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The pi esent paper is exploratory in nature and represents the micro approaches in the process of analysis. It would be micro in nature to the extent ofstudy intended to highlight the policies and programmes of Tribal welfare department. The paper would identify certain success and failure issues, while implementation o f Tribal welfare policies. This paper deals with the policies and programmes of Tribal Welfare Department, in Telangana Government. The census of India 2011 enumerates the total population of scheduled tribes in India at 10, 42,81,034 persons, constituting 8.6 percent of the population of the country. There are around 744 (There is no unanimous opinion on recognition ofnumber of Scheduled Tribal groups in India) scheduled tribe categories officially recognized by the Indian government as scheduled Tribes in the 5th scheduled o f the constitution of India, they are speaking 105 languages and speaking 225 subsidiary languages. There are 32, 39,327 lakh scheduled tribes population in Telangana state as per 2011 census. They constitute 9.34% of the total population of the state, and there are 35 groups of scheduled tribes are recognize in united Andhra Pradesh state list, out of which 16 tribal groups are in Telangana state and 4 groups recognized as a primitive tribal groups (PTGs) in Telangana state. The Scheduled area recognized in Telangana state (scheduled area extend over 17,352.78 Sq. Kms, and covering 1504 villages) are in Adilabad, Warangal. Khamam and Mahabuhnagar districts, under the 5th scheduled, the district collector of the district acts as the agent to the governance fo r ensuring peace and good government in tribal areas.In the last 67 years o f independence, tribal development may be categorized into three sections; i.e., positive, negative and suggestive responses. The positive response indicates the achievements so fa r made and the expectations o f the further development in future. They utilize the concessions in education and jobs and secured many jobs and acquired high qualifications. In the field ofpolitics, they reached higher posts by contesting in the reseiyations seats. Besides, some exceptional cases of tribal occupation of higher posts in state and union governments. Kariya Munda, The Deputy Speaker of present Lok Sabha belongs to tribal community, and earlier 11th Lok Sabha speaker was PA. Sangma is also a prominent tribal leader. There are many tribal leaders, eligible to reach the constitutional positions of India. (Ex. J.M. Lingdo, the former Chief Election Commissioner) These aspects show that tribal s have a positive response to the development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The word 'Secularism' is derivedfrom Latin word Saeculum' which means 'of this age ' 'related to this world' etc. In the Encyclopaedia Americana it is defined as an ethical system founded on the principles of natural morality and independent of revealed religion or supernaturalism. It arose and developed at a period when the relations of science and religion were beginning to be regarded as directly opposed to one another. Secularism held that its principles could be established and sustained by the intellect. It deals with the known world interpreted by experience and neither offers nor forbids any opinion regarding another world. Thus secularism and religion were defined in mutually exclusive terms. Secularism as a political principle emerged during the time of renaissance and has been very widely accepted in the twentieth century. After the political surgery of India into India and Pakistan, India adopted the concept of secularism as one of its basic principles of governance. Jawaharlal Nehru's faith in secularism gave a definite shape to the Indian polity. Western thinkers regard secularism as a complete separation between religion and politics. On the other hand, Indian thinkers have given a slightly different meaning to the concept. Keeping in mind this Indian perspective, three parameters of secularism were used to examine Nehru's political ideas. They are: tolerance ofall religions, accommodation of minorities' rights, and equal protection of allfaiths by the state. It is in this regard that it is important to understand the relevance of secularism in Indian Education system. The paper is divided into four parts. First part deals with the overview of the paper by introducing some important debates related to the basic conceptual notion of secularism .Secondpart deals with the concept o f secularism and its dimensions. Third part deals with the relevance of secularism and its importance for the working of Indian democracy. Fourth part talks about the inculcation of secular teaching in syllabi o f Indian educational system. Finally paper concludes with the overall analysis of the concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nuclear issue had always been a source of irritant between India and United States of America. India was denied access to missile and nuclear technology, fuel and other facilities since it conducted its first nuclear explosion in 1974. In such a context the United States of America has not only engaged with India in civil nuclear agreement but also lobbied hard for providing exclusive concessions to India. It persuaded the members of Nuclear Supplier Group (NSG) and IAEA , and provided an opportunity for India to have access to advanced nuclear technology. Even in 2016 US has supported Indian bid to get the membership in NSG. This paper examines the US approach towards Indian nuclear programme and also highlights the important factors that have contributed to the shift in US nuclear policy towards India. After passing the eight years, the Indo US Civil Nuclear Agreement was not fully implemented . The controversy over the various sections of the Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act and Prime Minister Modi's move to resolve the controversy is also analyzed in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article begins with the description of natural diversity and unity of India covering its variegated variety of culture, custom, tradition, race, colour, caste, geographical location etc. as well as the equality of all in rights, status and constitutional protection of the country. My paper is based on the ethnographic, descriptive and analytical method of studies for it covers the historical as well as the current situation covering the whole practical experiences of the present day elections in India. This paper questions as to why India the biggest democracy in the world has become the democracy of the few capitalists and political elite? It also stresses on the problems of elections in India with the use of Electronic Voting Machine. The paper suggested certain points to the Election Commission of India for necessary modification in its elections model code of conduct so as to make our democracy an infallible democracy. Thus, the paper classified as the introduction, something about democracy, then come to present day elections in India and its problems, Election Commission of India, certain suggestion based on personal vision and finally come to the conclusion. I contribute this paper with the objective that such a paper can be used in making country s policy and action plan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

