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In this paper we study the relationships between plants and extinct megafauna by examining the characteristics of the vegetation in the central region of Argentina (i.e. Espinal, Monte, and Chaco phytogeographic regions). First, we study the size, shape, quantity, and characteristics of fruits and seeds. We also evaluate the presence of mechanical (spinescence and wood density) and chemical (secondary metabolic compounds) defenses against high rates of herbivory. Complementarily, we assess the importance these plants had for human populations, using archeological, ethnographic, and current data. A high percentage of the analyzed plants met the criteria proposed for fruits and seeds dispersed by megafauna, together with a high frequency of spinescence, high density woods, and secondary metabolites. We propose that these traits cannot be explained by the herbivory pressure of extant fauna in the area, but rather developed in interaction with currently extinct fauna. We suggest that Pleistocene megafaunal extinction had important consequences in the region due to their role as ecosystem engineers and to vegetation's characteristics, which were probably strongly shaped by megafauna activities. Among these consequences, we discuss the loss of certain interactions between these animals and vegetation, such as loss of seed dispersal mechanisms, shrub invasion, and increased susceptibility of vegetation to fire. Other effects for hunter-gatherer groups were the generation of highly regulated mobility patterns and the formation of barriers for the dispersal of prey. Finally, we also discuss the importance of these plants for human populations as food, construction material, medicines and firewood. Likewise, the role of humans as "heirs" of the megafauna in the propagation of tree and shrub species is highlighted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Humanity's relationship with the environment during the Holocene, and into the Anthropocene, is structured around our dependance on agricultural production, which has resulted in risk mitigation strategies that include intensive landscape modifications, among other tactics. However, to understand broader patterns of human resilience and the shifts in human/environment relationships, we need to look further back in time. Through this paper, we explore cultural strategies of risk management and resilience in pre-Holocene communities and how these practices allowed hunter-gatherer communities to adapt to a changing environment. For over 1000 years, the Epipalaeolithic site of Kharaneh IV was a focal point on the landscape for hunter-gatherer groups, acting as an aggregation site for Early and Middle Epipalaeolithic peoples. Located in the eastern desert of Jordan, at the time of occupation the site was a lush wetland surrounded by a rich grassland environment, providing abundant food and other resources for the site's occupants. However, over time the wetland began to dry up and by 18,600 cal BP Kharaneh IV was abandoned. In this paper, we discuss the final occupation of Kharaneh IV, linking the site's abandonment to the increasing aridification of eastern Jordan. Environmental change led to the eventual abandonment of Kharaneh IV and other nearby sites, as people relocated within the Azraq Basin in search of new water resources during the Holocene. Flexible technological strategies and knowledge of the landscape created resilient cultural practices that allowed these communities to use population movement as a risk management strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Eurasian beaver (Castor fiber) was an important member of Early and Mid-Holocene landscapes and animal communities in Northern Europe. Previous zooarchaeological research has established the alimentary roles of beavers for Mesolithic societies and their importance for fur procurement. In this paper, we develop an integrated biocultural approach to human-beaver interactions, examining the position of humans and beavers in Mesolithic and Early Neolithic multispecies systems. We contextualize beaver landscape agency in hydroactive environments with human behaviour, synthesizing currently available data on mammalian assemblages, ichtyofauna and beaver-related material culture across Northern Europe. This cross-cultural, diachronic analysis reveals previously overlooked facilitations of human behaviour by beaver practices and ecological legacies. We show that long-term trajectories of human-beaver cohabitation differed between northern European regions. While in Southern Scandinavia, human-beaver intersections witnessed major re-organizations during the Mid-Holocene, beavers retained a key role for human societies across Northeastern Europe throughout much of the Holocene and played an important part at the Mesolithic-Neolithic transition in the Dutch wetlands. Divergent pathways are also evidenced by Mesolithic beaver-related material culture, highlighting the cultural keystone status of Castor fiber in higher latitude European landscapes. We argue that this keystone status is grounded in the supply of human hunting, fishing, and gathering affordances by the animals, pointing to the generative commensality between Mesolithic foragers and their beaver neighbours. Taken together, our findings demonstrate the importance of the beaver in the making of Early and Mid-Holocene forager societies in Northern Europe and illustrate the fruitfulness of deploying an integrated multispecies approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the hypothesis that human landscape modifications involving early agriculture contributed to greenhouse gas emissions in preindustrial times, a proposal that has significant implications for the timing of the Anthropocene era. In synthesizing recent papers that both advocate and challenge this hypothesis, we identify a major bias in the