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Safety-net programs improve health for low-income children over the short and long term. In September 2018 the Trump administration announced its intention to change the guidance on how to identify a potential "public charge," defined as a noncitizen primarily dependent on the government for subsistence. After this change, immigrants' applications for permanent residence could be denied for using a broader range of safety-net programs. We investigated whether the announced public charge rule affected the share of children enrolled in Medicaid, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, and the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children, using county-level data. Results show that a 1-percentage-point increase in a county's noncitizen share was associated with a 0.1-percentage-point reduction in child Medicaid use. Applied nationwide, this implies a decline in coverage of 260,000 children. The public charge rule was adopted in February 2020, just before the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic began in the US. These results suggest that the Trump administration's public charge announcement could have led to many thousands of eligible, low-income children failing to receive safety-net support during a severe health and economic crisis.

Addressing patients' social needs is key to helping them heal from coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), preventing the spread of the virus, and reducing its disproportionate burden on low-income communities and communities of color. New York City Health + Hospitals is the city's single largest health care provider to Medicaid and uninsured patients. In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, NYC Health + Hospitals staff developed and executed a strategy to meet patients' intensified social needs during the COVID-19 pandemic. NYC Health + Hospitals identified food, housing, and income support as patients' most pressing needs and built programming to quickly connect patients to these resources. Although NYC Health + Hospitals was able to build on its existing foundation of strong social work support of patients, all health systems must prioritize the social needs of patients and their families to mitigate the damage of COVID-19. National and local leaders should accelerate change by developing robust policy approaches to redesign the social and economic system that reinforces structural inequity and exacerbates crises such as COVID-19.

The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has highlighted the importance of intensive care unit (ICU) beds in preventing death from the severe respiratory illness associated with COVID-19. However, the availability of ICU beds is highly variable across the US, and health care resources are generally more plentiful in wealthier communities. We examined disparities in community ICU beds by US communities' median household income. We found a large gap in access by income: 49 percent of the lowest-income communities had no ICU beds in their communities, whereas only 3 percent of the highest-income communities had no ICU beds. Income disparities in the availability of community ICU beds were more acute in rural areas than in urban areas. Policies that facilitate hospital coordination are urgently needed to address shortages in ICU hospital bed supply to mitigate the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on mortality rates in low-income communities.

As the novel coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic spreads throughout the United States, evidence is mounting that racial and ethnic minorities and socioeconomically disadvantaged groups are bearing a disproportionate burden of illness and death. We conducted a retrospective cohort analysis of COVID-19 patients at Sutter Health, a large integrated health system in northern California, to measure potential disparities. We used Sutter's integrated electronic health record to identify adults with suspected and confirmed COVID-19, and we used multivariable logistic regression to assess risk of hospitalization, adjusting for known risk factors, such as race/ethnicity, sex, age, health, and socioeconomic variables. We analyzed 1,052 confirmed cases of COVID-19 from the period January 1-April 8, 2020. Among our findings, we observed that compared with non-Hispanic white patients, non-Hispanic African American patients had 2.7 times the odds of hospitalization, after adjustment for age, sex, comorbidities, and income. We explore possible explanations for this, including societal factors that either result in barriers to timely access to care or create circumstances in which patients view delaying care as the most sensible option. Our study provides real-world evidence of racial and ethnic disparities in the presentation of COVID-19.

In a national survey, seriously ill Medicare beneficiaries described financial hardships resulting from their illness-despite high beneficiary satisfaction with Medicare overall and the fact that many have supplemental insurance. About half reported a serious problem paying medical bills, with prescription drugs proving most onerous.

Nutrition assistance programs are the subject of ongoing policy debates. Two proposals remain uninformed by existing evidence: whether restricting benefits to allow only fruit and vegetable purchases improves overall dietary intake, and whether more frequent distribution of benefits (weekly versus monthly) induces more fruit and vegetable consumption and less purchasing of calorie-dense foods. In a community-based trial, we randomly assigned participants to receive food vouchers that differed in what foods could be purchased (fruit and vegetables only or any foods) and in distribution schedule (in weekly or monthly installments, holding total monthly value constant). The use of vouchers for fruit and vegetables only did not yield significantly greater improvements than the unrestricted voucher did in terms of fruit and vegetable consumption or Healthy Eating Index (HEI) score. Weekly vouchers also failed to yield significantly greater improvements than monthly vouchers did. Proposed policies to make assistance more restricted or more frequent, while holding benefit value constant, might not improve nutrition among low-income Americans.

