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Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The soft power in contemporary international relations is one of the basics of an effective foreign policy. Conceptualization of “soft power” term has western and liberal-democratic specifics. However, globalization, the interdependence and multi-channel communication of today’s international relations mean that states with policy systems different than liberal-democratic are also aware of its effectiveness. The main goal of this paper is to present the issue from the perspective of two countries – Turkey and Russia. The paper attempts to determine how important soft power is in the structure of the foreign policy tools of both countries, as well as how its resources are used.

Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Friendship between New Delhi and Moscow began during the Cold War. Many of the Indian scientific and technological achievements (especially in the field of space research and nuclear energy) became possible thanks to the strong support of the Soviet Union. The purpose of this article is to present two areas of cooperation between India and Russia, which are not so popular in publications – science & technology and space cooperation. Both of these areas prove that the Russia-India cooperation goes beyond the export of military equipment and political statements. It also shows that both countries cooperate with each other on the basis of equal partnership and share technological achievements.

The aim of this article is to present the activites undertaken by Alexandra Kollontai during her stay in Sweden in 1914. Alexandra was a famous socialist activist at the time, and as a consequence of her activity had to flee Russia in 1908. For the following eight years, she remained in exile. She traveled throughout Europe, but collaborated most closely the with German Social Democrats party. After the I World War began, Kollontai – along with her son, Michael – was arrested. Thanks to an intervention of influential German politicians, both of them were released from jail. Shaken, she broke up her ties with the German socialist movement. Alone, Kollontai traveled to Sweden in September 1914, and moved for good to Stockholm. During the sojourn in Sweden, Kollontai was in touch with one of the most prominent local socialist activists, Hjalmar Branting, and took an active part in the Swedish socialist movement. During her short-term stay in Norway, Kollontai was not formally a supporter of the Bolshevik proposition, but she still wrote letters to Lenin. She also had a love affair with a Bolshevik comrade, Alexander Shliapnikov. The Swedish police arrested Kollontai for participation in anti-military propaganda activities. She was exiled from the country in November 1914, to Copenhagen. Also there, Kollontai managed to establish close relationship with the Bolsheviks. Hereafter, she has played a crucial role in the re-opening of the northern smuggling route.

Osmosis of communism and nationalism in Russia: the genesis of hybrideNational Communism is a strange phenomenon as the national mutation of the internationalist Marxist ideology. The first kind of National Communism was revolutionary movements of national minorities, supported by Bolsheviks against Great Russian imperialism. Butnecessities of the State defense supported thebirth of Soviet patriotism. „Socialism in one country” extorted renaissance of Russian nationalism because Russia was the core of USSR. Under Stalin the Soviet patriotism became new form of the old Russian nationalism.