True democracy evolves on the basis of 'proper representation ' and 'equal participation' of its 'demos Women represent almost half of the population of every country in the world, but, on average, their representation in parliaments is only 16%. The percentage varies from nation to nation; from zero in Saudi Arabia to 56.3% in Rwanda in 2010. In India, the largest democracy in the world, the percentage is only 11.23 percent first time crossing the single digit mark in the history of its parliament. Their underrepresentation in parliament is considered as a 'democratic deficit' symbolizing unequal power relations between public/private dichotomous spheres of the archaic patriarchal structure. The paper looks Women s Reservation Bill (WRB) as a testament to more equitable and inclusive system of governance in India; it also highlights global experience of 'quota 'for the broader agenda of 'inclusive democracy' and 'good governance'. The deadlock over the passage of bill reflects how gender inequality has perpetuated in the mindscape of people, simultaneously becoming a hindrance for the constitutional idea! of democracy. Against this backdrop, the paper attempts to examine the debate on WRB unleashing the contentious politics of 'power sharing' behind the false constructed arguments of political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper seeks to analyse the effect of elections- the Assembly elections of Delhi of December 2013 and the 16th Lok sabha elections of May 2014- on the Aam Aadmi Party. The party, after its formation in October 2012, had scripted one of the most spectacular electoral victories, winning 28 seats in the 70-member Assembly of Delhi. If this unexpected electoral triumph catapulted it to the seat of power in Delhi and inflated its ego to such an extent that it turned a blind eye to the goof ups it committed in its brief stint in the Delhi government, the drubbings in the parliamentary elections in less than six months, has given it a reality check of the Indian politics. Against this backdrop, the paper seeks to analyse the decision of the party to concentrate on the Assembly elections in Delhi and to refrain from electoral contest in upcoming Assembly elections in Haryana, Jharkhand, Maharashtra. andJammu and Kashmir. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the major challenges that Indian state is confronting in north east India is the rise of extremist movements inspired by ethno-national consciousness. While there has been repeated reiteration of willingness on the part of Indian state to seek political solution, the present response of Indian state is primarily shaped by its security consideration. Such security based approach, however, has failed to curb such extremist movements and is ridden with serious problem. It is in this context that the present paper seeks to examine the nature of the present state response, its rationality in the larger context of India's nation building process and its effectiveness and implications. This paper argues that while security and integrity may be legitimate concern for the Indian state, over emphasis on these aspects may creates problems for groups with distinct ethno-national consciousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper seeks to analyse the effect of elections- the Assembly elections of Delhi of December 2013 and the 16th Lok sabha elections of May 2014- on the Aam Aadmi Party. The party, after its formation in October 2012, had scripted one of the most spectacular electoral victories, winning 28 seats in the 70-member Assembly of Delhi. If this unexpected electoral triumph catapulted it to the seat of power in Delhi and inflated its ego to such an extent that it turned a blind eye to the goof ups it committed in its brief stint in the Delhi government, the drubbings in the parliamentary elections in less than six months, has given it a reality check of the Indian politics. Against this backdrop, the paper seeks to analyse the decision of the party to concentrate on the Assembly elections in Delhi and to refrain from electoral contest in upcoming Assembly elections in Haryana, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, and Jammu and Kashmir. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper aims at exploring and analyzing inter-linkages between caste and politics in Bihar. The paper argues that even in the pre-independence period, Bihar politics was dominated by the 'twice-born' castes. However, the gradual assertion of the lower and backward castes had its impact on the state politics also. The erstwhile dominance of upper castes was effectively challenged and to a certain extent was replaced by the emerging backward castes. This paper analyses this transition through caste based mobilization for electoral participation. The Bihar Assembly Elections of 1967, 1990, 2005 and 2010 are briefly discussed. Their significance lies in the fact that in 1967, the Congress 'System 'suffered cracks for the first time; 1990 saw the consolidation of lower as well as backward castes and elections in 2005 and 2010 shifted the locus of power from one backward caste Yadavs to combination of other two backward castes Kurmi and Koeri along with 'twice-born 'castes. Thus, politics in Bihar has come to a phase wherein absolute dominance of either backward or 'twice born 'castes seems difficult. