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China shows a growing commitment to peacemaking and peacekeeping overseas. Yet Chinese peace efforts have met considerable challenges across multiple conflict settings. This article seeks to understand the difficulties facing Chinese peacemaking and peacekeeping and asks how these experiences influence the future behaviour of Chinese actors towards peace and conflict issues. Previous scholarship has largely taken a state-centric perspective to explain China's engagement in peacemaking and peacekeeping. In contrast, this article harnesses an assemblage approach to reveal the diversity of Chinese actors and the significant role local actors and normative forms of power play in influencing China's broader peace efforts. In South Sudan, it finds that the political ideas advanced by warring factions and the legitimacy they placed on United Nations peacekeeping intervention, both undermined Chinese peacemaking and peacekeeping and held far-reaching effects for Chinese actors beyond the conflict. Consequently, these challenges in South Sudan pushed China's national oil company to adopt new risk management policies throughout its investments in conflict settings. The South Sudan experience also influenced China's foreign ministry by tempering its proactive approach to conflict resolution in other conflict-affected countries and to promote peacekeeper safety and support peacekeeping intelligence at the United Nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH, 2004–2017) was an unprecedented effort of Latin American peacekeeping. Nine countries contributed the majority of troops to the mission in which regional governments sought to handle a security crisis in their neighbourhood rather than leaving the lead to western countries. However, when the mission came to an end after thirteen years, peacekeeping faded from the regional and national security agendas, with the exception of Uruguay. How and why did MINUSTAH impact the region's current hesitation to engage in peace operations? To answer this question, the article draws on assemblage theory and uses data from policy documents, academic literature and previous research on peacekeeping in Latin America. I argue that contrary to what Latin America's current, limited peacekeeping engagement suggests, MINUSTAH produced significant changes in the region's political landscape. While these could have paved the way to greater involvement in peace operations, however, parallel developments shaped Latin American security policies and military planning at the expense of the region's future participation in UN peacekeeping. The article adds to existing scholarship by probing the conditions that drive the temporality of assemblages and provides a new perspective on Latin American peacekeeping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the evolution of intelligence in United Nations peacekeeping through a practice-based assemblage lens. We address a gap in the literature by transcending the focus on 'peacekeeping intelligence' as merely an evolving policy instrument. Instead, we employ an 'analytic of assemblage' that reveals the intrinsic ambiguity of both the concept of peacekeeping intelligence, and the related competing perspectives as well as forms of expertise among stakeholders. We select the United Nations Operation in the Congo (ONUC, 1960–1964), the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH, 2004–2017), and the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA, 2013–2023) as cases to reconstruct the historical evolution of intelligence within peacekeeping. Our analysis reveals profound tensions between efforts to transform intelligence for broader goals like the protection of civilians, on the one hand, and the persistent dominance of military knowledge and tactical priorities in its implementation, on the other. We convey the enduring predominance of military priorities shaping intelligence practices across spatio-temporal contexts, grounded in historical legacies of doctrinal developments, training and regional collaborations. The analysis thereby highlights the interplay between contingency and the influence of enduring power structures in shaping the evolving peacekeeping assemblage. This offers a perspective that links assemblage approaches with the analysis of not only emergence but also path dependency influenced by historical and geopolitical contexts and suggests that strengthening such analytical link holds wider potential for advancing contributions of assemblage approaches to critical security studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stian Kjeksrud's book, "Using force to protect civilians," examines the successes and failures of United Nations peace operations in Africa. The book utilizes a novel dataset of 200 military protection operations from ten UN missions in Africa from 1999 to 2017. Kjeksrud's analysis reveals that UN troops effectively protected civilians in 76 instances, but were unable to adequately protect a significant portion of the local population in 83 cases. The book challenges the perception that the UN is unfit to use force to improve security for civilians and emphasizes the importance of tailored military responses based on an understanding of the perpetrators' motivations. However, the book's methodology is limited by the uncertainty of the dataset and potential underreporting of cases. Overall, the book provides valuable insights for policymakers interested in UN military protection efforts. [Extracted from the article]