The effects of high-deductible health plans (HDHPs) on breast cancer diagnosis and treatment among vulnerable populations are unknown. We examined time to first breast cancer diagnostic testing, diagnosis, and chemotherapy among a group of women whose employers switched their insurance coverage from health plans with low deductibles ($500 or less) to plans with high deductibles ($1,000 or more) between 2004 and 2014. Primary subgroups of interest comprised 54,403 low-income and 76,776 high-income women continuously enrolled in low-deductible plans for a year and then up to four years in HDHPs. Matched controls had contemporaneous low-deductible enrollment. Low-income women in HDHPs experienced relative delays of 1.6 months to first breast imaging, 2.7 months to first biopsy, 6.6 months to incident early-stage breast cancer diagnosis, and 8.7 months to first chemotherapy. High-income HDHP members had shorter delays that did not differ significantly from those of their low-income counterparts. HDHP members living in metropolitan, nonmetropolitan, predominantly white, and predominantly nonwhite areas also experienced delayed breast cancer care. Policies may be needed to reduce out-of-pocket spending obligations for breast cancer care.

High-income countries are grappling with the challenge of caring for aging populations, many of whose members have chronic illnesses and declining capacity to manage activities of daily living. The 2017 Commonwealth Fund International Health Policy Survey of Older Adults in eleven countries showed that US seniors were sicker than their counterparts in other countries and, despite universal coverage under Medicare, faced more financial barriers to health care. The survey's findings also highlight economic hardship and mental health problems that may affect older adults' health, use of care, and outcomes. They show that in some countries, one in five elderly people have unmet needs for social care services-a gap that can undermine health. New to the survey is a focus on the "high-need" elderly (those with multiple chronic conditions or functional limitations), who reported high rates of emergency department use and care coordination failures. Across all eleven countries, many high-need elderly people expressed dissatisfaction with the quality of health care they had received.

There are 16.9 million Americans living in poverty in the suburbs-more than in cities or rural communities. Despite recent increases in suburban poverty, the perception of the suburbs as areas of uniform affluence remains, and there has been little research into health care barriers experienced by people living in these areas. The objectives of this study were to compare patterns of insurance coverage and health care access in suburban, urban, and rural areas using national survey data from 2005 to 2015 and to compare outcomes by geography before and after the Affordable Care Act took effect. We found that nearly 40 percent of the uninsured population lived in suburban areas. Though unadjusted rates of health care access were better in suburban areas, compared to urban and rural communities, this advantage was greatly reduced after income and other demographics are accounted for. Overall, a substantial portion of the US population residing in the suburbs lacked health insurance and experienced difficulties accessing care. Increased policy attention is needed to address these challenges for vulnerable populations living in the suburbs., (Project HOPE—The People-to-People Health Foundation, Inc.)

The effects of health insurance on poverty have been difficult to ascertain because US poverty measures have not taken into account the need for health care and the value of health benefits. We developed the first US poverty measure to include the need for health insurance and to count health insurance benefits as resources available to meet that need-in other words, a health-inclusive poverty measure. We estimated the direct effects of health insurance benefits on health-inclusive poverty for people younger than age sixty-five, comparing the impacts of different health insurance programs and of nonhealth means-tested cash and in-kind benefits, refundable tax credits, and nonhealth social insurance programs. Private health insurance benefits reduced poverty by 3.7 percentage points. Public health insurance benefits (from Medicare, Medicaid, and Affordable Care Act premium subsidies) accounted for nearly one-third of the overall poverty reduction from public benefits. Poor adults with neither children nor a disability experienced little poverty relief from public programs, and what relief they did receive came mostly from premium subsidies and other public health insurance benefits. Medicaid had a larger effect on child poverty than all nonhealth means-tested benefits combined., (Project HOPE—The People-to-People Health Foundation, Inc.)