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has become a byword in international studies to extol India's constant championship of democratic mechanisms such as elections and constitutional bodies while speaking simultaneously of the failure of comprehensively viewed Indian democracy, evinced by the constant reports of national corruption, poverty, communalism, and various other social corrosives disintegrating the fabric of the Indian polity. Using currently available scholarship on ancient and modern trends in civil society, this paper argues that these failures can be attributed in part to the fact that Indian civil society is currently paralyzed by tumultuous structural interface between classical Vedic-inflected notions of civil society, represented collectively here as the "praja-tantra" tradition, and its modern counterpart, the heavily Western liberal democratic ethos of the 1940s Republic. The aims of this paper are to: 1) demonstrate the differences between the two temporal and cultural styles of democracy by documenting their influences and historical trajectories, 2) evaluate their suitability for present challenges facing the Indian democratic apparatus, and 3) propose avenues for further study and possible synthesis of these two traditions of Indian structural democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper is a modest attempt to discuss the evolution of the concept of Soft Power and a foreign policy choice for India. It makes distinction between soft power and hard power. The researcher also attempts to discuss the factors and forces as well as the constrains which block the natural evolution of India becoming a soft power. However, the paper deals with the issues to promote India as a soft power that can help the nation to grow and promote her interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper based on a literature review focuses on Panchayati Raj Institutions in Gujarat. The paper takes critical stock of how these local institutions have functioned under different acts legislated from time to time in the state. Critically analysing the post 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, it tries to find out, how far this Act has been able to make difference to the lives of ordinary people in terms of bringing-them close to exercising their power at the grassroots level. Further, the paper also looks into other determinants that are crucial to the overall performance of the Panchayati Raj. In a way forward, it explores what possible changes and approaches the state government can adopt towards realising the real objective and spirit underlying a true decentralisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the function of Gram Sabha in the context of tribal belts of India, where PESA has been accepted by the respective state governments and there is presence of substantial amount of Tribals. The literature review started from the constitutional provisions for Gram Sabha, various declarations regarding it, followed by state acts, notifications, declarations etc. Then to get a broad picture of the existing practices in Gram Sabha, whatever case studies, reports, articles are available on Gram Sabha with specific reference to the concerned states, have been reviewed. This paper tries to examine the applicability of PESA in reality with specific reference to tribal dominated states and where the undercurrent of strong left wing extremism is visible at this point of time. The author is trying to find out the reasons for non implementation of PESA act in letter and spirit as well as consequences out of it. At the end of the day, this paper will try to provide some possible way of addressing the urgent needs of tribals with specific reference to the particular part of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to study the Naxalite movement in Indian politics and approach the Naxalite phenomenon through different angles. It accounts the brief historical journey of the movement, the strength and mechanism in place that sustains it. While examining this phenomenon, the paper presents a thorough interrogation of the prevalent situation and causes that provide energy to this phenomenon with reemphasizing the developmental discourse in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proposed research paper attempts to highlight the observation that internal security has always been historically significant for the India as it is part of the Kautliyan narrative that the Regent and the Monarch of the day need to be cunning, wily and strategically dexterous with an covert paraphernalia of espionage and spy mechanisms to monitor the internal socio-economic and political environment of the society and polity of the nation. The paper will focus upon the notion of the all pervading internally fissiparous trends which have permeated the body rubric of the nation state of India. Challenges of the order of Terrorism, Maoism, regionally fissiparous discourses and the great caste divide tend to befuddle the mandarins of the Indian nation state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the concept of gender discrimination and how this concept effects the empowerment of women in Indian context. Indian society is a highly hierarchical society. It is a patriarchal society too. Even where matrilineal societies prevail, as in the north-east and the far south, the only politically correct position is to enhance the status of women to an equal status in the political sense only and not in an economic or social status sense. In this paper we discussed various forms, challenges and solutions of women empowerment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paper presents existing awareness level, belief, perception and ongoing practices of voters regarding their readiness of participation of registered voters in elections of Uttar Pradesh. It is conducted to help understand the knowledge, attitude, practices, behaviour and faith of voters of the state in existing system across the demographic features, the socio-economic structure in terms of class and gender divide, cultural traditions, literacy level, leadership abilities their pattern and other critical issues. The findings of paper may found to be useful in deciding the future course of action for mopping up the gap between prevailing electoral practices and the expected outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political discourse in Northeast India very often use the term 'Indian State' to manifest the grievances of the people in the region against the Union government i.e. Government of India (Gol)for its both real and perceived act of violation of peoples 'rights. Continuance of some of the apparatuses invented by the British authority to serve its colonial interests has reinforced these grievances. Armed Forces (Special'Powers) Act, 1958 is one such colonial apparatus which remains a point of contestation between the Government of India that of civil society forces in the region. Present paper is an attempt to critically evaluate the implications of those colonial apparatuses on the much awaited peace for the region. The paper argues that the peace initiatives undertaken by the Government of India are bound to be a failure if the rallying points of 'grievance discourse'- the colonial apparatuses are not withdrawn from the region. Keywords: coercive apparatuses; colonial legacies; Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act- AFSPA; Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The studies on ancient Indian politics have generally focussed on politico-administrative aspects of polity. The financial administration including taxation and revenue collection have been conveniently ignored while given the present importance to political economy, these dimensions need to he probed systematically and deeply. The present paper tries to explore these dimensions by way of understanding