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The cost of HIV preexposure prophylaxis (PrEP) medication and care is a key barrier to PrEP use. Using population-based surveys and published information, we estimated the number of people with uncovered costs for PrEP care among US adults with PrEP indications, stratified by HIV transmission risk group, insurance status, and income. Accounting for existing PrEP payer mechanisms, we estimated annual uncovered costs for PrEP medication, clinical visits, and laboratory testing based on the 2021 PrEP clinical practice guideline. Of 1.2 million US adults with PrEP indications in 2018, we estimated that 49,860 (4 percent) of them had PrEP-related uncovered costs, including 32,350 men who have sex with men, 7,600 heterosexual women, 5,070 heterosexual men, and 4,840 people who inject drugs. Of those 49,860 people with uncovered costs, 3,160 (6 percent) incurred $18.9 million in uncovered costs for PrEP medication, clinical visits, and lab testing, and 46,700 (94 percent) incurred $83.5 million in uncovered costs for only clinical visits and lab testing. The total annual uncovered costs for adults with PrEP indications were $102.4 million in 2018. The proportion of people with uncovered costs for PrEP is less than 5 percent among adults with PrEP indications, but the magnitude of costs is significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interventions to address social drivers of health (SDH), such as food insecurity, transportation, and housing, can reduce future health care costs but require up-front investment. Although Medicaid managed care organizations have incentives to reduce costs, volatile enrollment patterns and coverage changes may prevent them from realizing the full benefits of their SDH investments. This phenomenon results in the "wrong-pocket problem," in which managed care organizations underinvest in SDH interventions because they cannot capture the full benefit. We propose a financial innovation, an SDH bond, to increase investments in SDH interventions. Issued by multiple managed care organizations in a Medicaid coverage region, the bond would raise immediate funds for SDH interventions that are coordinated across the organizations and delivered to all enrollees of the region. As the benefits of SDH interventions accrue and cost savings are realized, the amount managed care organizations must pay back to bond holders adjusts according to enrollment, addressing the wrong-pocket problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The No Surprises Act prohibits most surprise billing but notably does not apply to ground ambulance services. In this study we created a novel data set that identifies the ownership structure of ground ambulance organizations to compare pricing and billing between private- and public-sector ambulances, with a specific focus on organizations owned by private equity or publicly traded companies. Overall, we found that 28 percent of commercially insured emergency ground ambulance transports during the period 2014-17 resulted in a potential surprise bill. Our analysis illustrates that being transported by a private-sector ambulance in an emergency comes with substantially higher allowed amounts, patient cost sharing, and potential surprise bills compared with being transported by a public-sector ambulance. Further, allowed amounts and cost sharing tended to be higher for private equity- or publicly traded company-owned ambulances than other private-sector ambulances. These findings highlight substantial patient liability and important differences in pricing and billing patterns between public- and private-sector ground ambulance organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite Medicaid's importance as a payer and source of coverage for mental health care, relatively little is known about how prevalence, access, and quality might vary among Medicaid beneficiaries. This study used national Medicaid data from 2018 to assess regional variations in emergency department (ED) visits for mental health conditions, a measure that may reflect unmet needs for behavioral health care. We found substantial variations, with rates in the region with the highest visit rates eight times higher than those in the region with the lowest rates. Many regions with high rates of ED visits for mental health conditions also had high rates of outpatient mental health use. Regional patterns differed substantially, with some regions exhibiting high rates of ED visits related to anxiety but low rates for schizophrenia and vice versa. The presence of large variations in ED visits for mental health conditions, with substantial differences in the composition across regions, suggests a need for context-specific solutions, including assessments of the ways in which mental health benefits are structured at the state Medicaid agency level and of differences in provider accessibility and an understanding of the types of mental illness underlying high rates of use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The health risks of COVID-19, combined with widespread economic instability in the US, spurred Congress to pass temporary measures to improve access to health insurance. Using data from the Household Pulse Survey, a high-frequency, population-based survey, we examined trends in health coverage during 2021 and early 2022 among nonelderly adults. We estimated that eight million people gained coverage during this period, primarily because of increases in Medicaid and other public coverage. Despite rising employment, rates of employer-sponsored coverage remained flat. In Medicaid expansion states, employment rates increased significantly among Medicaid enrollees. Our results suggest that when the public health emergency ends, many people currently enrolled in Medicaid might no longer be