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Since 1959, Cuban emigration seems to have been the subject of two consensuses. First, the Cuban Revolution would have resulted in a significant migratory movement towards the United States. Second, that this would reflect the rejection of the process of social transformation structured around a one-party political system put in place by Fidel Castro. The migration statistics of the US authorities, available for the period from 1860 to 2019, will shed light on this question by comparing the various flows from Cuba at different times (1860-1959, 1960-89, 1990-2019). Likewise, a comparative analysis of migratory flows emitted by the countries of the region will assess the relevance of these two hypotheses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the United States long represented a safe haven for Cuban political exiles, the Cuban Revolution and its Cold War context accelerated the tendency of disaffected Cubans to flee the island for Yankee shores. As the main destination of those that left Cuba in the decades following the revolution, Miami and its émigré community played an increasingly important role in exile politics, and later US national politics. This article looks at how the first-wave of migrants to Miami established an outsized influence there and continued to dominate politically and culturally, even as subsequent waves representing more diverse perspectives on the Cuban Revolution set down roots in Florida. It does so by considering the attempts by one segment of the exile community to start a dialogue with the island during the Carter administration and another section's establishment of the propaganda station Radio Martí in Reagan years. These examples highlight the fluidity between political violence and soft-power subversion in maintaining the hegemony of an antagonistic position to the Cuban Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article follows two lines of inquiry. First, it provides a rereading of the novel Memorias del subdesarrollo (Desnoes 1965), suggesting that the protagonist, Sergio, is affected by the threat of nuclear war throughout the novel and that this fear dominates the text from the outset, and not just the novel's ending during the Missile Crisis of October 1962. It argues that Sergio's state of anxiety and inertia derive as much from this fear as from his intellectual detachment and problematic relationship with the Cuban Revolution, where critical attention has tended to focus. This rereading gives texture to Sergio's inaction and nihilism, revealing a coherent response of an individual to the threat of catastrophe. Secondly, this article sets this rereading against a new context of catastrophe: that of climate change, ecosystem collapse and species extinction. In this context an overlooked revolutionary fervour is detected in Sergio that provides a reading of hope in the narrative that, when read analogously against the present, may reflect a sense of hope against calamity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The triumph of the Cuban Revolution has created the most remarkable political, economic and social upheaval in the history of Latin America. Since its beginning in 1959, the new government, led by Fidel Castro, has placed the poor - especially women and people of colour, the principal victims of the discrimination inherent in patriarchal and segregationist societies - at the centre of their reformist project. The Revolution 'of the humble, by the humble and for the humble', was designed to lay the foundation for a new era, one marked by equality and freed from the throes of the injustice linked to the history and social structures of the country. Cuban women were the immediate priority for the revolutionary government. In 1960, the Federation of Cuban Women (FMC) was created. Its president was Vilma Espín Dubois, the wife of Raúl Castro and a fully committed activist in the struggle against the dictatorship of General Fulgencio Batista. This article examines the status of women at the triumph of the Revolution, and assesses the concrete steps taken to disseminate and implement the idea of equal rights and equal opportunities between men and women and to erase prejudice and cultural stereotypes. Firstly, special attention is paid to the role of women before the triumph of the Revolution. Secondly, the new government's actions aimed at enabling this sector of society to achieve true emancipation and full citizenship are analysed. Finally, beyond the soaring declarations of principle, the article examines the status of Cuban women today and assesses their integration into the political, economic and social life of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

No prior scholarly work on Cuban architectural and intellectual history has yet focused on Arquitectura Cuba, a periodical published by the Colegio Nacional de Arquitectos, as an archive. However, issues of the publication from the early years of the Cuban Revolution (especially 1959 and 1960) provide an indication of state-sponsored views on architecture, urbanism and the interplay between these and the socialist project in Cuba. Using articles and editorials from Arquitectura Cuba alongside other contemporary sources, this article focuses on and critiques three themes that recur throughout these issues: the idea of architecture as a socially minded profession, the need for urbanisation of the countryside as a core goal of the new Cuban state and the interplay between global modernism and localised practices. Ultimately, this investigation illustrates potential methodological directions and archival sources for Cuban architectural and social historiography, revealing another lens to read the Cuban Revolution and its legacies today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article profiles former Cuban President Fidel Castro and his contributions as an architect of national sovereignty, social reformer and internationalist, which revered him to Latin America and the Third World. Castro's roles in leading the Cuban Revolution against U.S. imperialism, in seeking social justice and a fair distribution of wealth, and in integrating international solidarity into Cuba's foreign policy are discussed. A historical overview of the Cuban Revolution is offered.

As a historical novel, Uva de Aragón's The Memory of Silence explores the divergences and commonalities in the lives of twin sisters separated at the outset of the Cuban Revolution and as such complicates and enriches our understanding of Cuba's future. As the reader re-lives momentous events since the Revolution, one comes to the realisation that the true value of the work lies in its balance of perspective. It would be inaccurate to say that the novel offers an objective view of modern-day Cubans (both those in exile and on the island). Instead, it offers two intentionally subjective views that culminate in a synthesis of understanding: namely, that geo-cultural bonds are greater than geo-political differences. In the end, The Memory of Silence is a book of hope, but a hope that can only be realised once memory has been un-silenced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Elvira (1862-1933) and Herminia Cape (1865-1973) were nineteenth century Cuban revolutionaries, and much more. They were women who responded to an historic call-to-arms, women who had been prepared by their life experiences for extraordinary sacrifice and endeavour. Such lives reflect a myriad of socioeconomic and cultural currents that have guided women's development into the twentieth century. Their characters point out that history is made by individuals, although personal qualities are inextricably bound to historical context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including sustainable development, social and individual experiences during the pre-revolutionary period, and food security in Cuba.

