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Donald Trump's foreign policy has been characterized as realist. His "America First" theme, economic nationalism, and scorn for traditional alliances and international norms are alleged evidence. But was Trump's foreign policy realist? Instead, it is better seen as anti-liberal. Trump was most realist in his recognition of China as a great power rival not committed to liberal values. But he was also a protectionist. With respect to Russia, Europe, the Middle East, and various international issues, Trump's foreign policy was decidedly more anti-liberal than realist. The shocking event of January 6, 2021 suggests that Trump's foreign policy be re-evaluated in a different light: Trump sought to promote anti-liberal values abroad in order to advance them at home. This article evaluates Trump's foreign policy in light of these two theoretical perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Offensive cyber operations are an increasingly important tool of authoritarian statecraft, used in the pursuit of foreign policy objectives and functioning as an expression of state power. Our article informs Canadian cybersecurity policy by pulling lessons from Russia's use of cyber aggression against Ukraine between 2014 and 2022. Our analysis explores the nexus between Russian cyber operations and foreign and domestic policy, the relationship between private and public cybersecurity organizations, and the purported intent and effectiveness of Russian cyber operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the prospects for increased Turkish-American relations in the Caspian region, namely, joint areas of activity for the development and consolidation of cooperation between both states. Utilizing a historical-comparative method, we comprehensively study Turkish-American relations in this region from a historical viewpoint and predict the further development of this cooperation in the future. The key characteristics and features of Turkish-American relations in the Caspian region from 1991 to 2022 are identified, as are the causes of crises in relations between the two countries against the background of a change in US policy. Finally, we emphasize the importance of further strengthening strategic cooperation between Turkey and the US in the Caspian region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on Walter Bagehot's distinction between efficient and dignified institutions to examine an understudied facet of the monarchy in Canada: the Crown's role in Canadian foreign policy. The Canadian Crown acts in global affairs in two ways: through the efficient prerogative powers of the Crown exercised by Cabinet, and by means of the dignified "public diplomacy" performed by the office of the governor general. The article demonstrates that the Crown's prerogative powers remain the underlying authority that Canadian governments exercise when pursuing foreign policy objectives and acting in the world. The article then traces the growth of the vice-regal office's foreign policy functions, as well how the governor general's public diplomacy efforts contribute to Canada's global engagement. The article concludes with a brief discussion of King Charles III's place in Canadian foreign affairs as the head of state of multiple, independent realms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Populists in southern Europe and potentially beyond display a distinctive understanding of international relations, such as the belief that national or the "people's" sovereignty must be the main organizing principle of international affairs, a preference for a multipolar world, suspicion of multilateral governance institutions, and sympathy toward Russia and/or China. This phenomenon represents a potentially fruitful domain for scholarly inquiry to answer questions such as: what are some of the ontological features of populism and how are these elements connected to patterns of foreign policy preferences? This essay aims to provide tentative answers to these questions with a focus on Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, there has been much research on foreign electoral intervention (FEI). However, it is an open question as to whether successful interventions "work" for the intervener. Does the newly elected government adopt the policies that motivated the intervener to intervene in the first place? This paper makes a first step toward addressing that question. It argues that FEIs work when the elected government can overcome veto players in legislatures, be they parliaments, national assemblies, or congresses. For minority governments or cohabitational presidencies, overcoming these veto players is no easy task and may necessitate further interventions by the intervening power. American interventions in the Canadian elections of 1962 and 1963 serve as an illustrative case. The findings suggest that governments with large majorities or control over congressional/legislative branches are more likely to cooperate with intervening governments. These findings have implications for how we assess the vulnerability of democracies to FEI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we consider the role of "feminist inside activists" in shaping the Canadian international policy landscape and provide examples of how government employees have actively promoted feminist and gender equality priorities. Specifically, this paper advances our understanding of how policy translates into action, and the transformative potential of agents of change in gender equality and feminist policy-making within Canada's international policy machinery. Building on studies that identify the significant contributions of mid-level government employees who fight to keep gender equality a priority in government programming, we explore these contributions in the context of inside activism, documenting the significance of the work of both senior and mid-level government officials in advancing feminist policies and priorities. As an agency-focused analysis, this