eligible, particularly in Medicaid expansion states. Policy makers and employers should be prepared to help people who lose Medicaid eligibility identify and navigate enrollment in alternative sources of health insurance, including both Affordable Care Act Marketplace and employer-sponsored coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Medicaid expansions under the Affordable Care Act (ACA) dramatically increased access to insurance coverage. We examined whether the 2014 ACA Medicaid expansions also mitigated existing racial or ethnic disparities in preventable hospitalizations and emergency department (ED) visits. Using inpatient data from twenty-nine states and ED data from twenty-six states for the period 2011-18, we found that Medicaid expansions decreased disparities in preventable hospitalizations and ED visits between non-Hispanic Black and White nonelderly adults by 10 percent or more. There were no significant effects on disparities between Hispanic and non-Hispanic White nonelderly adults, possibly reflecting lower baseline differences and, separately, persisting coverage disparities. These findings highlight sustained improvements in community-level care for non-Hispanic Black populations, who historically lack access to care. Our findings also suggest access barriers experienced by Hispanic adults that need to be addressed beyond Medicaid eligibility expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Affordable Care Act (ACA) Medicaid expansions increased preconception and postpartum insurance coverage among low-income birthing people, leading to greater use of outpatient care. In this study we evaluated whether the expansions affected rates of postpartum hospitalization. Our analyses took advantage of underused longitudinal hospital data from the period 2010-17 to examine hospitalizations after childbirth. We compared changes in hospitalizations among birthing people with a Medicaid-flnanced delivery in states that did and did not expand Medicaid under the ACA. We found a 17 percent reduction in hospitalizations during the first sixty days postpartum associated with the Medicaid expansions and some evidence of a smaller decrease in hospitalizations between sixty-one days and six months postpartum. Our findings indicate that expanding Medicaid coverage led to improved postpartum health for low-income birthing people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy makers are pursuing strategies to integrate Medicare and Medicaid coverage for people enrolled in both programs, who are known as dual eligibles. Dual Eligible Special Needs Plans (D-SNPs) are Medicare Advantage plans that exclusively serve this population, with several features intended to enhance care and facilitate integration with Medicaid. This study compared access to, use of, and satisfaction with care among dual eligibles enrolled in D-SNPs versus those enrolled in two other forms of Medicare coverage: other Medicare Advantage (MA) plans not exclusively serving dual eligibles and traditional Medicare. Compared with those in traditional Medicare, dual eligibles generally reported greater access to care, preventive service use, and satisfaction with care in D-SNPs. However, we found fewer differences in these outcomes among dual eligibles in D-SNPs versus other MA plans. Compared with non- Hispanic White dual eligibles, dual eligibles of color (for example, those identifying as Black or Hispanic) were less likely to report receiving better care in D-SNPs versus other Medicare coverage. These findings suggest that D-SNPs altogether have not provided consistently superior or more equitable care, and they highlight areas where federal and state policy could strengthen incentives for D-SNPs to improve care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the past several decades, state Medicaid programs have expanded the use of home and community-based services, particularly through Section 1915(c) waivers and Section 1115 demonstration waivers. We document trends from the period 1997-2020 in waivers targeting older adults, focusing on services offered. Nearly every service category saw an increase in coverage and spending, especially support for self-direction and community transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rapidly rising drug overdose rates in the United States during the past decade underscore the need to increase access to treatment among people with substance use disorders (SUDs). We analyzed trends in the use of treatment services among people with SUDs during the period 2010-19, using data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health. Compared with 2013, outpatient visits for general health in the prior year increased 3.6 percentage points by the 2017-19 period. Use of any SUD treatment in the prior year remained unchanged, but treatment use among people involved in the criminal legal system increased by about 6.2 percentage points by the end of the study period. Among those receiving SUD treatment, there was a 14.9-percentage-point increase in having treatment paid for by Medicaid between 2010-13 and 2017-19. Although access to general medical care and insurance coverage have improved for people with SUD, our study findings underscore the importance of renewed efforts to increase the use of SUD treatment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Assisted living communities are the final home for many of their residents, most of whom are older, frail, and cognitively or functionally impaired. Yet little is known about end-of-life care in this setting. We examined associations of both death at home and home hospice care with individual characteristics, such as race or ethnicity and dual Medicare-Medicaid enrollment; community characteristics; and the stringency of state-level assisted living regulations. Of the 100,783 fee-for-service