Insurance transitions-sometimes referred to as "churn"-before and after childbirth can adversely affect the continuity and quality of care. Yet little is known about coverage patterns and changes for women giving birth in the United States. Using nationally representative survey data for the period 2005-13, we found high rates of insurance transitions before and after delivery. Half of women who were uninsured nine months before delivery had acquired Medicaid or CHIP coverage by the month of delivery, but 55 percent of women with that coverage at delivery experienced a coverage gap in the ensuing six months. Risk factors associated with insurance loss after delivery include not speaking English at home, being unmarried, having Medicaid or CHIP coverage at delivery, living in the South, and having a family income of 100-185 percent of the poverty level. To minimize the adverse effects of coverage disruptions, states should consider policies that promote the continuity of coverage for childbearing women, particularly those with pregnancy-related Medicaid eligibility., (Project HOPE—The People-to-People Health Foundation, Inc.)

Policies at the state and federal levels affect access to health services, including prenatal care. In 2012 the State of Oregon implemented a major reform of its Medicaid program. The new model, called a coordinated care organization (CCO), is designed to improve the coordination of care for Medicaid beneficiaries. This reform effort provides an ideal opportunity to evaluate the impact of broad financing and delivery reforms on prenatal care use. Using birth certificate data from Oregon and Washington State, we evaluated the effect of CCO implementation on the probability of early prenatal care initiation, prenatal care adequacy, and disparities in prenatal care use by type of insurance. Following CCO implementation, we found significant increases in early prenatal care initiation and a reduction in disparities across insurance types but no difference in overall prenatal care adequacy. Oregon's reforms could serve as a model for other Medicaid and commercial health plans seeking to improve prenatal care quality and reduce disparities., (Project HOPE—The People-to-People Health Foundation, Inc.)

In the United States, racial/ethnic minority, rural, and low-income populations continue to experience suboptimal access to and quality of health care despite decades of recognition of health disparities and policy mandates to eliminate them. Many health care interventions that were designed to achieve health equity fall short because of gaps in knowledge and translation. We discuss these gaps and highlight innovative interventions that help address them, focusing on cardiovascular disease and cancer. We also provide recommendations for advancing the field of health equity and informing the implementation and evaluation of policies that target health disparities through improved access to care and quality of care., (Project HOPE—The People-to-People Health Foundation, Inc.)

Multilevel interventions are those that affect at least two levels of influence-for example, the patient and the health care provider. They can be experimental designs or natural experiments caused by changes in policy, such as the implementation of the Affordable Care Act or local policies. Measuring the effects of multilevel interventions is challenging, because they allow for interaction among levels, and the impact of each intervention must be assessed and translated into practice. We discuss how two projects from the National Institutes of Health's Centers for Population Health and Health Disparities used multilevel interventions to reduce health disparities. The interventions, which focused on the uptake of the human papillomavirus vaccine and community-level dietary change, had mixed results. The design and implementation of multilevel interventions are facilitated by input from the community, and more advanced methods and measures are needed to evaluate the impact of the various levels and components of such interventions., (Project HOPE—The People-to-People Health Foundation, Inc.)

US medical spending growth slowed between 2004 and 2013. At the same time, many Americans faced rising copayments and deductibles, which may have particularly affected lower-income people. To explore whether the health spending slowdown affected all income groups equally, we divided the population into income quintiles. We then assessed trends in health expenditures by and on behalf of people in each quintile using twenty-two national surveys carried out between 1963 and 2012. Before the 1965 passage of legislation creating Medicare and Medicaid, the lowest income quintile had the lowest expenditures, despite their worse health compared to other income groups. By 1977 the unadjusted expenditures for the lowest quintile exceeded those for all other income groups. This pattern persisted until 2004. Thereafter, expenditures fell for the lowest quintile, while rising more than 10 percent for the middle three quintiles and close to 20 percent for the highest income quintile, which had the highest expenditures in 2012. The post-2004 divergence of expenditure trends for the wealthy, middle class, and poor occurred only among the nonelderly. We conclude that the new pattern of spending post-2004, with the wealthiest quintile having the highest expenditures for health care, suggests that a redistribution of care toward wealthier Americans accompanied the health spending slowdown., (Project HOPE—The People-to-People Health Foundation, Inc.)