the nature and extent of taxation as a system in Kautilya 's Arthasastra. The paper puts forward certain relevant issues and paves the way of further studies in this area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the nuclearization of India and Pakistan the security scenario in South Asia became more uncertain, tension-ridden and unstable than before. Both the countries are spending enormous sums on the production, deployment, targeting, defence, supervision, and control of their nuclear weapons and delivery systems, as well as, on building the infrastructure that would generate the fisslle material, warheads, aircrafts, missiles, and command and control systems necessary for their nuclear programmes. These weapons of mass destruction tend to defy all rational calculations of security risks arid ways of meeting them. The hostilities, distrust, suspicion and misperceptions between both the adversaries along with the very presence of nuclear weapons and missile systems put the region on a high risk of nuclear war if not by design but accidentally. The present paper is a moderate attempt in the direction to enquire the situations in which nuclear war can start accidentally. This paper is a divided into two parts. First part gives an outlook of nuclear programmes of both the countries while the second part seriously examines the existing factors which can lead to accidental nuclear war in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper attempts to encapsulate the political dynamics in the state of Andhra Pradesh, wherein the government is now under tremendous political pressure from parties and social forces, supporting or opposing the demand for a separate state of Telengana. An attempt is made in this paper to give a comprehensive view of the movement forseparate Telengana state by throwing light on history, economy and politics in Andhra Pradesh. Given that there is eveiy possibility of a new state becoming a reality in the near future, the paper also tries to predict the likely consequences of the formation of Telengana state on the people of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The roots of the civil services go back a long way in Indian history. Kautilya's Arthasastra, spoke extensively about the basic elements of administrative apparatus of the past, which was followed up by the Mauiyans, Mughals and otherrulers of the past. However, the significant changes came with the implementation of Macaulay's report, though it had a focus on sustaining the colonial administration. The advent of 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment Acts have brought in major changes in the political dimensions. Rural and urban bed! governments have been enabled to become institutions of self government and to make them meaningfully function, the existing system of administration of departments and the District Collectorate has to undergo fundamental changes. However, this has not happened to the extent envisioned. In this paper, an effort is being made to analyse the recommendations of Second Administrative Reforms Commission (ARC) which was brought out during 2007- 2008, with specific thrust on the sixth report on 'local governance' and tenth report on 'restructuring of civil services' in the countty, with its focus on the planning exercises. The paper puts forward certain practical suggestions towards refurbishing of civil services. in the political context of 'woiking with' the local government institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Biju Janata Dal (BJD) as a major regional party in Odisha provides a window of oppoitunity to assess the political trend in the state in the latter half of the 1990s. The state electorate has largely favoured regional parties, both in the Lok Sabha and in the assembly elections. This paper attempts to locate the thirteen years old party the Biju Janata Dal within the broader framework of Odishas electoral politics and it seeks to locus on the emergence of the BJD, its electoral success, social base, ideology, leadership, orgnisation style and its future prospects. Finally, the paper examines the future prospects of the BJD party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper an intersectional approach has been used for analyzing the complex interlinkage between gender, political consciousness and political participation. It analyses how gendered discourses interlink with the political at various levels of Himalayan socio-political life. The paper's hypothesis is that gender consciousness is not a central precondition to the schemata of political consciousness for a majority of the women. This is contrary to the experience of how political consciousness and gender consciousness are linked in developed societies. Based on a study of women engaged in varied political activity in the Central Himalayan region of Uttarakhand, it concludes that gender consciousness is not a significant facilitator of politicization. Research on gender and political leadership in the region has so far has narrowly defined both political and gender consciousness, failing to account for the intersectional consciousness, broader commitments, concerns, and loyalties held by women of differing caste and socio-economic groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today the issues at local governance can be better addressed with the involvement and participation of the people in day-to-day governance. The framework of the paper deals with how the local government can be reinvented to ensure participation and involvement of the people at grass roots level. This paper focuses on conceptual framework for people's participation and empowerment. People's participation is essential for any programme of development to meet its objectives and achieving its goals. The concept of people's participation can be related with the rights of citizenship and democratic governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The most alarming finding of the Census 2001 is the discarded daughters' Although there is a welcome improvement in the sex ratio from the 1991 census, the sharp decline in the child sex ratio is a matter of great concern. In Bihar the child sex ratio recorded its fell dropping ii points from 953 to 942 during the final decade of the last millennium. However during the same decade, the overall sex ratio recorded its gain, rising 12 points from 907 in 1991 to 919 in 2001. In this context, this paper is aimed at understanding the magnitude of declining child sex ratio and sex selective abotlions in Bihor at the district leveL The reasons behind this trend have also been explored. The study is based on secondary data borrowed from Census of India and NFHS-3. This paper also tries to capture the reason behind this changed demography of Bihar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the modern world defining development