Medicare beneficiaries residing in 16,560 assisted living communities who died in 2018-19, almost 60 percent died at home, 84 percent of them with home hospice. In predicting the likelihood of death at home, dual Medicare-Medicaid enrollment was more important than race or ethnicity; in contrast, race was a stronger predictor than dual enrollment for hospice care at death. Residents were less likely to die at home or with home hospice in states with lower regulatory stringency regarding assisted living communities. These findings may help inform efforts to ensure equitable access to desired end-of-life care in this setting and suggest an important role for state-level regulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic has illuminated and amplified the harsh reality of health inequities experienced by racial and ethnic minority groups in the United States. Members of these groups have disproportionately been infected and died from COVID-19, yet they still lack equitable access to treatment and vaccines. Lack of equitable access to high-quality health care is in large part a result of structural racism in US health care policy, which structures the health care system to advantage the White population and disadvantage racial and ethnic minority populations. This article provides historical context and a detailed account of modern structural racism in health care policy, highlighting its role in health care coverage, financing, and quality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Affordable Care Act (ACA) Medicaid expansion increased Medicaid eligibility for low-income adults regardless of their pregnancy or parental status. Variation in states' adoption of this expansion created a natural experiment to study the effects of expanding public insurance on insurance coverage, health care use, and health outcomes during preconception, pregnancy, and postpartum. We conducted a systematic review of relevant literature on this topic, analyzing twenty-four studies published between January 2014 and April 2021. We found that the ACA Medicaid expansion increased preconception and postpartum Medicaid coverage with corresponding declines in uninsurance, private insurance coverage, and insurance churn. There was limited evidence that Medicaid expansion increased perinatal health care use or improved infant birth outcomes overall, although some studies reported reduced racial and ethnic disparities in rates of prenatal and postpartum visit attendance, maternal mortality, low birthweight, and preterm births. Stronger data collection on preconception and postpartum outcomes with sufficient sample sizes to stratify by race and ethnicity is needed to assess the full impact of the ACA and emerging Medicaid policy changes, such as the postpartum Medicaid extension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The American Rescue Plan Act of 2021 enables states to lengthen eligibility for pregnancy-related Medicaid coverage from the current sixty days after birth to up to one year, a time when mothers remain at elevated pregnancy-related health risk. Using linked birth records, income, and all-payer claims data for Medicaid-paid births in Colorado during the period 2014-19, we compared continuity of coverage during one year postpartum among people eligible for low-income adult Medicaid (with incomes of 138 percent of the federal poverty level or lower) versus those ineligible for Medicaid by any pathway (with incomes of 139 percent of poverty or higher). We found that retention of Medicaid coverage as a low-income adult was associated with 1.5 additional months of postpartum insurance enrollment and a 12-percentage-point increase in the probability of continuous insurance coverage during the first year after birth. Our findings suggest that states that adopt the American . Rescue Plan Act option to provide eligibility for pregnancy-related benefits for a full year after birth are likely to improve continuity of '- postpartum insurance coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Low family income is associated with worse child academic achievement. Little is known about how health insurance expansions affect children's achievement in low-income households. This study examined the effects of the Affordable Care Act's coverage expansions primarily for Medicaid and Marketplace enrollment, beginning in 2014, on children's academic achievement in Iowa. The study employed a unique linkage of birth certificates and data on standardized school tests for children in Iowa and took advantage of differences in uninsurance rates across areas in the state before the ACA insurance expansions. There is evidence that the ACA expansions beginning in 2014 were associated with higher reading scores after three years for children born to mothers with a high school education or less. There is no consistent evidence of an effect on math scores. Overall, these findings suggest broad spillover benefits from health insurance expansions to the well-being and development of children in low-income households that should be part of the continuing policy debate surrounding state and national health insurance reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although all state Medicaid programs cover children's dental care, Medicaid-eligible children are more likely to experience tooth decay than children in higher-income families. Using data from the 1999--2016 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey and the 2003, 2007, and 2011--12 waves of the National Survey of Children's Health, we examined the association between Medicaid adult dental coverage (an optional benefit) and children's oral health. Adult dental coverage was associated with a statistically significant 5-percentage-point reduction in the prevalence of untreated caries among children after Medicaid-enrolled