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Background: Incarcerated trans women experience significant victimization, mistreatment, barriers to gender-affirming care, and human rights violations, conferring high risk for trauma, psychological distress, self-harm, and suicide. Across the globe, most carceral settings are segregated by sex assigned at birth and governed by housing policies that restrict gender expression—elevating ‘safety and security’ above the housing preferences of incarcerated people. Aim/methods: Drawing upon the lived experiences of 24 formerly incarcerated trans women in Australia and the United States and employing Elizabeth Freeman’s notion of chrononormativity, Rae Rosenberg’s concept of heteronormative time, and Kadji Amin’s use of queer temporality, this paper explores trans women’s carceral housing preferences and contextual experiences, including how housing preferences challenge governing chrononormative and reformist carceral housing systems. Findings: Participants freely discussed their perspectives regarding housing options which through thematic analysis generated four options for housing: 1) men’s carceral settings; 2) women’s carceral settings; 3) trans- and gay-specific housing blocks; and 4) being housed in protective custody or other settings. There appeared to be a relationship between the number of times the person had been incarcerated, the duration of their incarceration, and where they preferred to be housed. Conclusions: This analysis contributes to richer understandings regarding trans women’s experiences while incarcerated. This paper also informs the complexities and nuances surrounding housing preferences from the perspectives of trans women themselves and considers possible opportunities to enhance human rights, health and wellbeing when engaging in transformative approaches to incarceration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Immigrant Latinx transgender people often migrate to the United States because of a desire for increased safety and more opportunities. However, after migrating to the United States, immigrant Latinx transgender people often struggle to access basic needs, including health care, jobs, and stable finances. These struggles are exacerbated for undocumented immigrant Latinx transgender people. There is a gap in the literature regarding needed resources for immigrant Latinx transgender community members living in the United States. Aims: Utilizing a critical intersectionality framework, the aim of the present study was to investigate the resource needs of immigrant Latinx transgender community members living in the United States. Methods: A community sample of 18 immigrant Latinx transgender people living in a large metropolitan city in Florida participated in individual semi-structured interviews to explore their community resource needs. Results: Thematic analysis revealed five themes related to resources that participants needed including: 1) Transgender healthcare/resources, 2) Public education, 3) Financial aid resources, 4) Homelessness resources, and 5) Addictions care. Two resource need-related themes were identified that pertain specifically to undocumented immigrant Latinx transgender people, including: 1) Documentation papers for access, and 2) Legal aid. Conclusions: Findings suggest that immigrant Latinx transgender community members in this study provided guidance about broad resources needed to enhance their wellness and safety, and promote liberation of community members. Participants' resource needs suggest the importance of policy and structural level changes from institutions with power that consider and enhance the wellness of immigrant Latinx transgender people. Findings also suggest the need for more tailored interventions and case work to better support immigrant Latinx transgender people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: While research on trans People of Color's experiences has been increasing in recent years, this intersectional work has often not included a focus on the specificities of multiracial and multiethnic trans experiences. Aims: This study explores shifts in racial identity by multiracial/multiethnic trans people as they transition gender and the ways Whiteness and nationalist ideology shape their racialized gender experiences. Methods: This paper is based on six in-depth, semi-structured interviewswith self-identifiedmultiracial, multiethnic, andmulti-heritage trans people in the USA. Data collection centered participants' experiences of self-identification and interactionswith others (e.g., family, acquaintances, and strangers). Results: As participants transitioned gender and were acknowledged by others in their gender identity, shifts in their embodiment were used by others to ascribe a new racialized gender. This often resulted in participants reflecting on their sense of self and racialized gender identities in new ways. Discussion: Multiracial and multiethnic transgender people's experiences in transitioning race confirm the importance of intersectional analysis, reveal the intersectional fluidity of social categories, explicate how social understandings of one category (e.g., race) influence another category (e.g., gender), demonstrate that the meanings associated with racialized gender are based in relations of power, and show that, in transgender studies particularly, we must attend to the ways that the concept of transition implicates not only gender, but also other categories such as race and nationality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Retransitions in youth are critical to understand, as they are an experience about which little is known and about which families and clinicians worry. Aims: This study aims to qualitatively describe the experiences of youth who made binary social transitions (came to live as the binary gender different from the one assigned at birth) in childhood by the age of 12, and who later socially transitioned genders again (here, called "retransitioning"). Methods: Out of 317 participants in an ongoing longitudinal study of (initially) binary transgender youth, 23 participants had retransitioned at least once and were therefore eligible for this study. Of those youth, 8 were cisgender at the time of data collection, 11 were nonbinary, and 4 were binary transgender youth (after having retransitioned to nonbinary identities for a period). Fifteen youth and/or their parent(s) participated in semi-structured interviews (MYouthAge = 11.3 years; 9 non-Hispanic White; 3 Hispanic White; 3 Multiracial; 10 assigned male; 5 assigned female). Interviews gauged antecedents of transitions, others' reactions to transitions, and participants' general reflections. Responses were coded and thematically analyzed. Results: Participants described various paths to retransitions, including that some youth identified differently over time, and that some youth learned about a new identity (e.g., nonbinary) that fit them better. Social environments' responses to retransitions varied but were often neutral or positive. No participants spontaneously expressed regret over initial transitions. Conclusions: These findings largely do not support common concerns about retransitions. In supportive environments, gender diverse youth can retransition without experiencing rejection, distress, and regret. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Many trans women of color communities experience high HIV seroprevalence, extreme poverty, high rates of victimization and substance use, and poor mental health. Greater knowledge of trans women of color social capital may contribute toward more effective services for this marginalized population. Methods: These data come from a mixed-methods study that examined trans/gender-variant people of color who attended transgender support groups at harm reduction programs in NYC. The study was conducted from 2011 to 12, total N = 34. The qualitative portion was derived from six focus group interviews. Results: Two support groups stood out as exhibiting very strong alternative kinship structures. One group was comprised of immigrant trans Latinas, and the other group were trans women of African descent living with HIV. Both groups demonstrated ample cultivation of "trust capital" in the form of "thick trust" (bonding capital) and "thin trust" (bridging/linking capital) both inside and outside/beyond the support groups. Thick trust included the cultivation of intimacy, support in primary romantic relationships, and community leadership. Thin trust included networking with a variety of organizations, increased educational opportunities, and cultural production. Discussion: Participants "opened up to social capital" through the process of trusting as a series of (1) risks; (2) vulnerabilities; and (3) reciprocities. A solid foundation of thick trust resulted in a social, psychological, and emotional "base." Upon this foundation, thin trust was operationalized resulting in positive material, economic, and quality-of-life outcomes, leading to an expanded space of capabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]