Descendants of the African Diaspora have encountered different challenges to wellbeing within their respective countries. In Cuba, it appears that while the Cuban Revolution attempted to level the outcomes for all citizens, Black Cubans remain marginalised and targets of discrimination. We, three African American and one Black Cuban women researchers, used a roundtable approach to analyse our experiences in Cuba. Using our individual reflections as data, the four of us sought to make meaning of cultural identity and expression within Cuba, and impact on well-being. Implications of this work can inform interventions for well-being of multiple African Diasporic populations in North and South America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his many essays on literary and cultural topics, the Cuban writer José Lezama Lima (1910-1976) develops a complex system of ideas about history and time. Lezama objects to simplistic ways of conceptualising temporality and favours a flexible notion of time. His way of thinking on the subject is bound up with his preference for literary or generally artistic expression as opposed to what he sees as the problematic ontological claims of historiography. He privileges the artistic image as a force that can transcend linearities and determinisms. Lezama sees the image as essentially future-oriented, as a force that makes possible an arc of Cuban cultural progress that stretches forward in time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many dismiss Marxism-Leninism as an obsolete and discredited doctrine, one that died with the collapse of Soviet communism. Nevertheless, Marxism-Leninism lives on in Cuba, where the Communist Party is using it to guide the Revolution and construction of socialism. This raises the question: why has Marxism-Leninism succeeded in Cuba? This article identifies four reasons. First, and most importantly, Marxism is compatible with the Cuban revolutionary tradition, as exemplified in the legacy of José Martí. Second, Marxism is a scientific theory, one that offers a truthful insight into the causes and solutions to Cuba's social problems. Third, Marxism has remained compatible with Cuba's national conditions, even as they have changed over time. Fourth, Cuba's communist leaders have developed and enriched Marxism, thereby achieving its successful Cubanisation. Together, the success of the Cuban Revolution and the development of Cuban socialism demonstrate the contemporary vitality, achievements, and significance of Marxism-Leninism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article chronicles and examines the decades-long Canadian-Cuban relationship - albeit with a greater focus on the federal Liberal governments of Pierre Elliott Trudeau, 1968-1984, and his son, Justin Trudeau, 2015-present. For analytical purposes, it poses a number of interesting and insightful questions about the "what" and "why" of Canada-Cuba relations. The overarching aim of this narrative, then, is twofold: (1) to outline the nature and extent of Canada's Cuba policy since the beginning of the Cuban revolution in 1959 and (2) to identify what the central policy drivers are, from both the Canadian and Cuban perspectives, and how they still mould the bilateral relationship today. Lastly, it concludes with some general thoughts on the overall contours of Canadian-Cuban relations since the early 1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fidel Castro developed an idea of democracy as a legitimate alternative to American democracy. At the dawn of the Cuban revolution Castro was careful enough to avoid Marxist concepts in his speeches, but after the Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961 Castro embraced socialism as the ideology of the revolution. Then the concept of dictatorship of the proletariat became the core of Castro's idea of democracy. In this context, the opposition between democracy and dictatorship disappeared. The dictatorship of the proletariat became working class democracy. Thus, according to Castro, the political participation of Cuban masses in the revolutionary process gave the Cuban project an inescapable democratic character. In 1976 the revolutionary government reinforced the socialist character of the Cuban state through the promulgation of a new constitution. Through this constitution the Cuban state embraced formal elections. Paradoxically, after embracing formal elections in 1976, the revolution lost popular power from below and actually became less democratic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Venceremos Brigade is an 'anti-imperialist Education Project' that began its travel to Cuba in 1969 to support and learn about the Cuban Revolution. On Venceremos trips, North American volunteers offer aid to Cuban government projects while touring the island nation and learning about both Cuba and revolutionary ideals. Participants in the projects are involved for both personal and political reasons, offering a model for productive political relations born of hostilities. Although its story remains undocumented within histories of both the US Left and US-Cuban relations, by 2015, the group had sent more than 9,000 North American activists to the island. Through reading newspapers from Cuba, Venceremos Press Publications in the US, and by listening to personal narratives, this article documents this important political education project that continues to model productive relations today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In these conversations, Marília Guimarães recounts her militant commitment against the military power in Brazil and details the odyssey that led her to Havana, and then her life in 1970s Cuba. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores Cuba's efforts to develop the island as a vibrant medical tourism centre. The key topics which it addresses are a general overview of the medical tourism industry, background information on medical tourism in Cuba, and Cuban medical tourism's challenges and prospects. The key challenges analysed are the US sanctions (seen as the primary obstacle to future development), Havana's lack of extensive marketing experience (especially with respect to efforts in countries with highly competitive domestic economies), and possible discontent in Cuban society rooted in perceptions that tourists are receiving privileged treatment. The main advantages that Cuba enjoys in its developmental efforts are seen as the low-cost of its medical services (e.g. up to 90 per cent savings over identical private pay treatments in the US), the high priority that the island's government is currently giving to medical tourism, and the repeal of the Roe v Wade decision by the US Supreme Court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American tourism to Cuba has waxed and waned in response to changes in the political relationship. During the 1940s many Americans saw Havana as an exotic locale for their holidays. In contrast, during the Cold War, American tourism to the island was almost non-existent. Following the Cold War, some Americans returned, especially after Raul Castro and Barack Obama began to normalise relations. Although the numbers declined during the Trump presidency and the pandemic, interest in travelling to Cuba remains and a significant number of Americans continue to visit the island. Using an "other diplomacies" framework, this article discusses the impact of tourism encounters on the evolution of the US-Cuba relationship, paying attention to the degree to which encounters between American citizens and Cubans have the potential to inform public opinion and influence the relationship between the two societies and their polities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]