adults had access to coverage for at least one year. These policies were also associated with a reduction in parent-reported fair or poor child oral health with a two-year lag between the onset of the policy and the effect. Effects were concentrated among children younger than age twelve. We estimated declines in poor oral health among all racial and ethnic subgroups, although there was some evidence that non-Hispanic Black children experienced larger and more persistent effects than non-Hispanic White children. Future assessments of the costs and benefits of offering adult dental coverage may consider potential effects on the children of adult Medicaid enrollees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2020 the COVID-19 pandemic caused millions to lose their jobs and, consequently, their employer-sponsored health insurance. Enacted in 2010, the Affordable Care Act (ACA) created safeguards for such events by expanding Medicaid coverage and establishing Marketplaces through which people could purchase health insurance. Using a novel national data set with information on ACA-compliant individual insurance plans, we found large increases in Marketplace enrollment in 2020 compared with 2019 but with varying percentage increases and spending risk implications across states. States that did not expand Medicaid had enrollment and spending risk increases. States that expanded Medicaid but did not relax 2020 Marketplace enrollment criteria also had spending risk increases. In contrast, states that expanded Medicaid and relaxed 2020 enrollment criteria experienced enrollment increases without spending risk changes. The findings are reassuring with respect to the ability of Marketplaces to buffer employment shocks, but they also provide cautionary signals that risks and premiums could begin to rise either in the absence of Medicaid expansion or when Marketplace enrollment is constrained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Affordable Care Act (ACA) relies on insurers to offer health plans in the individual health insurance Marketplaces. Since the ACA's implementation, levels of Marketplace competition have varied, reaching a nadir in 2018. We examined the characteristics of counties that experienced changes in insurers' participation in the ACA Marketplaces from 2016 to 2021. Using data from the Kaiser Family Foundation and other sources, we found that 1,968 counties (accounting for 66 percent of the US population younger than age sixty-five) have more insurers in 2021 than in 2018, whereas only twelve counties (comprising 0.4 percent of the US nonelderly population) have fewer insurers. The number of counties with monopolist Marketplace insurers declined from 1,616 in 2018 to 294 in 2021. Recent Marketplace insurer gains were more likely in counties that lost insurers from 2016 to 2018 or had a monopolist insurer in 2018. Increased competition may lead to lower gross premiums in the ACA Marketplaces. Given the Biden administration's support for the ACA Marketplaces, it appears likely that the ACA individual health insurance market will be stable and profitable for the next several years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Addressing health inequities for racial and ethnic minority populations is challenging. After passage of the Affordable Care Act, Michigan launched its Healthy Michigan Plan, which expanded Medicaid eligibility in the state. Our evaluation of the expansion provided the opportunity to study its impact on racial and ethnic minority groups, including Arab American and Chaldean American enrollees, an understudied population. Using data from telephone surveys collected in 2016, 2017, and 2018, we conducted an analysis to study the plan's impact on access to a regular source of care and health status among racial and ethnic minority groups. More than 90 percent of respondents of all racial and ethnic groups reported having a regular source of care after plan enrollment compared with 74.4 percent before enrollment. Respondents who identified as non-Hispanic White, African American, and Hispanic reported improvements in health status after plan enrollment. Our study demonstrates the potential of health insurance access to narrow health inequities between racial and ethnic groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poor perinatal mental health is a common pregnancy-related morbidity with potentially serious impacts that extend beyond the individual to their family. A possible contributing factor to poor perinatal mental health is discontinuity in health insurance coverage, which is particularly important among low-income people. We examined impacts of Medicaid expansion on prepregnancy depression screening and self- reported depression and postpartum depressive symptoms and well-being among low-income people giving birth. Medicaid expansion was associated with a 16 percent decline in self-reported prepregnancy depression but was not associated with postpartum depressive symptoms or well-being. Associations between Medicaid expansion and prepregnancy mental health measures increased with time since expansion. Expanding health insurance coverage to low-income people before pregnancy may improve perinatal mental health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Perinatal mental health disorders are increasingly acknowledged as contributors to adverse maternal outcomes. We analyzed data from the Healthcare Cost and Utilization Project National Inpatient Sample (2016 and 2017) to estimate hospitalization cost, length-of-stay, and severe maternal morbidity associated with perinatal mental health disorders overall, as well as stratified by payer and by specific mental health category. We found that people with mental health disorders had $458 higher costs per delivery hospitalization and 50 percent higher rates of