ongoing debate, which focuses on the land clearance practices of agrarian people, with insufficient consideration of a diverse range of hunter-gatherer societies who regularly utilized landscape-scale burning for various purposes. Employing California as a case study, we examine how the exclusion of hunter-gatherers from this debate may have shortchanged estimates of human biomass burning in preindustrial times. We also suggest that human population size may be a poor proxy for the degree of land clearance and anthropogenic burning, and we describe how previous approaches to these questions may have underplayed the importance of variation in the timing and magnitude of depopulation in different regions of the Americas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dryland regions are particularly challenging for human survival over the course of deep time. This is true for institutionally complex communities as well as small-scale societies that have existed in semi-arid regions throughout the Holocene. This paper examines some of the successful strategies employed by small-scale mobile communities which enhanced their ability to thrive in drylands over the course of thousands of years. Small-scale societies living in drylands must rely on the transmission of Traditional Ecological Knowledge across generations. Some of this knowledge relates to the availability and use of wetlands and other more ephemeral water sources, the exploitation of a diverse range of resources, and the potential for natural storage of food resources as a buffer against regularly occurring drought years in these regions. We compare this understanding with our environmental archeological findings at the Mid-Holocene site of Zaraa Uul in the eastern Gobi Desert of Mongolia. At the site of Zaraa Uul, we show how hunter-gatherer groups returned to a campsite near the edge of a wetland environment over the course of at least two phases during the Mid-Holocene. Here they took advantage of a greater diversity of animal species and plants, including small-grained-grasses and sedges, which could enhance their caloric intake and increase the potential for storable commodities which could be collected as needed from their natural habitat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revises paleoenvironmental data from Patagonia (southern South America) to discuss the occurrence, characteristics, and human impact of the Medieval Climatic Anomaly (MCA). The analysis of continuous paleoenvironmental archives with multidecadal-to-centennial resolution is based on a quality assessment regarding data interpretation, chronological control, and time range adequacy within the MCA lapse. After applying this three-stepped quality filters on the total dataset (N = 48), 18 cases can accurately be ascribed to the MCA. Except for two sites indicating wetter conditions, these records show dry and/or warm conditions between ca. 750 and 1350 CE (core period at ca. 800–1200 CE). Even though MCA records come mostly from forests and forest-steppe ecotones, all previous archeological hypotheses about the MCA effects on past hunter-gatherers were proposed for the steppes, particularly in southern sectors, thus requiring an assessment of the source of the signal, their synchronicity and causality between human-environmental processes. In the southern steppe, paleoenvironmental records partially overlapping with the MCA time window actually show a predominance of wet conditions between 47° and 50° S, whereas a generalized aridity is recorded in southern tip of the continental Patagonia between 51° and 52° S. Thus, a complex scenario of landscape fragmentation can be supported in the southern steppes during the MCA, produced not only by enhanced aridity in dry environments, but also because of the presence of wet and more resilient areas. This landscape heterogeneity must be considered to deepen the understanding of behavioral changes contemporaneous to the MCA. However, a scenario of demographic growth suggested around 1000 CE for the entire Patagonia could have promoted human changes similar to those expected for the MCA. Finally, no-archeological discussions linked to the MCA were developed for forest regions, despite their robust paleoenvironmental records, implying that changes in proxy data might not have necessarily involved important environmental changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the study of the ecology of early Holocene, 9000-4000 cal BC, specifically human and faunal dispersal into the Norrland and Dalarna areas of northern Sweden. It has been hypothesised that this region of Sweden was settled by hunter-gatherer groups of Butovo/Veretye ancestry moving in from the eastern taiga zone and at the same time groups from the West Scandinavian coast were moving north following the melting Weichselian ice sheet. Due to the speed of the melting ice these two groups must have encountered each other in the central part of northern Sweden. This article discusses the environment of these two separate groups and the possible consequences of their encounter, informed by results from the zooarchaeological analysis of burnt, radiocarbon dated bones from sites spanning much of Norrland and Dalarna. A compilation of previously dated sites are presented, and also new 14C dates from excavated sites. The northern population preferred to hunt forest game and held on to it for a long time even if sea mammals were available. The southern population, on the other hand, hunted sea mammals and forest game through the whole period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the different practices employed in the acquisition of woody material used by hunter–gatherer societies from the northwestern region of the Santa Cruz Province, Argentine Patagonia, during the early and middle Holocene. In addressing this theme, we study carbonized and non-carbonized wood recovered from six stratigraphic levels from the Cerro Casa de Piedra 7 site. This research revealed that during the lowest level of occupation, a distinct range of woody species were utilized; these were subsequently absent in the rest of the stratigraphical levels studied. In fact, all the other levels analyzed presented the homogeneous presence of a single plant species: Nothofagus pumilio. This species has the largest representation among both the charcoal and uncharred wood fragments of the six levels studied. The study of the assemblage samples allowed us to identify differences between the various archaeological levels, which could be the product of behavioral and/or environmental differences. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Identifying evidence for hunter-gatherers in the palaeoenvironmental record is far from simple. Despite decades of research, few studies have demonstrated unambiguous palynological evidence of hunter-gatherers. This paper presents the results of high-resolution palaeoecological analyses of a peat sequence located within the vicinity of the pre-historic Yup’ik village of Nunalleq in southwestern Alaska. The aim of this research was to examine whether there are any discernible palaeoenvironmental impacts associated with the 15th–17th century occupation of the site. Presuming an ephemeral character to any palaeoecological signal, this study selected a sampling location approximately 30 m east of the limit of archaeological remains. Pollen, non-pollen palynomorphs and microscopic charcoal analysis were then used to generate a highly resolved (contiguous 1 cm) environmental history for the site. The results are striking and indicate that the activities of prehistoric Yup’ik hunter-gatherers at Nunalleq did leave a clear material trace in the palaeoenvironmental record. Through the application of high-resolution Pb210 and C14 dating and Bayesian modelling, these impacts were found to be concurrent with the occupation of the archaeological site. These findings suggest that not only can circumpolar hunter-gatherers leave a material palaeoenvironmental trace but that these traces may be used to accurately date such site activity in lieu of excavation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ecological impacts of human activities have infiltrated the whole of the ‘natural world’ and precipitated calls for a newly defined geological epoch – the Anthropocene. While scholars discuss tipping-points and scale, viewed over the longue durée, it is becoming clear that we have inherited the compounding consequences of a constructed environment with a long history of human landscape modification. By linking phytolith and micro-charcoal evidence from sediments in the Azraq Basin, Jordan, we discuss potential Early Epipaleolithic (23,000–17,400 cal. BP) human–environment interactions in this wetland. Our analyses reveal that during the Last Glacial Maximum, Levantine hunter-gatherers could have had a noticeable and increasing impact on their environment. However, further work needs to be undertaken to assess the range, frequency, intensity, and intentionality of marsh disturbance events. We suggest that the origin of ‘persistent places’ and larger aggregation settlements in the Azraq Basin may have been, in part, facilitated by human–environment interactions in the Early Epipaleolithic that consequently enhanced the economic and, subsequently, social meaning of that landscape. Through their exploitation of the sensitive wetland environment, hunter-gatherers were modifying the marshes and initiating long-term changes to the already dynamic and changing landscape at the close of the Pleistocene. These findings challenge us to further reconsider the way we see early hunter-gatherers in the prehistory of the Levant and in the development of the ‘Anthropocene’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New radiocarbon dates from bones of the wild boar (Sus scrofa) found in archaeological contexts in Finland indicate the presence of the species in Southern Finland c. 9000–8000 cal. BP, that is, before the Holocene thermal optimum. However, the number of wild boar was never large enough to support a permanent population. Reasons for the scarcity of wild boars even during the warmer periods may have been the thick snow cover, the growing human population near the distribution route, as well as hunting. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Charred wood analyses have been performed on three Mesolithic sites located on the Causse de Gramat, a karstic plateau in southwestern France (Lot department): Les Fieux, les Escabasses and le Cuzoul de Gramat. The sites yielded occupations dating from the early to the late Mesolithic (9th to the 6th millennia cal. bc). In the absence of palynological data, charcoal analysis allowed us to characterise the woody environment exploited by Mesolithic hunter-gatherers. Our results point at the minor place of softwoods in the landscape and the local importance of Rosaceae prunoideae, marking an original type of pre-forest vegetation. In order to retrace the local vegetation dynamics, these results are synthesized and discussed thanks to a correspondence analysis, which includes previous anthracological data from Azilian and middle Mesolithic levels of two other sites of the Causse. The homogeneity of the results speaks in favour of the stability of the local environment and confirms the specific vegetation features of the area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prehistoric hunter-gatherer population size is often assumed to follow climatic and other environmental forcings that affect environmental productivity and the availability of food for human foragers. We tested this assumption by studying the co-variation of archaeological and palaeoenvironmental records during the Holocene in eastern Fennoscandia. The reconstruction of population history is based on the summed