Kseniya Oksamytna's book, "Advocacy and change in international organizations," offers a nuanced perspective on institutional change in international organizations (IOs). Oksamytna emphasizes the importance of advocacy in driving change and examines three case studies in UN peacekeeping operations to illustrate this framework. The book challenges conventional understandings of change in peacekeeping and highlights the various sources and actors that can initiate institutional change. While the advocacy framework is complex, it provides valuable insights for scholars and practitioners alike. Oksamytna suggests that future research should explore the application of this framework to other IOs and consider the factors that influence the success of different advocacy strategies. Overall, the book offers original and thought-provoking insights into institutional evolution. [Extracted from the article]

Margot Tudor's book provides a history of UN peacekeeping efforts from the second half of the twentieth century, highlighting the UN's role as an actor in its own right. Tudor argues that UN peacekeeping missions were largely ideological, colonial, racist, hierarchical, and self-serving. These missions often destabilized societies and perpetuated violence, acting as a vehicle for wealthy and powerful western states to wage the Cold War and reinvent colonialism. The book covers case-studies from different continents, including the Arab-Israeli War, the Korean War, UN operations in the Congo, and the United Nations Force in Cyprus. While the book focuses on the actions of mid-level UN bureaucrats, it also discusses the role of senior officials. Tudor's work is critical of the UN's actions, with a focus on the Indigenous Peoples who often suffered as a result of UN peacekeeping missions and colonial regimes. The book offers new approaches for understanding the Cold War, decolonization, and multilateral institutions, making it a valuable resource for those interested in the shortcomings of the UN and the broader international system. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the book "Feminismo, gênero e Relações Internacionais" which provides an academic overview and critical engagement with feminist, intersectional, queer, and Indigenous theories in Brazil. The book aims to introduce debates surrounding feminism in International Relations (IR) and other research agendas. It explores the challenges of balancing feminist theory from the global South with insights from the global North, without perpetuating colonizing practices. The book also highlights the impact of colonization on different segments of the population and emphasizes feminist solidarity. It contributes to existing literature by providing an overview of feminist perspectives in Brazil, offering insights from a Brazilian standpoint, and increasing visibility for underrepresented groups. [Extracted from the article]

UN peacekeeping became a flagship activity of the liberal international order (LIO) in the post-Cold War era, characterized by globalization, liberal norms and western leadership. Western states' diminished support for LIO UN peacekeeping has left it increasingly open to challenge, but significant changes are only likely if a strong group of states coalesces around an alternative model of UN peacekeeping. This article highlights African actors and China as well positioned to play pivotal roles in such a coalition. African states, who host the preponderance of UN missions and furnish almost half of the UN's uniformed peacekeepers, support globalized UN peacekeeping, show relatively weak support for the most liberal peacebuilding principles and assert the need for African-led solutions to continental crises. China's influence reflects its P5 status, financial and personnel contributions to UN peacekeeping and engagement with regional actors, notably in Africa. Aspiring to global leadership and a 'new world order', China endorses globalized UN peacekeeping but proposes a non-liberal (and non-western led) notion of 'developmental peace' to guide it. The complementarities between African and Chinese priorities raise the possibility of a profound challenge to LIO peacekeeping. Rather than heralding deglobalization, however, this challenge illustrates that post-LIO international institutions may instead be characterized by deliberalization and dewesternization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Twenty years since the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 there is an almost unanimous call for an increased number of uniformed women in peace operations from policy-makers and multilateral organizations. This continuous push for the inclusion of more women is often justified by arguments about an increased operational effectiveness related to women's 'added value': both implicitly and explicitly advocating for greater gender equality. Yet, in this article, I contend that using instrumentalist arguments to increase the number of female peacekeepers may on the contrary undermine gender equality. This is related to the risk of producing self-fulfilling prophecies whereby female peacekeepers try to live up to the high expectations by fitting into gender-stereotypes and/or by working harder than their male colleagues. Rather than increase gender equality, such efforts risk transforming the female 'added value' to an 'added burden' which male peacekeepers do not have to carry. Anchoring the study in feminist theory with the aim to understand gendered relations of power, to illustrate my argument I draw on extensive interview material from military staff and peacekeepers in South Africa, Burundi, Belgium and Niger; interviews and informal discussions with female and male peacekeepers; and participation in several policy and research workshops on female participation in peacekeeping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