severe maternal morbidity compared with people without mental health disorders. We estimated increased annual delivery hospitalization costs of $102 million in the US among people with perinatal mental health conditions compared with those without. Furthermore, people diagnosed with trauma- or stress-related mental health disorders had even higher rates of hospitalization costs-$825 higher per delivery-and 87 percent higher rates of severe maternal morbidity compared with people without those diagnoses. These findings provide important information for perinatal mental health program feasibility and cost-effectiveness analyses and suggest the need for increased focus on traumaand stress-related disorders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One in five pregnant or postpartum people has a diagnosed mood or anxiety disorder, which are the most common mental health illnesses that occur during the perinatal period. Untreated perinatal mental health conditions, encompassing pregnancy and the first five years of a child's life, carry a societal burden of $14 billion per year in the US. This overview article describes the prevalence of perinatal mental health conditions; the implications of those conditions; and associated barriers to screening, treatment, and bias associated with mental health conditions. We offer six policy opportunities designed to overcome the barriers and support overall sexual and reproductive health: extending Medicaid coverage through twelve months postpartum; redesigning care and reimbursement through co-location of services; establishing coverage for home visiting and peer support programs; enhancing telehealth policies that support access and coverage beyond the COVID-19 pandemic; enhancing data, research, and accountability; and enacting social and economic policies that support families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In October 2021, the American Academy of Pediatrics and other groups declared a national emergency in child and adolescent mental health. Despite this, pediatric mental health services remain largely inaccessible for many families. A major factor contributing to the lack of access is phantom networks, which are insurance company rosters of in-network mental health providers who, in reality, don't see patients in the network. Phantom networks compound barriers to mental health care for children and adolescents. This is particularly problematic for youth, many of whom use Medicaid, who seek time-sensitive care for severe psychiatric conditions such as psychosis or suicidality. We call on US policy makers to support nationwide legislation that establishes high-quality oversight processes for in-network provider lists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic precipitated an unemployment crisis in the US that surpassed the Great Recession of 2007-09 within the first three months of the pandemic. This article builds on the limited early evidence of the relationship between the pandemic and health insurance coverage, using county-level unemployment and Medicaid enrollment data from North Carolina, a large state that did not expand Medicaid. We used linear and county fixed effects models to assess this relationship, accounting for county-level social vulnerability, physical and virtual access to Medicaid enrollment, and COVID-19 case burden. Using data from January 2018 through August 2020, we estimated that the passthrough rate--the share of unemployed people who gained Medicaid coverage--was approximately 15 percent statewide but higher in more socially vulnerable counties. This low passthrough rate during a period of increased unemployment resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic means that Medicaid was unable to completely fulfill its countercyclical role, in which it grows to meet greater need during periods of widespread economic hardship, because of North Carolina's stringent Medicaid eligibility criteria. Working toward greater adoption of Medicaid expansion may help ensure that the US is better prepared for the next crisis by ensuring access to health insurance coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Youth aging out of the foster care system in the US are a vulnerable population. When in foster care, youth are eligible for their state's Medicaid program, but they lose eligibility when they age out of foster care. The Affordable Care Act (ACA) has the potential to address some of the health care needs of former foster youth through the Medicaid eligibility expansion to low-income adults and by extending Medicaid eligibility up to age twenty-six for former foster youth. Using the 2011-18 National Youth in Transition Database, we found that Medicaid expansion increased Medicaid coverage among former foster youth by 10.1 percentage points, and the age extension increased coverage by 3.4 percentage points. There is suggestive evidence of positive spillovers for both policies. Our findings imply that the ACA improved Medicaid coverage among former foster youth, with the largest effects from Medicaid expansion. The modest effects of the Medicaid age extension may imply a need to revise enrollment, recertification, outreach, and eligibility determination processes to further increase Medicaid coverage among former foster youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the COVID-19 pandemic in the US, essential workers have provided health care, food, and other necessities, often incurring considerable risk. At the pandemic's start, the federal government was in the process of tightening the "public charge" rule by adding nutrition and health benefits to the cash benefits that, if drawn, could subject immigrants to sanctions (for example, green card denial). Census Bureau data indicate that immigrants accounted for 13.6 percent of the population but 17.8 