study complements and builds on critical feminist analyses of structural and systemic inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Canadian foreign policy toward Venezuela, as a litmus test of Ottawa's promise to project a consistently strong voice for the protection of human rights and the advancement of democratic values in the world. The case is made that Canada is more likely to gear up to an assertive approach if there is a perception that there is an opportunity for democratization in the country, and for policymakers in Ottawa, if there is an opportunity to prioritize human rights and democracy, as opposed to more traditional national interest objectives. The article offers an explanation about when and how Canada typically promotes its liberal values abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relations with the People's Republic of China (PRC) will be the single biggest Canadian foreign policy challenge for the foreseeable future. The trajectory of bilateral relations will be shaped, above all, by US–PRC strategic competition. Canadian views on the PRC are defined by a litany of problems in the current relationship, with relatively little reflection on the broader and longer-term problématique. This article, adapted from a November 2020 speech to the Canada–China Friendship Society of Ottawa, proposes a reconceptualization of the PRC as Canada's "global neighbour." On virtually all the issues that matter to Canada, the PRC is in our neighbourhood, and we are in the PRC's, whether we like it or not. The article offers five principles for the conduct of relations with Beijing—emphasizing the importance of independence in Canadian foreign policy in the context of a Sino–US great power conflict that is likely to persist for decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign policy statements—and, namely, white papers—offer diplomats, civil servants, and the general public, as well as international actors (friends and foes alike) an understanding of what motivates a country to engage in international issues. They are fundamental government declarations intended to direct the policy process toward its political and operational objectives. Is history embedded in the message these statements carry? And, if so, how is history used? Relying on Brands and Suri's typology and framing categories (factual/normative), this article explores white papers issued by governments led by Pierre Elliott Trudeau, Jean Chrétien, Paul Martin Jr., as well as the 2017 House of Commons statement by Justin Trudeau's foreign affairs minister, Chrystia Freeland. Based on Canada's tradition of Pearsonian internationalism, we hypothesize that the factual use of history would prevail. We find this to be the case, but with important nuances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three profound shifts are coming to a head in the twenty-first century: shifts in the global order, shifts in the US–China relationship, and shifts in Chinese behaviour. These shifts are compelling Canada to reframe its relations with China. First, at the global level, the changing balance of power is leading us toward an era of polycentric global governance. Second, there is deepening antagonism in US–China relations. Third, China's international posture has become more assertive. Canada has yet to adjust, but it is well placed to develop a global worldview in sync with twenty-first century realities. The Canada–China relationship needs to be transformed into an adaptive, modular, and strategic relationship, in our dealings with China at the global level, in triangulating our relationships with the US and China, and within the confines of our bilateral relationship. This paper tackles each area in turn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Canadian Liberal government of Justin Trudeau claims to be ushering in a new era of a "feminist" foreign policy. While serious steps have been taken in this direction, this paper focuses on the government's opposition to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, a treaty that has been negotiated with a logic and language explicitly linking issues of disarmament and gender, reframing "security" as fundamentally a question not of state but of human (and environmental) security. Ignoring its own public statements that repeatedly link women with peace and security, the Trudeau government's opposition to the Treaty exposes the hollowness of its claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the impact of external factors on Russia's foreign policy. Specifically, it identifies patterns in Russia's foreign policy reactions to two kinds of developments: changes in US foreign policy, and fluctuating global oil prices affecting Russia's economy. Our hypothesis is that US foreign policy, as it is perceived by Putin's regime, is the key determinant of the Kremlin's reactions, while the changes in economic trends, affected by oil price, influence the regime's preference to choose more confrontational or more defensive ways of action. As the analysis shows, different versions of national identity narratives can be constructed within Putin's regime: it acts as a closed political system that can produce different foreign policy reactions and even ideological narratives without major changes in the governing elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the concept of entrepreneurial state is useful for analyzing Mexican foreign policy during recent decades. It argues that Mexico has behaved as an entrepreneurial state, following a limited foreign policy agenda to address national priorities, with important restrictions in terms of resources and agency, but seeking to obtain international recognition as a relevant global player that has influence on world affairs. This entrepreneurial behaviour is analyzed in Mexico's participation in international organizations (UN) and negotiations (climate change), mini-lateral mechanisms (MIKTA), and regional affairs (Central and Latin America). These cases show that, due to its limited