Under the Affordable Care Act, thirty states and the District of Columbia have expanded eligibility for Medicaid, with several states using Medicaid funds to purchase private insurance (the "private option"). Despite vigorous debate over the use of private insurance versus traditional Medicaid to provide coverage to low-income adults, there is little evidence on the relative merits of the two approaches. We compared the first-year impacts of traditional Medicaid expansion in Kentucky, the private option in Arkansas, and nonexpansion in Texas by conducting a telephone survey of two distinct waves of low-income adults (5,665 altogether) in those three states in November-December 2013 and twelve months later. Using a difference-in-differences analysis, we found that the uninsurance rate declined by 14 percentage points in the two expansion states, compared to the nonexpansion state. In the expansion states, again compared to the nonexpansion state, skipping medications because of cost and trouble paying medical bills declined significantly, and the share of individuals with chronic conditions who obtained regular care increased. Other than coverage type and trouble paying medical bills (which decreased more in Kentucky than in Arkansas), there were no significant differences between Kentucky's traditional Medicaid expansion and Arkansas's private option, which suggests that both approaches improved access among low-income adults., (Project HOPE—The People-to-People Health Foundation, Inc.)

Critics frequently characterize the Affordable Care Act (ACA) as a threat to the survival of employer-sponsored insurance. The Medicaid expansion and Marketplace subsidies could adversely affect employers' incentives to offer health insurance and workers' incentives to take up such offers. This article takes advantage of timely data from the Health Reform Monitoring Survey for June 2013 through September 2014 to examine, from the perspective of workers, early changes in offer, take-up, and coverage rates for employer-sponsored insurance under the ACA. We found no evidence that any of these rates have declined under the ACA. They have, in fact, remained constant: around 82 percent, 86 percent, and 71 percent, respectively, for all workers and around 63 percent, 71 percent, and 45 percent, respectively, for low-income workers. To date, the ACA has had no effect on employer coverage. Economic incentives for workers to obtain coverage from employers remain strong., (Project HOPE—The People-to-People Health Foundation, Inc.)

Expansion of Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act to millions of low-income adults has been controversial, yet little is known about what these Americans themselves think about Medicaid. We conducted a telephone survey in late 2013 of nearly 3,000 low-income adults in three Southern states--Arkansas, Kentucky, and Texas--that have adopted different approaches to the options for expansion. Nearly 80 percent of our sample in all three states favored Medicaid expansion, and approximately two-thirds of uninsured respondents said that they planned to apply for either Medicaid or subsidized private coverage in 2014. Yet awareness of their state's actual expansion plans was low. Most viewed having Medicaid as better than being uninsured and at least as good as private insurance in overall quality and affordability. While the debate over Medicaid expansion continues, support for expansion is strong among low-income adults, and the perceived quality of Medicaid coverage is high., (Project HOPE—The People-to-People Health Foundation, Inc.)

The Children's Health Insurance Program Reauthorization Act (CHIPRA) of 2009 provided states with the option of expanding eligibility for federally funded public insurance to low-income immigrant children within their first five years of legal residence in the United States. By 2011 twenty states and the District of Columbia had adopted that option. Using cross-sectional data from the 2003, 2007, and 2011-12 National Survey of Children's Health, we compared trends in coverage and access to care among immigrant children in states that did expand eligibility to children in states that did not. Compared to immigrant children in states that did not expand eligibility, children in states expanding eligibility experienced a 24.5 percent increase in insurance coverage, largely due to greater enrollment in public insurance. Immigrant children in states that expanded eligibility also experienced significant reductions in unmet health care needs, compared to their counterparts in nonexpansion states. Disparities relative to children in nonimmigrant families were substantially reduced in states that expanded eligibility, compared to states that did not. Expanding eligibility for federally funded public insurance to immigrant children within their first five years of legal residence in other states could improve coverage for immigrant children and might also increase access to care.