percent of essential workers in 2019. About 20.0 million immigrants held essential jobs, and more than one-third of these immigrants resided in US states bordering Mexico. Nationwide, 12.3 million essential workers and 18.9 million of their household members were at risk because of the new sanctions. The rule change (which was subsequently revoked) likely caused 2.1 million essential workers and household members to forgo Medicaid and 1.3 million to forgo Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program assistance on the eve of the pandemic, highlighting the potential of immigration policy changes to exacerbate health risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Puerto Rico is a US territory and a popular destination for Latino immigrants in the Caribbean. Even with few language and cultural barriers, however, many Latino immigrants in Puerto Rico are uninsured. Using data from the 2014--19 Puerto Rico Community Survey, we examined inequities in health insurance coverage for non--Puerto Rican Latinos ages 18--64 living in Puerto Rico according to citizenship status and Latino subgroup (Dominican, Cuban, Mexican, and other Latino). After controlling for potential confounders, we found that noncitizen Dominicans had a significantly lower probability of having any health insurance (57.2 percent) and having any private insurance (31.5 percent). Regardless of similarities in culture and language, Latino immigrants on the island, particularly Dominicans, experience major health insurance coverage inequities. Considering that Puerto Rico's immigration system is regulated by US federal statute, both federal and local policy makers should acknowledge and focus on reducing these immigrant disparities in health insurance coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social discourse about the opioid crisis in the US has focused on White populations, even though opioid-related deaths have grown at a higher rate among people of color than among non-Hispanic White people in recent years. Medications for opioid use disorder (OUD) are the gold standard for treating OUD and preventing overdose but are underused among people with OUD, with disproportionately low treatment initiation and retention among people of color. Methadone, which is highly stigmatized and has a more burdensome treatment regimen, is the predominant medication for OUD available to people of color. To address disparities in the initiation and retention of treatment using medication for OUD, policy makers should consider strategies such as Medicaid expansion, increased grant funding for federally qualified health centers to provide buprenorphine treatment, retention of temporary telehealth policies that allow remote buprenorphine induction, and regulatory changes to allow methadone treatment in office-based practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior studies suggest that the COVID-19 pandemic was associated with decreases in emergency department (ED) volumes, but it is not known whether these decreases varied by visit acuity or by demographic and socioeconomic risk factors. In this study of more than one million non-COVID-19 visits to thirteen EDs in a large St. Louis, Missouri, health system, we observed an overall 35 percent decline in ED visits. The decrease in medical and surgical visits ranged from 40 percent to 52 percent across acuity levels, with no statistically significant differences between higher and lower-acuity visits after correction for multiple comparisons. Mental health visits saw a smaller decrease (-32 percent), and there was no decrease for visits due to substance use. Medicare patients had the smallest decrease in visits (-31 percent) of the insurance groups; privately insured (-46 percent) and Medicaid (-44 percent) patients saw larger drops. There were no observable differences in ED visit decreases by race. These findings can help inform interventions to ensure that people requiring timely ED care continue to seek it and to improve access to lowerrisk alternative settings of care where appropriate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cost sharing in traditional Medicare can consume a substantial portion of the income of beneficiaries who do not have supplemental insurance from Medicaid, an employer, or a Medigap plan. Near-poor Medicare beneficiaries (with incomes more than 100 percent but less than 200 percent of the federal poverty level) are ineligible for Medicaid but frequently lack alternative supplemental coverage, resulting in a supplemental coverage "cliff" of 25.8 percentage points just above the eligibility threshold for Medicaid (100 percent of poverty). We estimated that beneficiaries affected by this supplemental coverage cliff incurred an additional $2,288 in out-of-pocket spending over the course of two years, used 55 percent fewer outpatient evaluation and management services per year, and filled fewer prescriptions. Lower prescription drug use was partly driven by low take-up of Part D subsidies, which Medicare beneficiaries automatically receive if they have Medicaid. Expanding eligibility for Medicaid supplemental coverage and increasing take-up of Part D subsidies would lessen cost-related barriers to health care among near-poor Medicare beneficiaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is likely that 2021 will be a dynamic year for US health care policy. There is pressing need and opportunity for health reform that helps achieve better access, affordability, and equity. In this commentary, which is part of the National Academy of Medicine's Vital Directions for Health and Health Care: Priorities for 2021 initiative, we draw on our collective backgrounds in health financing, delivery, and innovation to offer consensus-based policy recommendations focused on health costs and financing. We organize our