capacities and agency, but its desire to become a relevant regional and global player to advance its national interest, Mexico has created coalitions with like-minded countries, pursued limited but domestically relevant global objectives, and invested its scarce foreign policy resources in an entrepreneurial manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Non-central governments in Canada have become increasingly active on the world stage, most notably in the Asia Pacific region. The scholarly works on Canada's foreign policy in Asia tend to focus either on the federal government as the main actor, or on the "other diplomacies" of non-governmental actors; little attention has been paid to the increasing role of non-central governments in Asia. This article, therefore, contributes to the discussion by documenting and evaluating Canadian provinces' international activities in the Asia Pacific. It also situates these activities within Canada's foreign policy in the region, and assesses how important provinces have become in Canada-Asia relations. This paper first reviews the literature on non-central governments and foreign policy to expose the key forces pushing and pulling Canadian provinces to be increasingly active internationally. It then details the provinces' international activities in Asia, and locates them within Canada's foreign policy in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how Australia has managed its relationship with China. It looks at the broad trends in the relationship, with a focus on the decades after recognition in 1972. The second part examines the recent past, and particularly the ways in which Australia's active courtship of China has begun to be tempered by concerns about the destabilizing security and strategic consequences of the country's return to power. It assesses the options Australia faces and the growing polarization of opinion between security "hawks" and economic "doves" in public debate about Australia's future, and then charts where Australian policy is currently placed. The paper concludes by explaining why Australia finds taking a nuanced position in relation to its engagement with China so difficult. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper surveys Canada's ambivalence towards the Asia Pacific, and seeks to put that ambivalence into the broader context of the dominant strategic perspective in Canada that has privileged, and continues to privilege, a North Atlantic focus for Canadian foreign and defence policy. It argues that Canada's laggardly approach to Asia Pacific diplomacy can be best explained by the widespread perception among Canadians--and their government--that the North Atlantic alliance should remain the key driver of Canadian foreign and defence policy. Indeed, this geostrategic outlook has actually intensified with the election of Donald J. Trump and his unorthodox approach to the transatlantic alliance and the liberal international order. I argue that this North Atlantic outlook, so dominant for so much of Canada's history, will continue to anchor Canadian foreign and defence policy, making Canada's engagement in the Asia Pacific more problematic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today Russia poses significant challenges that require sophisticated responses from both Canada and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), yet more research is needed on almost all aspects of policy development. Academic experts on NATO and Russia could contribute significantly to this process. To this end, collaboration and engagement among those experts with each other's literature would be highly beneficial. Appropriate methodologies must be developed to answer questions about Russia's specific intentions, test the assumptions upon which NATO and Canada's policies are founded, and discover and respond to the root causes of Russia's discontent. Policy options should be based on detailed knowledge of global security dynamics, as well as high-quality analysis about Russia's rhetoric and its varied use of hard, soft, and sharp soft power in regional and global cases. A research network on these topics could help decision-makers respond to these complex developments by approaching them through "the eyes of our adversaries," clarifying the big picture of hybrid warfare and also the micro-level details. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Stephen Harper's foreign policy sparked heated debates during his entire tenure as prime minister, these debates were mainly confined to Canadian foreign policy circles. Little attention was paid to allies' perceptions of these developments and, more specifically, to the perception of the United States, Canada's main economic and security partner. How did the Bush and Obama administrations perceive these changes? Were they seen as a break from Canada's past? Did Harper's handling of foreign policy alter White House calculations with respect to Canada? Based on a series of semi-structured interviews conducted in Washington DC with executive officials a few months prior to the end of the Harper era in 2015, this essay shows that despite a widespread perception in Washington that Canada's foreign policy approach had changed under Harper, partisanship was the main dividing line in terms of how this approach was perceived and assessed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how Canadian Liberals understood Canada's international relations in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, situating their political thought within the British imperial world and their views of the Great War in a broader historical context. It argues that while Liberals regarded Canadian participation in the war as an affirmation of nationhood, they nonetheless conceived of Canada as a ''British nation'' and an integral part of a British imperial community in international politics. The article further illuminates the growth of an autonomous Canadian foreign policy within the British Empire, and shows that even the staunchest Liberal