United Nations peace operations are deployed in greater numbers to more difficult operating theatres in response to more complex conflict situations than ever before. More than 100,000 UN peacekeepers are deployed in missions mandated under Chapter VII of the UN Charter to use 'all necessary means' to protect civilians from direct harm as well as to achieve a host of other tasks such as supporting the (re)building of state institutions, facilitating humanitarian aid, and overseeing compliance with ceasefire agreements and political commitments. With increasing regularity, UN peacekeepers are instructed to complete these tasks in contexts where there is no peace to keep or where peace is fragile. To understand these changes, and the implications for UN peace operations, this article examines three key transformations: the emergence of the protection of civilians as a central mission goal (and accompanying principles of due diligence); a subtle move away from peacekeeping as an impartial overseer of peace processes towards the goal of stabilization; and a so-called 'robust turn' towards greater preparedness to use force. It identifies the challenges posed to contemporary UN peacekeeping operations by these transformations and evaluates the UN's efforts thus far to make peacekeeping fit for purpose in the twenty-first century, noting that while significant progress has been made in areas such as policy and guidance, force sustainment and deployment, and the application of force enablers, there remains a considerable way to go. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The attack on the Westgate Mall in Nairobi, Kenya, in September 2013 intensified international scrutiny of the war against Harakat Al-Shabaab Mujahideen (Movement of the Warrior Youth). This article analyses the current state of affairs with reference to the three principal sets of actors in this war: Al-Shabaab, the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) and its international partners, and the various actors currently involved in building the Somali Federal Government's security forces. It argues that although the newly reconfigured Al-Shabaab poses a major tactical threat in Somalia and across the wider Horn of Africa, the movement is becoming a less important actor in Somalia's national politics. As Al-Shabaab loses territory and its popularity among Somalis continues to dwindle, other clan- and region-based actors will become more salient as national debates over federalism, the decentralization of governance mechanisms beyond Mogadishu and the place of clannism will occupy centre stage. As a consequence, AMISOM's principal roles should gradually shift from degrading Al-Shabaab towards a broader stabilization agenda: encouraging a national consensus over how to build effective governance structures; developing an effective set of Somali National Security Forces; and ensuring that the Federal Government delivers services and effective governance to its citizens, especially beyond Mogadishu in the settlements recently captured from Al-Shabaab. As it stands, however, AMISOM is not prepared to carry out these activities. More worryingly, nor is the Somali Federal Government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hodzi contributes to the understanding of the intervention behaviour of rising powers in intrastate armed conflicts in Africa, while Lutmar and Ockey assess western countries' conflict resolution practices to identify strategies and mechanisms for better peacebuilding practice in the Asia-Pacific region. Rather than analysing one country's peacebuilding practice, Lutmar, Ockey and their colleagues assess various efforts towards post-conflict resolution in the Asia-Pacific region. [Extracted from the article]

The article is organized into two main parts. First, it presents the termination of the conflict in Sierra Leone as a case-study to examine the degree to which cosmopolitan values connecting peacekeeping and peacebuilding are (or are not) evident. The case-study looks at the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) as a model of successful peacekeeping in the sense that everyday security was provided for the people of Sierra Leone through the deployment of a robust peacekeeping mission. This assessment needs to be qualified in relation to serious deficits still to be addressed in post-conflict peacebuilding, yet the success of this mission does provide encouragement for those who see the construction of a cosmopolitan security architecture for Africa as both desirable and achievable. Second, it explores the degree to which an appropriate model of cosmopolitan peacekeeping might emerge at regional and continental levels in Africa through the development of the African Standby Force (ASF). What the case-study presented here and the survey of the African Union (AU)/ASF in the second part of the article have in common is that taken together, they provide some evidence to suggest that, however fragile, the AU is beginning to define an agenda that represents a continent wide and, in that sense at least, a cosmopolitan response to African security issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]