With the implementation of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) under way, some policy makers have questioned the continued relevance of the Ryan White HIV/AIDS Program as a safety net for people living with HIV/AIDS. We surveyed HIV care providers to understand the role of the Ryan White Program and to identify concerns regarding the ACA implementation. We also addressed whether the program is still relevant after ACA implementation and, if so, what elements should be retained. We found that providers consider the Ryan White Program to be critical in facilitating high-quality care for people living with HIV/AIDS. Most of the providers highlighted the program's support for providing medical and nonmedical case management as especially valuable and important to the entire continuum of care and for all patient subpopulations. Whether care is supplied by the Ryan White Program, Medicaid, or other means, our findings suggest that case management services will remain critical in treating HIV/AIDS as the health care landscape continues to evolve.

Health insurance gives people living with HIV/AIDS access to medical care, including antiretroviral therapy, which in turn can dramatically improve health and reduce the risk of HIV transmission. Yet many people living with HIV/AIDS remain uninsured. The Affordable Care Act (ACA) seeks to decrease the number of uninsured Americans in part by extending Medicaid coverage to individuals with incomes of up to 138 percent of the federal poverty level. However, many states are not moving forward with this expansion. Using national HIV surveillance data and data from the National Health Interview Survey, we estimated that nearly 115,000 uninsured, low-income people living with HIV/AIDS would be eligible for Medicaid if all states adopted the expansion. Of these, nearly 60,000 live in states not moving forward with the Medicaid expansion. States' decisions about whether or not to participate in the expansion are likely to have important consequences for the health of this population and the evolution of the HIV epidemic.

One in seven US households cannot reliably afford food. Food budgets are more frequently exhausted at the end of a month than at other points in time. We postulated that this monthly pattern influenced health outcomes, such as risk for hypoglycemia among people with diabetes. Using administrative data on inpatient admissions in California for 2000-08, we found that admissions for hypoglycemia were more common in the low-income than the high-income population (270 versus 200 admissions per 100,000). Risk for hypoglycemia admission increased 27 percent in the last week of the month compared to the first week in the low-income population, but we observed no similar temporal variation in the high-income population. These findings suggest that exhaustion of food budgets might be an important driver of health inequities. Policy solutions to improve stable access to nutrition in low-income populations and raise awareness of the health risks of food insecurity might be warranted.

States frequently expand or limit dental benefits for adults covered by Medicaid. As part of statewide health reform in 2006, Massachusetts expanded dental benefits to all adults ages 19-64 whose annual income was at or below 100 percent of the federal poverty level. We examined the impact of this reform and found that it led to an increase in dental care use among the Massachusetts adult population, driven by gains among poor adults. Compared to the prereform period, dental care use increased by 2.9 percentage points among all nonelderly adults in Massachusetts, relative to all nonelderly adults in eight control states. For poor Massachusetts adults, the effect was larger-an eleven-percentage-point increase in dental care use above the increase among the state's nonpoor residents. The Massachusetts experience provides evidence that providing dental benefits to poor adults through Medicaid can improve dental care access and use. Our results imply that the lack of expanded dental coverage for low-income adults under the Affordable Care Act is a missed opportunity to improve access to oral care.

One-third of US workers now have high-deductible health plans, and those numbers are expected to grow in 2014 as implementation of the Affordable Care Act continues. There is concern that high-deductible health plans might cause enrollees of low socioeconomic status to forgo emergency care as a result of burdensome out-of-pocket costs. We analyzed emergency department (ED) visits and hospitalizations over two years among enrollees insured in high-deductible plans through small employers in Massachusetts. We found that plan members of low socioeconomic status experienced 25-30 percent reductions in high-severity ED visits over both years, while hospitalizations declined by 23 percent in year 1 but rose again in year 2. Similar trends were not found among high-deductible plan members of high socioeconomic status. Our findings suggest that plan members of low socioeconomic status at small firms responded inappropriately to high-deductible plans and that initial reductions in high-severity ED visits might have increased the need for subsequent hospitalizations. Policy makers and employers should consider proactive strategies to educate high-deductible plan members about their benefit structures or identify members at higher risk of avoiding needed care. They should also consider implementing means-based deductibles.