proponents of independence upheld the Dominion's British connection. In so doing, it connects the history of Canadian Liberalism to a wider British Liberal tradition that advocated the transformation of the relationship between the United Kingdom and its settler Dominions from one of imperial dependence to that of equal, sovereign, and freely associated nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada’s policies in the Middle East receive large amounts of media attention, but there is surprisingly little scholarly work about them. Of the few studies on the topic, moreover, most focus on analyzing past or current policies. This is certainly useful, but there is virtually no academic work focused on prescription. There is, as such, a need for theoretically informed studies laying out the rationale for a sound Canadian policy framework for the region. In this context, this paper proposes to look at Canada’s Middle East policies from a realist perspective. What are Canada’s interests? How should these translate into policy? The goal here is not to make specific prescriptions regarding each conflict or bilateral relation, but rather to propose a comprehensive framework to guide Ottawa’s broad approach to the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada’s policies in the Middle East receive large amounts of media attention, but there is surprisingly little scholarly work about them. Of the few studies on the topic, moreover, most focus on analyzing past or current policies. This is certainly useful, but there is virtually no academic work focused on prescription. There is, as such, a need for theoretically informed studies laying out the rationale for a sound Canadian policy framework for the region. In this context, this paper proposes to look at Canada’s Middle East policies from a realist perspective. What are Canada’s interests? How should these translate into policy? The goal here is not to make specific prescriptions regarding each conflict or bilateral relation, but rather to propose a comprehensive framework to guide Ottawa’s broad approach to the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's 2014 annexation of Crimea and the subsequent deterioration in its relations with theWest have led many analysts to adopt a narrow view of Vladimir Putin's foreign policy motivations, chalking them up to old-school geopolitics. This paper makes the case that the traditional structural explanations for Russian foreign policy that are dominant within the discipline of international relations do not adequately consider the influence of identity in Putin's emerging foreign policy narrative. Putin's narrative is shaped by, and shapes, a discourse about cultural and historical ties with Russian borderlands, as well as by the cultural and security vulnerabilities generated by the West's treatment of Russia, evidenced by the expansion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). This discourse has underscored a more militant foreign policy turn under Putin in which he is prepared to protect and defend Russia's interests at high cost; Russia's actions in Crimea exemplify this. This connection between identity and foreign policy in Putin's Russia demands attention if we hope to gain a better grasp of Russian foreign policy under his leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the experience of Marcel Cadieux, the Canadian under-secretary of state for external affairs at the time, as a lens through which to understand the adaptation of the Department of External Affairs to the government of Pierre Trudeau during its first year-and-a-half in power. Drawing on Cadieux's private papers, especially his diary, and other archival sources, it explores the prime minister's attitude toward senior civil servants, his personality, and the review of national defence policy undertaken by the bureaucracy at his request. It concludes that the difference between Pierre Trudeau and Marcel Cadieux was essentially that between the brilliant politician who sought to redefine government and the consummately professional civil servant who believed in his department's traditional role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade Mexico has chosen and has been forced to practice a sort of “stand alone” foreign policy, in part due to its marginalization in Latin America, in part due to the growing bilateralization of relations in the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) context. The national narrative of acting as a bridge in economic terms for accessing the NAFTA market proved not very attractive to international partners. As a result, Mexico has become the classical “leader without followers.” Joining the MIKTA initiative, a grouping formed by Mexico, Indonesia, South Corea, Turkey and Australia, is a highly welcomed option for regaining international presence without the Brazilian shadow, so strong in the region, and for defining a specific intermediary role. Mexico clearly embraced a “Southern” identity only in very limited moments of its foreign policy history and always tried to maintain a middle way, as an agreeable voice and a helpful fixer for international conferences and meetings. The old/new formula that seems to feed Mexico’s new international MIKTA presence is that of “multiple memberships” following a rationale of “like-mindedness,” a rationale that allows for promoting its presence in a great variety of institutions and regional integration schemes, but without compromising too much of its national economic development priorities. This article analyzes these half-way/soft doctrinal foundations of Mexican foreign policy with respect to Mexico’s identification with and outreach to the MIKTA group, both in terms of collective action and of bilateral efforts to establish viable relations with its members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract For two decades the Korean peninsula has been mired in a perilous nuclear brinkmanship with no end in sight. The paralysis is attributable in part to the widespread perception [...]