recommendations around five policy priorities: expanding insurance coverage, accelerating the transition to value-based care, advancing home-based care, improving the affordability of drugs and other therapeutics, and developing a high-value workforce. Within each priority we provide recommendations for key elected officials and political appointees that could be used as starting points for evidence-based policy making that supports a more effective, efficient, and equitable health system in the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Income inequality estimates based on traditional poverty measures do not capture the effects of health care spending and health insurance. To explore the distributional effects of the Affordable Care Act's (ACA's) expansion of health benefits and the resulting income inequality, this study used alternative income measures that incorporate the value of the ACA's health insurance changes under the law. The study simulated the impact of the ACA on income inequality in 2019 compared with a scenario without the ACA. We found that the ACA reduced income inequality and that the decrease was much larger in states that expanded Medicaid than in states that did not. We also decomposed the effect of the ACA on inequality by race/ethnicity, age, and family educational attainment. The ACA reduced inequality both across groups and within these groups. With efforts to repeal the ACA--specifically, California v. Texas--having shifted from Congress to the courts, it remains important to consider the consequences of fully repealing the ACA, which would likely reverse reduced inequality observed under the law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

US health care spending increased 4.6 percent to reach $3.8 trillion in 2019, similar to the rate of growth of 4.7 percent in 2018. The share of the economy devoted to health care spending was 17.7 percent in 2019 compared with 17.6 percent in 2018. In 2019 faster growth in spending for hospital care, physician and clinical services, and retail purchases of prescription drugs--which together accounted for 61 percent of total national health spending--was offset mainly by expenditures for the net cost of health insurance, which were lower because of the suspension of the health insurance tax in 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the implementation of the Affordable Care Act (AGO, millions of low-income adults gained health coverage. We examined how the ACA's expansion of Medicaid eligibility affected dental coverage and the use of oral health services among low-income adults, using data from the National Health Interview Survey from the period 2010-18. We found that the ACA increased rates of dental coverage by 18.9 percentage points in states that provide dental benefits through Medicaid. In terms of utilization, expansion states that provide dental benefits saw the greatest increase in people having a dental visit in the past year (7.2 percentage points). However, there was no significant change in the overall share of people who had a dental visit in the past year, although the expansion was associated with a significant increase in this metric among White adults. The expansion was also associated with a 1.4-percentage-point increase in complete teeth loss, which may be a marker of both poor oral health and the potential gaining of access to dental services (with subsequent tooth extractions). Our findings suggest that in addition to expanded coverage, policies need to tackle other barriers to accessing dental care to improve population oral health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the trends in the state-level adoption of the Affordable Care Act's (ACA) Medicaid expansion in the U.S. as of November 2020, particularly on eligibility, enrollment rules and benefits. Also cited are the estimated number of people insured through Medicaid and Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP), and the methods used in the study to summarize Medicaid policies in U.S. states.

The period before pregnancy is critically important for the health of a woman and her infant, yet not all women have access to health insurance during this time. We evaluated whether increased access Wisconsinto health insurance under the Affordable Care Act Medicaid expansions affected ten preconception health indicators, including the prevalence of chronic conditions and health behaviors, birth control use and pregnancy intention, and receipt of preconception health services. By comparing changes in outcomes for low-income women in expansion and nonexpansion states, we document greater preconception health counseling, prepregnancy folic acid intake, and postpartum use of effective birth control methods among low-income women associated with Medicaid expansion. We do not find evidence of changes on the other preconception health indicators examined. Our findings indicate that expanding Medicaid led to detectable improvements on a subset of preconception health measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) global pandemic has resulted in unprecedented job losses in the United States, disrupting health insurance coverage for millions of people. Several models have predicted large increases in Medicaid enrollment among those who have lost jobs, yet the number of Americans who have gained coverage since the pandemic began is unknown. We compiled Medicaid enrollment reports covering the period from March 1 through June 1, 2020, for twenty-six states. We found that in these twenty-six states, Medicaid covered more than 1.7 million additional Americans in roughly a three-month period. Relative changes in Medicaid enrollment differed significantly across states, although enrollment growth was not systemically related to job losses. Our results point to the important effects of state