has been a gridlock, which requires familiarity with the ambiguities and paradoxes attached to the notion of development. Development-induced displacement has come to reside with globalisation adding to land acquisition. Also the number of displaced (DP) or project affected persons (PAP) i.e. those deprived of livelihood without physical relocation is growing. Most DP/PAPs belong to the subaltern classes. Development-induced displacement has existed from the ancient times but became a major problem with colonialism and got intensified with post-independence planned development. This paper is an effort to understand the dilemma of development-induced displacement, the question of rehabilitation, resettlement, and compensation in Moolampilly in Ernakulam district, Kerala. The paper envisages an insight to the development induced displacement concentrating specifically on the physical forms of development, i.e. Moolampilly project which required land expropriation and call for displacement by verdict. The researcher attempts to view the development contest from the position of poor people who actually bear the cost of development and also touch ahead its legal and social ramifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After independence, many political, social and economic transformations have taken place in Indian Democracy. A change has been produced in the functioning of democracy in the late 1980s and early 1990s due to the evolution of political parties in North India and particularly the development of political parties whose electoral success depends on the support of a small section of the society of a state of the Indian Union. A change can also be seen in attitude and relation between citizen and political parties. This paper attempts to examine the Indian democratic changes at political level. Firstly it examines the evolution of the coalition politics. Secondly it deals with the changing social profile of representatives. Thirdly paper defines the politics at the local level. A study of changing Indian democracy at the national, regional and local levels of politics will enable us to build an analysis that addresses different aspects of changes, the diversity of situation and the various trajectories of democracy within India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate some of the shortcomings and pit falls of traditional electoral politics and representative democracy. In the past few years there is always a discourse that talks about the disconnect between people, their representatives and the political system. There are also allegations and not always wrongly, that politicians have evolved into a class of their own and that they use politics for the satisfaction of their desire for power and money. It is alleged that democracy is just a façade that they put up for the furtherance of their agendas and goals and use the people only to reach their goals. Separate state movements in India (and the separate Telangana movement in the case of this paper) are symbols of a democracy not serving the needs of people and therefore throwing up conflicts based in parochialism and identities based in difference. These can be threats to the national fabric of the country and to federalism as well. The paper argues that the supplementing of representative democracy with a vibrant public sphere and deliberative democracy will facilitate the overcoming of problems that the country faces today. It also shows the possibility of the internet, blogosphere, social networking and micro blogging as possible means of creating a participative public sphere where citizens have greater say and control in matters that pertain to them and society, without being manipulated by politicians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The roots of the civil services go back a long way in Indian history. Kautilya's Arthasastra, spoke extensively about the basic elements of administrative, apparatus of the past, which was followed up by the Mauryans, Mughals and other rulers of the past. However, the significant changes came with the implementation of Macaulay's report though it had a focus on sustaining the colonial administration. The advent of 73rd and 74th ConstitutionalAmendmentActs have bmughtin major changes in the political dimensions. Rural and urban local governments have been enabled to become institutions of self government and to make them meaningfully function, the existing system of administration of departments and the District Collectorate has to undergo fundamental changes. However, this has not happened to the extent envisioned. In this paper, an effort is being made to analyse the recommendations of Second Administrative Reforms Commission (ARC) which was brought out during 2007- 2008, with specific thrust on the sixth report on 'local governance' and tenth report on 'restructuring of civil services' in the country. with its focus on the planning exercises. The paper puts forward certain practical suggestions towards refurbishing of civil services, in the political context of Working with' the local government institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the many political phenomena gaining strength in West Europe in recent years has been the rise of far right parties, also described as 'right radical' or 'extreme right' parties. Though the phenomenon is not new as France was one of first major countries in Europe in the post-Second World War period to witness the gradual but steady development of such parties in the form of Front National, what is more surprising is the fact that the trend of extreme right parties has caught up with many of the developed and affluent nations of West Europe during the last one decade. The rise of globalization during the decade of '90s and the wide spread socio-economic crisis generated in its aftermath became the catalyst in the sudden spurt of extreme right parties in West Europe and which has led to far-reaching consequences in this region. The Shiv Sena in India represents a parallel example of Front National- France's right-wing radical party- whose activities and operations has affected the legal-political scenario and has sent ripples down the socio-economic set-up of the country. The present paper seeks to comparatively analyse the ideology of Front National and Shiv Sena - the major extreme right parties in France and India respectively- and their impact on governmental stability. The paper also draws implications of such parties and concludes by dwelling on their future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At about the same time when India jumped into the 'globalization, privatization and liberalization' bandwagon, it rediscovered its umbilical ties with the members of Indian diaspora. We am very proud of the accomplishments of the members of the diaspora. This paper is i attempt to probe whether we are equally responsive to the plight of the less fortunate members of Indian diaspora located in South East Asia. In the first section of the paper, I will take a brief note of how to define the Indian diaspora, and will trace how the policy of the government of India towards the diaspora has undergone a shift. I will attempt an examination of the present sociopolitical status of Indian diaspora in Southeast Asia in the second section with special attention to Malaysia and Myanmar where the Indian diaspora face challenging situations. In the third section, I will try to evaluate how far the policy measures suggested by the High Level Committee on Indian Diaspora (L.M. Singhvi Committee, 2002) address the grievances of people of Indian origin and will also attempt to point out what remains to be done. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Right are those essential conditions of life, which enable individuals to develop their personality and. We with dignity. The Constitution of India, therefore, guarantees certain fundamental rights to individual citizen. The fundamental rights under Article 29 and Article 30 deal with cultural and educational rights. But education has a broad perspective. It encompasses knowledge of all kinds. The kind of modem education through its formal institutions came late. But prior to that knowledge was acquired through other means. The tribal as indigenous communities possessed indigenous knowledge, which was informal, mostly oral and non-institutionalized. It is believed that the prime reason for which the colonialists established an education system was to create an elite who could help in the management of resources. The major critic of the present education system is that it is too main stream forgetting the culture and identities of the indigenous people. Here, what is the purpose of education is also a major question. If the mainstream educational standard of a state tends to be co-related with only the job market, usually, there remains no room for traditional learning. As usual, literacy still is a focus of the education system. Enrollment is given importance. These trends have their own consequences. As Orissa has a high proportion of tribal communities in its population. These are important issues. The present paper would attempt to discuss these aspects in the context of tribal of Orissa. The paper is base don secondary sources of data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After independence, many political, social and economic transformations have taken place in Indian Democracy. A change has been produced in the functioning of democracy in the late 1980s and early 1990s due to the evolution of political parties in North India and particularly the development of political parties whose electoral success depends on the support of a small section of the society of a state of The Indian Union. A change can also be seen in attitude and relation between citizen and political parties. This paper attempts to examine the Indian democratic changes at political level. Firstly it examines the evolution of the coalition politics. Secondlyif deals with the changing social profileof representatives. Thirdly paper defines the politics at the local level. A study of changing Indian democracy at the national, regionél and local levels of politics will enable us to build an analysis that addresses different aspects of changes, the diversity of situation and the various trajectories of democracy within India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

North-East of India has been characterized by extremes of uneven development and a consciousness of deprivation bulwarked against the silhouette of ethno-politics. The paper attempts at letting statistics speak for themselves while analyzing the sustainability dimensions of the development process dependent solely on Central assistance and grants-in-aid. The paper argues the need to develop an emergent pattern of development approach Within the realm of development economics, and search for a right combination of community, market and State for promoting economic growth and allow the trickle down effect of growth to reach the grass root level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In India the poverty is related to population, land and the social system and even today there exists ill health, illiteracy and backwardness of varied nature. Therefore, after independence, India was one among the other countries which went in for social and economic transformation of both urban and the rural population with the primary motive of attacking the poverty. Further, the Planning commission of India made many attempts to curb the poverty. Accordingly, a number of policies and programmes have been implemented in this direction to address the needs of small and marginal farmers and agricultural laborers. The focus later shifted to employment generation programmes. Now Swaran Jayanthi Swamjgar Vozajana (SJSY) is a major self employment programme that strives to seek a long run solution to the problem of poverty. This programme is currently is in implementation in these two states effectively. The important future of this programme is that, focuses on group approach and provides an integrated package among them loan, guidance, skills, and marketing facilities to the Self Help Groups. Thus, this programme is implemented from April 1991. As in both the states of Kamataka and Andhra Pradesh all the above mentioned programmes were implemented for several years. But, few programmes have achieved its targets in one state andhave not achieved its target in another state. Therefore, the present paper makes an attempt to assess the causes for the effective implementation of Poverty alleviation Programmes in these two slates and also identifies the obstacles fornot effectively implementing these programmes in the state pfAndhra Pradesh and Kamataka. Finally, the paper suggests the strategies to be implemented for the eradication of poverty through Self Help Groups Programme (public policy) in the state of Kamataka and Andhra Pradesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is focused on the problem of regionalism in Indian federation specifically concentrating upon the Gorkhaland. Regionalism is often referred to as "sub- nationalism" or "micro- nationalism". There is a wide variation in ethnic, religious and linguistic groups in all parts of India. The people of West Nepal are known as Gorkhas. Partition gave them global recognition by creating Gorkha Regiment and including them in British Army. In 1907, Gorkhas for the first time raised for separate existence. All India Gorkha League submitted one memorandum in 1952 to then Prime Minister Pt. J.L. Nehru. From then on under the banner of GNLFa movement has been operated from Darjeeling and other hill areas nearby. The CPI (M) has been in favour of giving