitive issues. To overcome this challenge, the present study used a list experiment method (item count technique) to reveal respondents' covert attitudes towards immigrants (and compared these with overt expressions) based on party support in France. Results indicated similar levels of anti‐immigrant sentiments among radical right National Front supporters and other centre‐rightist parties. In addition, comparison with the direct question method revealed that while supporters of centre‐right parties were reluctant to express their anti‐immigrant sentiment in overt expressions, National Front supporters willingly expressed it overtly more than in covert expressions. Using regression analysis, this paper demonstrates the diversity of anti‐immigrant norms and the social desirability bias gap in the French political space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European continent has been facing a significant challenge causing social, economic and political inequality among not only the countries, regions and cities but also the community members. What would be problematic within this broad context is to formulate a European immigration policy irrespective of framing a European immigration policy. Some primary issues, such as economic and employment integration, public goods sharing, ethnic and cultural diversity, social and political participation should be discussed in terms of the EU policy goals. Having applied the nationalism theory, this research scrutinizes nationalism and immigration influx in France. The study analysed that the French policy‐making process and the political rhetoric that influenced the immigration flow in France; those policies did not integrate the immigrants or stabilize France's situation. This analysis illustrates that France is becoming one of the toughest countries in Western Europe concerning its immigration laws and measures, which trigger the nationalistic sentiments. Nationalism, nevertheless, and its naturally opposing organization can also mutually boost anxieties and disputes in Europe, especially in France. The paper concludes that there is a paradigm shift in understanding immigration as a concept; throughout the twentieth century, it was considered a positive factor that proves France's attractiveness, which altered the perception of nation and the citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the riots in France in late 2005 in terms of how they lead to a reconceptualization of the spaces of danger, culture, territory, and sovereignty. It traces a brief history of danger zones and immigration, noting how these two terms have increasingly overlapped. We analyse key discursive formations - legal, political, social scientific, and media - whose explanation for the emergence of the “immigrant” delinquent is linked to what is identified as a culture of poverty. They provide a sustained examination of recent legal reforms of juvenile law as well as judicial practices within the juvenile justice system to show the systematic exclusionary practices of what is claimed to be a colour blind republican system. They reveal a consensus across the political spectrum and among police, prosecutors, investigating magistrates, and new security experts on the need to privilege accountability, restitution, and retribution in the treatment of juvenile offenders. We present evidence from interviews and ethnographic observation among youths of all backgrounds. Ironically, while the children of immigrants seek to claim a voice in the national community, their peers from more privileged social milieu express increasing distance from national concerns, seeking to lead lives as Europeans or global citizens. We end by arguing that this needs to be taken into account in any analysis of frustrated and disenfranchised suburban youths. A transnational or supra-national sociology that accounts for the itineraries of immigrants of all kinds must be developed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the secularism debate currently taking place in France by examining how this issue impacts the integration of immigrants, particularly Muslim immigrants. Secularism is one of the key values of French Republicanism, but one which has been challenged by the establishment of a settled population of Muslim immigrants in France. The issue has been particularly highlighted by the affaire des foulards (headscarf affair), an ongoing debate over the rights of Muslim girls to wear a headscarf to secular French schools. Discussions of the principle of secularism and of its application have been even more intense in recent months with the publication in December 2003 of a report by the Stasi Commission, a commission set up by President Chirac to investigate the application of the principle of secularism, and by the passage of legislation intended to outlaw the wearing of any “overt” religious insignia in French schools. This article examines these recent developments in the context of the long-running debate over Muslim women's right to wear a headscarf in French schools. It argues that the current focus on secularism provides evidence of the return of assimilation as a primary objective of public policy (Brubaker, 2001) and the decreasing strength of the movement in favour of the droit à la différence (right to difference). Finally, the paper argues that this has provided important obstacles to the integration of certain groups of immigrants, particularly Muslim immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Like the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, France is one of the major centres of Chinese migration in Europe. Chinese sojourners arrived in France at the beginning of the twentieth century and the 1911 census showed the presence of 238 Chinese in the country. From 1900 to World War I, this little community remained heterogeneous in its socio-economic and professional composition (Archaimbault, 1952). Changes in this community occurred during World War I when the lack of labourers led the French Government to recruit 140,000 Chinese workers (Wou, 1939). The 2,000 to 4,000 Chinese who remained in France after the war constituted the basis of a Chinese community in France. In the 1920s, they were joined by some 2,000 student labourers (Wang, 2001; Bailey, 1988). From the 1920s to the 1940s, Zhejiang immigration in France rose until World War II and the rise of the communist party in China stopped the movement. Yet, Chinese immigration did not cease. Migrants of Chinese origin arrived essentially from the old French Indochina (Viet Nam-Laos-Cambodia) (Le, 1995). Immigration from these countries increased in the 1970s when different conflicts occurred. From the late 1970s to the early 1980s, France also saw the arrival, albeit in smaller numbers, of Chinese from Hong Kong and Taiwan, family members of citizens of the People's Republic of China (PRC). The new wave of Chinese migration from PRC started in the mid-1980s and grew steadily until now, with some peaks, e.g. in the mid-1990s. Recent fieldwork in France approached this community, in particular, those living in France with a precarious administrative status (asylum seekers or clandestine migrants). In general, the situation of the population covered by this fieldwork was still precarious. Although the paper does not include other categories such as students, entrepreneurs, or researchers, it is nevertheless possible to gather some details on the basis of French official data and reports. The following sections deal with the growing Chinese presence in France, and their precarious status. Most recent research tends to show a diversified Chinese migrant population profile; it also shows that they are still primarily active in the French ethnic Chinese market. In the initial stages of migration, the Chinese migrants continue to maintain links with China and sometimes with Chinese communities in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]