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There is little research on the relationship between welfare policies and immigrant entrepreneurship. Accordingly, this paper examines changes in three welfare domains: child‐care, health/medical insurance, and unemployment insurance in the context of France since roughly the 1980s, but with a focus on the 21st century. Given changes in French welfare policy, I show that immigrants' greater access to fluctuating, sometimes declining, but overall increasing spending in the three domains, can be positively correlated with slowly increasing immigrant entrepreneurship since the early 2000s. However, I also argue that welfare policies do not seem to have a significant effect on the levels and survival of immigrant‐owned firms in France. The findings of this paper should nonetheless be taken with extreme caution in light of the obstacles to analyzing this relationship. As a consequence, I provide an assessment of three possible research designs as a route towards better understanding this relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European continent has been facing a significant challenge causing social, economic and political inequality among not only the countries, regions and cities but also the community members. What would be problematic within this broad context is to formulate a European immigration policy irrespective of framing a European immigration policy. Some primary issues, such as economic and employment integration, public goods sharing, ethnic and cultural diversity, social and political participation should be discussed in terms of the EU policy goals. Having applied the nationalism theory, this research scrutinizes nationalism and immigration influx in France. The study analysed that the French policy‐making process and the political rhetoric that influenced the immigration flow in France; those policies did not integrate the immigrants or stabilize France's situation. This analysis illustrates that France is becoming one of the toughest countries in Western Europe concerning its immigration laws and measures, which trigger the nationalistic sentiments. Nationalism, nevertheless, and its naturally opposing organization can also mutually boost anxieties and disputes in Europe, especially in France. The paper concludes that there is a paradigm shift in understanding immigration as a concept; throughout the twentieth century, it was considered a positive factor that proves France's attractiveness, which altered the perception of nation and the citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various types of anti‐immigrant sentiments have been taken as the characteristic independent variable to explain specific support for radical right parties. However, some survey respondents tend to conceal their attitudes towards socially sensitive issues. To overcome this challenge, the present study used a list experiment method (item count technique) to reveal respondents' covert attitudes towards immigrants (and compared these with overt expressions) based on party support in France. Results indicated similar levels of anti‐immigrant sentiments among radical right National Front supporters and other centre‐rightist parties. In addition, comparison with the direct question method revealed that while supporters of centre‐right parties were reluctant to express their anti‐immigrant sentiment in overt expressions, National Front supporters willingly expressed it overtly more than in covert expressions. Using regression analysis, this paper demonstrates the diversity of anti‐immigrant norms and the social desirability bias gap in the French political space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite its widespread use as an equivalent for migrant populations, the term diaspora remains semantically and theoretically ambiguous. This study hypothesizes that the term diaspora fails to represent Iranian migration and its divergent heterogeneities. Discussing theoretical approaches to the diaspora, the characteristics of Iranian migration, and the findings of interviews with forty young Iranian migrants living in France, the present study attempts to offer a more suitable alternative to the term diaspora. It will be revealed that the heterogeneity of Iranian migration in causes, the conception of migration experience, as well as disinclination to create a unified community in host countries, lead Iranians living outside their country to form scattered clusters. The term proposed to be used in lieu of diaspora is archipelago ethnicity, which shows both the heterogeneity and divergence in Iranian migration in general and represents the only connection between the scattered and isolated islands, that is Iranian‐ness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]