something for the hills but has always been against the division of state. The Govt. of West Bengal passed the Gorkha Hill Council Bill, and established the council but the people of Darjeeling are not satisfied. The paper suggests an approach of self- administration for the solution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Child labour is widespread and bad for development of individual child, the society and economy in which she or he lives. The present paper underlines the role of education in eradicating child labour. Studies have concluded that eliminating child labour and putting children into education would have huge aggregate development benefits. From the time of its independence, India has committed itself to be against child labour. Despite numerous governmental policies and programmes on the one hand and untiring efforts by different NGOs, child labour. still stands as a hard reality. The paper explores the scope of formulation and operation ofpolicies and pmgrammes to insure all round social progress and sustainable economic development in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People who exercise a great deal of choice in their lives may be very powerful, but they are not empowered, because they were never disempowered in the first place. Empowerment cannot be defined in terms of specific activities or end results because it involves a process whereby women can freely analyze, develop and voice their needs and interests, without them being pro-defined, or imposed from above. The assumption that planners can identify women's needs; runs against empowerment objectives. The concept of 'Gender Discrimination' has much wider coverage in the Indian economy. If is apparent in our population structure (generally defined by declining proportion of the females in total population), political structure and social structure. However, the expected that globalization and restructuring of the economy may benefit the women as there may be larger absorption of women into paid work. Since under the name of globalization, more and more flexibility in labour laws is being injected in, the Indian economy, the size of unorganized labour force is swelling. Therefore, present paper focuses on the empowerment of women and their work autonomy with review of the literature by various studies conducted in India and as well as in other countries. An attempt has been made to check whether the gender inequalities have diminished and finally the paper discusses the indicators of empowerment and suggests the policies and programmes for women autonomy at work place as well as empowerment in the era of globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is an attempt to comprehend Jyotirao Phule's contribution towards the upliftment of sudratnshudhra, toilers, peasants and women. It also highlights the social and economic spheres during the pro and post Peshwa's regime. Paper also fries to focus the influencing factors of Phule that made him to start the radical anti-brahman movement. The paper also intends to look into his contribution towards the girl-child education and their empowerment. The Aryan and non-Aryan theories and the issues of imperialism, Brahmanism and its evil practices which made Phule a social revolutionary. The Study also reflects on Phule's understanding of backward class movement and its influence on the Dravidian movement in particular and Dalit Bahujan movement as well as sarwajan in general. In other words, paper tries to assess Phule's contribution towards reconstruction of Indian society as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indian Idea of Kingship presented in the paper has basically been derived from four Sanskrit canonical texts viz. Arthashastra,Manusmriti, Mahabharata, and Shukranitisara: The paper discusses the objectives of kingship, elements of the state, king's status, virtues, education, succession, duties, and categories, It also concentrates on the selection, qualities, and duties of the councillors and the ministers; and presents Indian ideas regarding laws and administration of justice, taxation, people's obligation and right, and foreign policy. In order to make these ideas more comprehensive they have been compared to and contrasted with those in the western tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses the implementation of some of policy frameworks envisioned in the Indian Constitution as Directive Principles of State Policy. The paper critically examines the policy initiatives and achivement levels in Madhya Pradesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social inequality is their in Indian society since from the ancient time. Among the other factors which contributed for the inequality, the caste system in the Indian society occupies the predominant role. As the lower caste were to subject traditional work with low income earnings. Scheduled caste has low Social and Economic Status. The low status is on account of socio-cultural economic and political restrictions imposed on them traditionally by the Society at large. These restrictions resulted it confining the arena of activity of the scheduled caste to a limit. As this environment continued even after India's independence, and the constitutional provisions came into force for the achievement of social justice and equality. As the process of transformation of lower caste people had taken place. Further, the impact of reservation provisions within the lower caste benefited and few of them emerged as elites among the lower caste. Particularly in the state of Kamataka the scheduled caste transformation is being taken place by the involvement of elite people from scheduled caste. Thus, the present paper examines the efforts of the scheduled caste elites and their organizations to improve the social, economic and culture of scheduIed caste people. It also intends to identify the roles of scheduled caste elites and organizations for creating political awareness among the schedule caste people. The paper also intends to focuses on the over all social transformation in Gulbarga District from the members of scheduled castes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The National Rural Employment Guarantee Act of 2005 is a major development in the history of poverty reduction strategies and rural development policies in India. The NREG scheme is a necessary step for the alleviation of rural poverty. Poverty reduction has been an important goal of development policy since the inception of planning in India. Various anti-poverty, employment generation and basic services programmes have been in operation for decades in India. The NREGA (National Rural Employment Guarantee Act) attach a great importance to removal of poverty, and addressing specifically the wide variations across states and the rural urban divide. Though the successful passage of the Act is