Communities across the nation are struggling with how to improve access to health care for low-income people. We examined seven communities where Ascension Health collaborated with other safety-net providers and organizations to achieve better health care results for patients. Following a five-step model, each community established infrastructure to track the use of services, expand service capacity, coordinate care, and encourage the cost-effective use of providers. These efforts have achieved notable gains, such as in Austin, Texas, where an estimated $5.50 was returned for every dollar spent on asthma care. Challenges remain, including provider competition, inadequate participation by clinicians, difficulties demonstrating impact, and lack of sustainable funding. Lessons gleaned from these community collaborations can be valuable as the nation implements health reform, and safety-net health care systems home in on remaining access issues.

The Affordable Care Act will extend health insurance coverage by both expanding Medicaid eligibility and offering premium subsidies for the purchase of private health insurance through state health insurance exchanges. But by definition, eligibility for these programs is sensitive to income and can change over time with fluctuating income and changes in family composition. The law specifies no minimum enrollment period, and subsidy levels will also change as income rises and falls. Using national survey data, we estimate that within six months, more than 35 percent of all adults with family incomes below 200 percent of the federal poverty level will experience a shift in eligibility from Medicaid to an insurance exchange, or the reverse; within a year, 50 percent, or 28 million, will. To minimize the effect on continuity and quality of care, states and the federal government should adopt strategies to reduce the frequency of coverage transitions and to mitigate the disruptions caused by those transitions. Options include establishing a minimum guaranteed eligibility period and "dually certifying" some plans to serve both Medicaid and exchange enrollees.

Did the Massachusetts health reforms, which provided near-universal insurance coverage, also address problems of unmet need resulting from the cost of care and of inadequate preventive care for diverse patient groups? We found that nearly a quarter of adults who were in fair or poor health reported being unable to see a doctor because of cost during the implementation of the reforms. We also found that state residents earning less than $25,000 per year were much less likely than higher earners to receive screening for cardiovascular disease and cancer. The state needs to implement new strategies to build on the promise of universal coverage and address specific needs of vulnerable populations, such as limiting out-of-pocket spending for this group. Also, more data are needed on the social determinants of health to identify specific barriers related to cost and access for vulnerable groups that general insurance reforms may not address.

We examined the influence of menu calorie labels on fast food choices in the wake of New York City's labeling mandate. Receipts and survey responses were collected from 1,156 adults at fast-food restaurants in low-income, minority New York communities. These were compared to a sample in Newark, New Jersey, a city that had not introduced menu labeling. We found that 27.7 percent who saw calorie labeling in New York said the information influenced their choices. However, we did not detect a change in calories purchased after the introduction of calorie labeling. We encourage more research on menu labeling and greater attention to evaluating and implementing other obesity-related policies.

Extreme racial/ethnic disparities exist in children's access to "opportunity neighborhoods." These disparities arise from high levels of residential segregation and have implications for health and well-being in childhood and throughout the life course. The fact that health disparities are rooted in social factors, such as residential segregation and an unequal geography of opportunity, should not have a paralyzing effect on the public health community. However, we need to move beyond conventional public health and health care approaches to consider policies to improve access to opportunity-rich neighborhoods through enhanced housing mobility, and to increase the opportunities for healthy living in disadvantaged neighborhoods.

This paper reviews the happiness-health relationship from an economics perspective, highlighting the role of adaptation. People's expectations for health standards influence their reported health and associated happiness, a finding that roughly mirrors the Easterlin paradox in income and happiness. Research on unhappiness and obesity shows that norms and stigma vary a great deal across countries and cohorts, mediating the related well-being costs. Better understanding this variance and its effects on incentives for addressing the condition is important to policy design. More generally, the paper discusses how happiness surveys can-and cannot-inform public health policy.

Many countries rely heavily on patients' out-of-pocket payments to providers to finance their health care systems. This prevents some people from seeking care and results in financial catastrophe and impoverishment for others who do obtain care. Surveys in eighty-nine countries covering 89 percent of the world's population suggest that 150 million people globally suffer financial catastrophe annually because they pay for health services. Prepayment mechanisms protect people from financial catastrophe, but there is no strong evidence that social health insurance systems offer better or worse protection than tax-based systems do.

