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This article discusses a paper which lays out a historical scenario to explain forms with vrddhi-looking long vowels in the root which are sporadically observed in some nominal forms in Latin. Topics covered include (derivational) compounds in Latin such as convicium 'angry noise' and suspicio 'suspicion' and simplex adjectives like sacri- pertaining to the sacred (place/rites) and acri- 'sharp', the vowel lengthening in nominal compounds, and vowel lengthening in simplex adjectives.

The suffix *-nt- is taken for granted as a Caland suffix in two of the most recent and important works on the Caland system, those by Nussbaum (1976) and Rau (2009), but other authors have entirely ignored the suffix, usually treating alleged examples rather as participles.1 This paper re-examines the morphological, syntactic and semantic evidence for a category of *-nt- adjectives associated with the Caland system distinct from the categories of active present and aorist participles. I also consider several forms in Indo-Iranian which have not previously been considered as potential Caland adjectives: citánt-, śucánt-, tujánt-, bhrā́jant-, sáhant-, pṣant-. Morphological and syntactic evidence shows that no single form must be analysed as a Caland adjective in contradistinction to anything else; on the other hand, the combined weight of evidence supports the supposition that a synchronically distinct adjectival suffix *-nt- did exist in ProtoIndo-European. The morphological evidence for a distinction between Caland adjectives and participles in -nt- however also suggests that there may be a deeper connection between the two at a Proto-Indo-European stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Past scholarship has made almost no mention of the effects in the Indo-Iranian languages of ‘laryngeal coloring', the putatively Indo-European development according to which */e/ is ‘colored' into */a/ or */o/ by an adjacent */h2/ or */h3/, respectively. And for good reason: the merger of nonhigh vowels in Proto-Indo-Iranian would have effaced these distinctions in any case. In this paper I survey the etyma in which laryngeal coloring could have interacted with Proto-Indo-Iranian palatalization, which (in part) preceded the merger of nonhigh vowels, and find that palatalization in almost every case has not occurred to inputs involving */Keh2/ or*/Keh3/, where coloring may be assumed to have taken place. This strongly suggests that laryngeal coloring – not as a discrete ‘sound change', but as a phonological rule which requires additional sound changes (such as palatalization) before it can ‘show itself' by affecting the distribution of phonemes in the lexicon – was present in the early stages of Proto-Indo-Iranian, giving further support to the hypothesis that laryngeal coloring was a feature of Proto-Indo-European itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to revise the etymology of the Greek verb ἡγá½³ομαι. It has been derived from a verbal root *seh2g/ĝ-, and this point does not pose any special problem. However, this derivation raises some morphosyntactic difficulties that are to be addressed here. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses a paper which looked into why object agreement which is not found in any other Anatolian language developed only in Lycian. Topics covered include the semantic concepts of uniqueness and totality, the triggers of object agreements such as definite noun phrases, proper names and anaphoric/cataphoric pronouns, and the no object agreement triggers like indefinite noun phrases and demonstrative descriptions. Also mentioned is the diachrony of Lycian object agreement.

This article discusses a paper which examined the discrepancy between the syntax of Greek and Lycian texts found on the faces of a four-sided stone stele called the Létôon Trilingual Stele in Turkey. Topics covered include the synoptic method applied to the interpretation of the Létôon Trilingual, an analysis by Laroche and Metzger which showed that the syntax of the Greek text does not match the syntax of the Lycian one, and the semantics of the Lycian text and Greek text.

This article discusses a study which looked into the distribution of the 3rd sg. endings such as *-to and *-o of the Indo-European middle present. Topics covered include the thematic suffixes, simple thematic presents, reduplicated presents and nasal presents of PIE 3 sg. middle allomorph *-to in Anatolian and Indo-Iranian languages. Also mentioned are the root athematic presents and other present stem formations of PIE 3 sg. middle allomorph *-o in Tocharian, Germanic and Hittite languages.