due to the long struggle by NGOs, academics, and some policymakers, its successful implementation is a much bigger challenge. Effective implementation of the Act requires that labor-intensive works be planned for the needy poor on a continuous basis; that the right kind of assets are undertaken to promote the development of the local/regional economy; and that the labor-absorbing capacity of the mainstream economy be raised and assets maintained well and used productively to generate benefits for the poor, as well as to promote pro-poor economy growth. Anti- poverty strategy has three broad components: promotion of economic growth; promotion of human development; and targeted programmes of poverty alleviation to address multi-dimensional nature of poverty. The various programmes targeted at the poor have been streamlined and strengthened in recent years, including through the NREGS. The present paper will discuss the Anti-poverty, employment generation and basic services programmes and NREG programme particularly with physical performance indicating Assets created under NREGA particularly with reference to Karnataka State which went in a phased manner. Thus, the paper concludes, with an overview of the national framework of poverty alleviation strategy, policy prescriptions and more effective anti poverty strategies are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is a study on migration as a global phenomenon and in this context investigates specifically the issue of Bangladeshi migrants in Mumbai. After the 7/11, attack on the Western Railways in Mumbai the immediate needle of suspicion was directed towards the illegal Bangladeshi migrants. According to Human Right activists these Bangladeshis are actually economic migrants who cross over illegally purely for survival. But during the recent elections in Assain and West Bengal the inexplicable demographic changes in the bordering district bought the seriousness of the issue in the lime light. Maharashtra especially Mumbai also joined the band wagon asking to deport these migrants which (according to the local party like the Shiv Sena) collaborated with the Pakistani intelligence agency to spread terror in the country. The paper deals with the issue at three levels namely at the level of the migrant, the police administration and politicians. The paper concludes by emphasising the need to tackle the apprehension about migrants by thinking out of the box and considering the issue from the perspective of human security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The problem of child labour is symptom of the disease, which is widespread due to exploitative structure, lop-sided development, and inequities in resource ownership with its correlate of large-scale unemployment and abject poverty among the most of third world countries. The existing international economic order perpetuates this harsh reality because powerful multinational corporations operate and use child labour directly or indirectly to maximize profits and minimize costs. Of all the world's Nations, India is the one having the distinction of having the largest number of child labourers. Yet it is internationally recognized that for a viable democracy and strong future an educated citizenry is- as important as material development. In this paper author has examined child labour from several different but intersecting vantage points. This paper provides a summary of the research, touching on its goals and questions, methodology, and results, It proceeds to discuss major conclusions that may be drawn from the data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gram Sabha characterised as an institution of direct democracy through which rural people participate in the decision-making process. The 73rd Constitutional Amendment accorded constitutional status to the Gram Sabha. In conformity with the Amendment Gram Swaraj Adhiniyam of M.P. enacted in 2001 that expanded the powers of Gram Sabha. The paper deals with the concept of participatory democracy, and role of Gram Sabha as an institution of peoples participation. The powers and functions, economic and political bottlenecks in its way, and its interactions with the rural power structure in M.P. have been analysed in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper tries to evaluate the approach of gender development in the country as a whole and Assam in particular with a linkage perspective of social protection. The paper concludes that the policies and programmes have failed miserably. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy processes are a complex configuration of actors and interests that have different opportunities for influencing and shaping policy as they position themselves in the different sites in which policy making takes place. Since policy making remains an essentially indeterminate and unpredictable process of engagement in which outcomes are always uncertain and contingent, the possibilities for change and alternatives to emerge cannot be bounded off. It is here that the emergence of new "policy spaces" offers opportunities for the engagement of those conventionally excluded from policy deliberations. Through the case study on Delhi water Reform project this paper analyzes how policy spaces create opportunities for change and open up possibilities for shift in direction. This process becomes an important entry point to understanding the dynamics of alternative narratives and agendas in making policy. The paper concludes that the Indian water policy process has largely ignored social demands at the policy formulation level, and new public policy suggestions have been limited, yet still the voices of the citizenry have created space for dissent and, to some degree, have forced changes in what began as an essentially top-down process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper intends to discuss the impact of Self Help Groups programme for the political empowerment of women in Anatapur District. The paper also focuses on the relationship of independent economic activities and earnings of women in respect of their political participation in Village Panchayats, Mandal Praja Parishads and Zilla Parjshads. After 73rd Amendment Act, 33 per cent of reservation for women was provided. Though the act facilitates the reservation to women, the positions were managed by male members of the family. However the impacts of SHG's on poverty eradication and opportunities for taking up independent economic activities have changed the conditions of women in rural areas. In view of this the paper focuses on how women political empowerment has taken place in Gorantala mandal, Anantapur district by the implementation of public policy (SHG's). Findings of the paper have been drown by observing in to the primary data as well as field observations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]