Over its near-decade of governance, Canada’s Conservative government developed an international agenda that narrowly construed international engagement as economic diplomacy. Rooted in the Conservatives’ desire to establish themselves with voters as shrewd stewards of the Canadian economy, economic and commercial calculations took precedence, trumping even military spending and the Arctic, both defining portfolios for Prime Minister Stephen Harper. We demonstrate the economic essence of the Conservative government’s international agenda and examine outcomes related to trade, the extractive resource sector, and the Canada–US relationship. We argue that the dramatic overhaul of Canada’s public diplomacy, strategic and security agendas, and global cooperation initiatives was a result of a limited conception of foreign policy that prioritized economic and commercial objectives. The legacy of economic diplomacy is a renewed focus on the question of international engagement as a means to a Canadian end as a new Liberal government contends with the consequences of economic diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the role of think tanks as members of civil society in Latin America. Our goal is to present an initial conceptualization and measurement of the role think tanks play in the foreign policy sub-subsystem. We focus on three of the most influential think tanks in the region: CARI (Argentina), CEBRI (Brazil), and COMEXI (Mexico). This paper suggests that the state’s characteristics and the character of its civil society determine the type and strength of its think tanks. This paper also considers the challenges that think tanks face in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico more generally by comparing each chosen think tank’s board, public activities, presence in local media and social media, and publications. We conclude that there have yet to be significant incentives and resources available for thinks tanks in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico to grow and, thus, Latin American think tanks’ activities typically follow their governments’ agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Will foreign policy think tanks face the same fate as so many “old media” organizations? The average Canadian has better access to global news and analysis today through a handheld device than the expert analyst of 30 years ago working from published sources at a foreign policy think tank. Furthermore, the increasingly blurred boundaries between domestic and international issues have made the distinction between foreign policy and domestic policy less clear. Canadian foreign policy think tanks have to respond to these challenges, as well as to the broader problem of parochialism in Canadian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of foreign policy think tanks (FPTTs) in policy-making has received substantial scholarly attention, with most studies focusing on US-based organizations. In this article, we seek to address this spatial bias by discussing the development and roles of FPTTs in two East Asian countries, China and Japan. China today hosts the second-largest think tank scene in the world, and many FPTTs have received influxes of funding and increased the academic qualifications of their staffers in recent years. Japan also hosts a sizable array of think tanks, but many of them operate on a for-profit basis and do not focus on public policy issues; Japan has very few genuine FPTTs. In both countries, FPTTs are in many ways linked to the government. While they seek to inform and influence foreign and security policy as well as public discourse on international affairs, they usually do not act as agenda setters. By examining the recent case of constitutional reinterpretation in Japan, which aimed to enable collective self-defence, we show how Japanese public intellectuals, including think tankers, helped to legitimize this controversial move and how Chinese FPTTs reacted publicly by providing media commentary in support of the official government line. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the current state of foreign policy think tanks in Italy through an in-depth analysis of its main protagonists. These actors are not always immediately recognizable because the sector is not regulated and little data is publicly accessible. Empirically, the analysis is conducted through a web survey, in-person interviews, and a reputational analysis of seven organizations. This work not only identifies who these actors are and what they do, but it does so taking into account the political context. Such an institutional argument suggests that foreign policy think tank ties to the Italian political system are essential. At the same time, those ties pose serious limitations for the evolution of these organizations, especially in a transnational perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract This article reviews Keith Spicer's 1966 book on Canada's foreign aid program, A Samaritan State? External Aid in Canada's Foreign Policy. Spicer's essentially realist perspective on the reasons why [...]

