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Background: Obstetric fistula develops from obstructed labor and is a devastating condition with significant consequences across several domains of a woman's life. This study presents a narrative review of the evidence on the economic consequences of obstetric fistula., Methods: Three databases were searched, and search results were limited to English language papers published after 2003. Search results were reviewed for relevance based on title and abstract followed by full text review using specific inclusion and exclusion criteria. Bibliographies of papers were also scanned to identify relevant papers for inclusion. Data were extracted under three categories (defined a priori): the economic consequences of having the condition, the economic consequences of seeking care, and the macroeconomic impacts., Results: The search returned 517 unique papers, 49 of which were included after screening. Main findings identified from the studies include women losing their jobs, becoming dependent on others, and losing financial support when relationships are lost. Seeking care was economically costly for families or unaffordable entirely. There were no studies describing the impact of fistula on national economies., Conclusion: Economic consequences of obstetric fistula are multifaceted, pervasive, and are intertwined with the physical and psychosocial consequences of the condition. Understanding these consequences can help tailor existing fistula programs to better address the impacts of the condition. Further research to address the dearth of literature describing the macroeconomic impact of obstetric fistula will be critical to enhance the visibility of this condition on the health agendas of countries., (© 2024 The Authors. International Journal of Gynecology & Obstetrics published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics.)

Obstetric fistulas occur in developing countries because of the scarcity or complete absence of obstetric services. The magnitude of the problem is unknown but thought to be sizeable. This article describes a basic approach to the care of women with fistulas in a low-resource rural hospital in northern Ghana, where the results were similar to those obtained at better-equipped centers. The facility includes an outpatient clinic for history taking and clinical examinations, and a laboratory for hemoglobin concentration assessment, sickling test, blood grouping, and cross-matching when necessary. Anesthesia consists of a spinal anesthesia given by the surgeon and monitored by a nurse while the surgeon scrubs up before repairing the fistula. Surgery is performed with the patient in exaggerated lithotomy position, and a bed sheet used as a sling prevents her from falling backwards. The patients are kept at the hospital for 14 days postoperatively for continuous bladder drainage.

Objectives: To summarize the social, economic, emotional, and psychological consequences incurred by women with obstetric fistula; present the results of a meta-analysis for 2 major consequences, divorce/separation and perinatal loss; and report on improvements in health and self-esteem and on the possibility of social reintegration following successful fistula repair., Methods: We conducted a review of the literature published between 1985 and 2005 on fistula in developing countries. We then performed a meta-analysis for 2 of the major consequences of having a fistula, divorce/separation and perinatal child loss., Results: Studies suggest that surgical treatment usually closes the fistula and improves the physical and mental health of affected women., Conclusion: With additional social support and counseling, women may be able to successfully reintegrate socially following fistula repair.

Objectives: Most life threatening obstetric complications require hospital treatment to avert maternal mortality. Some assume that in developing countries hospital service for the poor must be in government hospitals and that a large proportion of deliveries needs to be in these hospitals to provide timely access to emergency care. This presents a major problem in countries like India, where almost all rural deliveries are at home and accessible government hospitals generally do not provide surgical treatment for obstetric emergencies. The study's objective was to determine obstetric outcomes, patterns and costs of obstetric care in a part of rural Maharashtra, India, where obstetric outcomes appear relatively good even though most deliveries are at home and government hospitals do not provide emergency obstetric care (EmOC)., Methods: 2905 pregnancies were identified and followed to term to learn the number and types of complications, where these complications were treated, how many women received EmOC and how these services affected outcome., Results: Eighty-five percent of 2861 deliveries after 24 weeks were at home. A total of 14.4% of deliveries after 24 weeks had identified complications. Of these complicated deliveries, 78.9% were in a hospital. Forty-eight percent of hospital deliveries were in a private hospital, 35% in our project hospital and 18% in a government hospital. Hospitalized patients with obstetric complications constituted 11.4% of all deliveries. The cesarean section rate for all deliveries was 2.0%. Twenty-two of the cesareans were in private hospitals, 32 in our hospital and four in a government hospital. Hospital case fatality (deaths of mothers with identified complications) was 0.3%. Overall case fatality was 0.5%. However, there were only two maternal deaths from obstetric causes (70 per 100,000 live births), making these rates less than robust. The perinatal mortality rate was 36 per thousand live and still births. These outcome and process indicators are better than those reported in most of India, but both maternal deaths could have been prevented by early referral to hospital and 64% of perinatal deaths were to infants delivered at home., Conclusions: A network of private clinics with a voluntary, low cost hospital is providing effective EmOC in a remote rural area at very low per capita cost in the absence of easily accessible government service and with only 15% of deliveries in hospitals. Charges are low but low per capita cost is primarily due to intelligent self-selection of patients who need hospital care. Even though overall cost is low, cost is still an important barrier for many poor families. Improving the purchasing power of poor families through insurance or subsidy could be a more effective way to improve EmOC than trying to improve inadequate government facilities.