Quality is high on the Mexican health policy agenda. In this paper we evaluate the quality of prenatal care for rural low-income women. Women who obtained care from private practitioners and non-MDs received fewer procedures on average. Poverty predicts poor quality; however, indigenous women in private settings received fewer procedures, after household wealth was controlled for. We recommend strengthening clinical skills and providing incentives to adhere to quality standards. Quality reporting could promote informed employer care-purchasing and individual care-seeking choices. The national health reforms should be monitored to determine their success in not only increasing access among the poor and indigenous but also ensuring that such care meets quality norms.

In 2002, Utah became the first state to reduce benefits and increase cost sharing for existing Medicaid beneficiaries, to finance a primary care benefit expansion for previously ineligible, low-income adults. Through a 2004 survey of beneficiaries, we found that expansion enrollees were predominantly poor and that most suffered from chronic conditions or disabilities, or both. Parents whose coverage was reduced to finance the expansion were extremely poor, were in poor health, and faced major financial challenges. Findings suggest that a coverage expansion approach that relies on savings from reducing coverage for current beneficiaries and solely covers primary care has important limitations.

This study investigates whether the implementation of Medicaid managed care from 1994 to 2001 was associated with changes in access to care for the uninsured. We used regression analysis to examine relationships between changes in county-level Medicaid managed care activity over time and changes in four measures of perceived access to care. After we controlled for sex, race, ethnicity, poverty, age, health, and education and included county fixed effects to account for unobserved county characteristics that are potentially associated with the implementation of Medicaid managed care and outcome measures, we found that Medicaid managed care has had no consistent effect on access.

States have broad latitude in designing their Medicaid programs; this has important implications for access to care. To understand the consequences of state variation, we evaluate, for the nation and for thirteen study states, how well the program is providing access for beneficiaries, using the level of access available to low-income privately insured people in the local health care market as our benchmark. Overall, we find that Medicaid beneficiaries' access matches that of the low-income privately insured for most of the ambulatory outcomes examined but is worse for dental services and prescription drugs. State-level analyses revealed some variation in the access gap.

Many state Medicaid programs are implementing cost-saving mechanisms, but little is known about the impact of those strategies on low-income people. Recent increases in cost sharing for Oregon Health Plan (OHP, Oregon's Medicaid program) members have created a natural experiment that is ideal for examining such impacts. Early results from an ongoing cohort study suggest that cost-sharing increases led to a large reduction in OHP membership. Those who left OHP because of the cost-sharing increase reported inferior access to needed care, used primary care less often, and used hospital emergency rooms more often than those who left OHP for other reasons.

This study assesses the stability of Americans' health insurance status over a four-year period. Relatively few Americans were continuously uninsured for the four years 1996 to 1999, but a sizable number of the uninsured lacked a stable source of coverage. At least as many people were repeatedly uninsured as experienced a single gap in otherwise stable coverage. Given these dynamics, policymakers should think of "uninsured" as referring not to people, but rather to gaps in coverage over time. Reforms that stop short of universal coverage should be evaluated in terms of their likely effects on the continuity and stability of coverage.

If Medicare eligibility were delayed to age sixty-seven, as proposed periodically by policymakers, most sixty-five- and sixty-six-year-olds (the "young elderly") would find alternative sources of coverage. However, the loss of Medicare eligibility would leave about 9 percent of this age group uninsured, while another 11 percent would be underinsured because they could only afford limited nongroup policies. The impact would be much greater for certain subgroups, including blacks, Hispanics, and the poor. A buy-in plan that allows young elderly people to purchase Medicare coverage could reduce uninsurance rates, but only if it subsidizes premiums for those with limited incomes.

The number of uninsured Americans fell in 2000 for the second consecutive year. The reduction has been attributed to the continued expansion of employer-sponsored insurance. However, the increase in employer coverage among adults was offset by declines of other types of coverage. For children, increases in public coverage plus the growth in employer-sponsored insurance led to the reduction in the number of uninsured children. Over the longer period (1994-2000), one of great economic growth, the uninsurance rate was essentially the same at the end as at the beginning. The rate of employer-sponsored insurance increased sharply, so that more people had employer coverage. However, these increases were offset by reductions in other forms of coverage, particularly Medicaid and state-sponsored insurance and private nongroup coverage, so the overall rate of uninsurance did not change.