The last few years have witnessed a dramatic transformation in Turkish foreign policy, from an introverted approach with limited involvement in regional and global affairs to an activist approach and [...]

Nations have no permanent friends or enemies, only permanent interests. --Lord Palmerston, British Foreign Minister, 1846-51 Institutions have minimal influence on state behaviour and thus hold little promise for promoting [...]

In the summer of 1988, Robert Bothwell and Jack Granatstein were pursuing their research for the final volume in the Canadian Institute of International Affairs' series Canada in World Affairs. [...]

Regimes to control weapons of mass destruction have been impressively effective, making nuclear acquisition less simple and significantly more expensive. Yet despite these mechanisms, a few states still find it [...]

BARACK OBAMA'S PRESENT TENSE Toward the end of President Barack Obama's first year in office it had become a commonplace of commentary in Europe and North America that NATO's nation-building [...]

It's useful to express non-conventional truths about non-conventional subjects.--Pierre Elliott Trudeau (1) From politicians with the gifts necessary to inspire and mobilize others behind causes, much is expected. In return, [...]

Assessments of Canada's involvement in the Kosovo War of 1998-99 have generally depicted Canada's role in the crisis within the period's broader discourse of diplomatic and military decline. Much of [...]

"Verona found Sam." (1) This opening to a May 1977 telex helped further an intense and genuine foreign policy engagement in southern Africa by Canada and other western powers on [...]

Recently, Germany's anglo-saxon allies, in particular, have begun to wonder about the future role of Germany within the Atlantic alliance. To some allies, Germany has even become 'the new France,' [...]

This article evaluates different theoretical frameworks for understanding both the nature of the NATO alliance and the evolution of NATO-Russia relations since the end of the Cold War. It argues [...]

After the 1992 election, President George H.W. Bush gave the new president-elect, Bill Clinton, a surprise gift--significant participation in the United Nations intervention in Somalia. This decision haunted the Clinton [...]

Do political parties matter when it comes to Canadian foreign policy? Conventional wisdom says they do. We often hear the argument that some past decision would not have been made [...]

The establishment of the Berlin Wall was one of the seminal moments of the Cold War. Not only did the wall serve as the most powerful symbol of the protracted [...]

After the end of the Cold War, Canada continued to participate in UN peacekeeping missions and NATO operations, but there was no overall strategic sense about priorities. While defence dollars [...]

Over a decade after the release of the 1994 United Nations human development report, conversations about human security retain an academic tone. Perhaps this was to be expected. After all, [...]

The relationships between Canada and other nations, and especially those with Britain and the United States, have repeatedly been described through gendered imagery by academics, journalists, popular writers, and cartoonists, [...]

Even though they claim to recognize that the boundaries between domestic and international security have eroded, scholars of Canadian paradiplomacy have tended to ignore the security-oriented paradiplomatic activities undertaken by sub-national actors in Canada. However, policing paradiplomacy is, in our view, a perfect case for understanding how paradiplomacy in security can change the relationship between the state and its citizens. Through an examination of the paradiplomatic activities of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, the Sûreté du Québec, and the Vancouver Police, we show how the role of the informal, the danger of mission creep, and the shaping of foreign policy from the margins work to shift how we think about where foreign policy happens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American foreign policy has long been driven by a quest for a grand strategy that neatly encapsulates the raison d'etre of the American raison d'etat. In many ways, this aspiration [...]