probability distribution of archaeological radiocarbon dates, and environmental changes are tracked with locally available, high-resolution biological and physical proxies that are relevant in terms of hunter-gatherer food availability and population dynamics. The results show major population growth during the period of high summer temperature and high productivity of the terrestrial, lacustrine and marine ecosystems that occurred during 7500–5700 cal. yr BP. The growth was followed by an abrupt decline during 5500–4000 cal. yr BP correlating with the onset of late-Holocene cooling and a major forest ecosystem change brought about by the expansion of Norway spruce and the associated change from species-rich mixed forests to a conifer-dominated boreal ecosystem. Forest ecosystem changes likely enforced the negative effects of decreasing productivity on hunter-gatherer food availability. The link between population and environmental proxies breaks down along with the intensification of agriculture after 3500 cal. yr BP, which indicates that agriculture weakened the environmental forcing on long-term human population dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysis of the early evolution of cultural landscapes, particularly the regional organization of space by mobile hunter-gatherers, is often hampered by a lack of overt landscape marking and modification and/or a lack of sufficient biological material with which to assess regional affinity. This situation places a premium on the accurate sourcing of durable materials, such as stone for tool manufacture (commonly employed as proxy measures of space utilization), and including resource procurement, control, and movement. In an effort to understand the Mesolithic (10 000—5500 BP) organization of space in northern England, we undertake studies on black cherts, employing LA-ICP-MS, an efficient and minimally destructive geochemical technique. Comparisons between primary sources of black cherts, and archaeologically derived chert artefacts, from the site of Lismore Fields in Derbyshire, reveals that systematic application of this approach allows both the chemical differentiation of sources and an understanding of the chemical relationship between archaeological samples and specific analysed sources. These results are consistent with results of earlier studies employing different analytic methods and allow the partial testing of two alternative models of Mesolithic landscape organization in the region. We conclude that the use of LA-ICP-MS is a useful method to employ for chemical characterization of sources and results reinforce an interpretation of regional Mesolithic landscape organization being framed around east—west trending, upland-coastal transects consistent with natural drainage features. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An intensification theory was developed in Australian archaeology in the early 1980s from a desire to make the study of Australian hunter-gatherers closer to theoretical developments in hunter-gatherer studies elsewhere. An apparent increase in the quantity and range of archaeological deposits was interpreted as demonstrating a combination of population increase and increased social complexity beginning 2-3000 years BP. Data were amassed in support of the theory but, with only one or two exceptions, they were not directly tested. Here we report on a series of studies that permit us to formulate a test for one aspect of the intensification theory. Chronologies constructed using OSL determinations of sediments are combined with the results of age determinations obtained from hearth charcoal to develop an 'envelope of time' for human occupation of the southeast margin of the Australian arid zone. The results indicate that the apparent increase in the quantity and range of archaeological materials in the late-Holocene record of western New South Wales reflects the age of the surface on which these materials rest. The apparent rapid increase in the archaeological record at the end of the Holocene reflects the culmination of erosion and deposition processes through time that have removed or covered archaeological records from earlier periods. A large number of radiocarbon determinations from hearths suggest that occupation was not continuous in the late Holocene, with occupation ceasing in this area during periods of climatic change. Analysis of surface stone artefact assemblages does not support the existence of semi-permanent camps or the congregation of large numbers of people. We conclude, therefore, that the intensification theory is incorrect at least in the areas of western New South Wales we have studied, and that human-environment interactions in the Holocene were much more complex than reflected by a simple summing of artefact and/or site data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Different types of evidence - palaeoecological, biogeographic and ethnographic - currently provide different perspectives on the question of hunter-gatherer impacts on fire-sensitive components of northern Australian vegetation. Here I analyze the apparent discrepancies, using evidence primarily from the Holocene. Using this more substantial body of evidence than is available for earlier periods, we can attempt to do justice to both ecological and social complexity. While dry rainforest patches and wet rainforest massifs need to be considered separately, each experienced more human alteration in the late Holocene than the early to mid-Holocene. In the former case, hunter-gatherer burning protected dry rainforest from climatically induced changes in fire regime; in the latter, it contributed to disturbance. Implications for future research into hunter-gatherer relations to land are discussed. This analysis does not preclude the possibility of analogous changes having occurred during the Pleistocene. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]