As policymakers debate adding a drug benefit to Medicare, many states are attempting to provide drug coverage for low-income seniors through Medicaid and state-funded pharmacy assistance programs. This 2001 survey of seniors in eight states finds marked differences among states in the percentage of seniors with coverage and in the sources providing coverage. Among low-income seniors, a range of 20 percent (New York and California) to 38 percent (Michigan and Texas) lacked drug coverage. In all states Medicaid was an important source of coverage for the poor, but the depth of Medicaid drug coverage varied widely across states. Even states with pharmacy assistance programs fell far short of closing the prescription coverage gap for low-income seniors. Finally, the study finds that classifying beneficiaries as either having coverage or not misses major differences in depth of coverage, with some sources of coverage appearing only marginally better than no coverage at all. With erosion of state and private sources of prescription benefits expected, the findings speak to the need for a national policy solution.

The proliferation of poor immigrant children in the United States raises concern about their high uninsurance rates and access to care. We examined the joint effects of health insurance status and place of birth on use of health services by children of the working poor. Of foreign-born children, 52 percent were uninsured and 66 percent had a regular care source, compared with 20 percent and 92 percent, respectively, of native-born children. Foreign-born uninsured children were less likely than their native-born peers were to have a regular care source or to have sought care. Health insurance and immigration policies must act in concert to increase health care access for foreign-born children.

Recent policy changes have limited immigrants' access to insurance and to health care. Fewer noncitizen immigrants and their children (even U.S.-born) have Medicaid or job-based insurance, and many more are uninsured than is the case with native citizens or children of citizens. Noncitizens and their children also have worse access to both regular ambulatory and emergency care, even when insured. Immigration status is an important component of racial and ethnic disparities in insurance coverage and access to care.

The 1996 federal welfare reform law delinked Medicaid enrollment from welfare participation. This paper estimates the impact of welfare reform on children's Medicaid enrollment using a methodology that both adjusts for income and other demographic differences over time and across states, and provides income-specific estimates of enrollment. The results indicate large enrollment declines: Between 1995 and 1998, enrollment probabilities for children in families with no income declined from 81 percent to 68 percent, while at half the poverty line, the decline was from 61 percent to 53 percent. This implies that 926,000 to 1.37 million fewer children were enrolled after welfare reform. At the state level, Medicaid declines and welfare reform were strongly associated, with only a few states succeeding in preserving children's Medicaid coverage.

Tennessee created TennCare in 1994 to address the needs of "poor and uninsured citizens ... excluded from the health care system." Under TennCare, Tennessee implemented managed care in its Medicaid program and used savings anticipated from the switch to expand insurance coverage to uninsured and uninsurable adults and children. Our analysis of the expansion suggests that it improved access to care, reduced unmet need, and encouraged use of preventive services, particularly for children. These changes coincided with higher levels of satisfaction with care among TennCare beneficiaries.

In this paper we assess how access to care and use of services among low-income children vary by insurance status. Although 40 percent of low-income children rely on private health insurance, little is known about how this coverage compares with Medicaid coverage in meeting their health care needs. We find that Medicaid and privately insured low-income children appear to have fairly comparable access but that Medicaid-covered children are more likely to receive services and to have more visits when they receive care. Expanding public coverage may not be sufficient to ensure that all low-income children have access to comprehensive and high-quality care. It may require improvements in preventive and dental care for children with private coverage, an area in which states have limited influence.

Recent Medicare buy-in proposals agree on setting eligibility at age sixty-two but disagree on linking eligibility to loss of employer insurance or ability to pay. We examine arguments for targeting incremental coverage for older Americans in these ways. While access to retiree health insurance is declining, we question whether targeting loss of employer insurance can address many older Americans' insurance problems. Furthermore, focusing on persons ages sixty-two to sixty-four misses a large group of persons in poor health with limited resources. Efforts to improve coverage for older Americans should consider trade-offs between defining eligibility by age versus ability to pay.