policy differences in the response to COVID-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More than 55,000 children die each year in the United States, and hospice is used for very few of them at the end of their lives. Nearly one-third of pediatric deaths are a result of chronic, complex conditions, and the majority of these children are enrolled in Medicaid because of disability status or the severity of their disease. Changes in Medicaid/ Children's Health Insurance Program regulations under Section 2302 of the Affordable Care Act require all state Medicaid plans to finance curative and hospice services for children. The section enables the option for pediatric patients to continue curative care while enrolled in hospice. We examined state-level implementation of concurrent care for Medicaid beneficiaries and found significant variability in guidelines across the US. The implementation of concurrent care has fostered innovation yet has added barriers to how pediatric concurrent care has been implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Expansion of Medicaid and establishment of the Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP) represent a significant success story in the national effort to guarantee health insurance for children. That success is reflected in the high rates of coverage and health care access achieved for children, including those in low-income families. But significant coverage gaps remain--gaps that have been increasing since 2016 and are likely to accelerate with the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic and the associated recession. Using National Health Interview Survey data, we found that the proportion of uninsured children was 5.5 percent in 2018. Children continue to face coverage interruptions, and Latino, adolescent, and noncitizen children continue to face elevated risks of being uninsured. Although we note the benefits of a universal, federally financed, single-payer approach to coverage, we also offer two possible reform pathways that can take place within the current multipayer system, aimed at ensuring coverage, access, continuity, and comprehensiveness to move the nation closer to the goal of providing the health care that children need to reach their full potential and to reduce racial and economic inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) is a drug regimen recommended for anyone at high risk of getting HIV to prevent them from being infected. Little research exists on how state-level policies might be related to differential PrEP uptake across the United States. To better understand the associations between state-level policies and PrEP uptake, we examined HIV criminalization, nondiscrimination laws for sexual and gender minorities, Medicaid expansion, Ryan White funding, and sociodemographic characteristics in relation to the PrEP-to-need ratio, a measure of PrEP uptake. Using a cross-sectional design, we analyzed data from all fifty states; Washington, D.C.; and Puerto Rico (all of which we categorize as states here) regarding policy, socioeconomic factors, and PrEP-to-need ratio in 2018. States with HIV criminalization laws had lower PrEP-to-need ratio, and states with more nondiscrimination laws for sexual and gender minorities had higher PrEP-to-need ratio. We found no association between Medicaid expansion, Ryan White funding, percentage Hispanic, percentage uninsured, median household income, percentage with high school education, or state population and PrEP uptake. Legislators should consider how laws concerning HIV and sexual and gender minorities might protect against discrimination and subvert fear and stigma, given the potential impact of these policies on HIV prevention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Insurance chum, or moving between different insurance plans or between insurance and uninsurance, is common during the perinatal period. We used survey data from the 2012-17 Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System to estimate the impact of Affordable Care Act-related state Medicaid expansions on continuity of insurance coverage for lowincome women across three time points: preconception, delivery, and postpartum. We found that Medicaid expansion resulted in a 10.1-percentage-point decrease in churning between insurance and uninsurance, representing a 28 percent decrease from the prepolicy baseline in expansion states. This decrease was driven by a 5.8- percentage-point increase in the proportion of women who were continuously insured and a 4.2-percentage-point increase in churning between Medicaid and private insurance. Medicaid expansion improved insurance continuity in the perinatal period for low-income women, which may improve the quality of perinatal health care, but it also increased churning between public and private health insurance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In June 2018 Arkansas became the first US state to implement work requirements in Medicaid, requiring adults ages 30-49 to work twenty hours a week, participate in "community engagement" activities, or qualify for an exemption to maintain coverage. By April 2019, when a federal judge put the policy on hold, 18,000 adults had already lost coverage. We analyze the policy's effects before and after these events, using a telephone survey performed in late 2019 of 2,706 low-income adults in Arkansas and three control states compared with data from 2016 and 2018. We have four main findings. First, most of the Medicaid coverage losses in 2018 were reversed in 2019 after the court order. Second, work requirements did not increase employment over eighteen months of follow-up. Third, people in Arkansas ages 30-49 who had lost Medicaid in the prior year experienced adverse consequences: 50 percent reported serious problems paying off medical debt, 56 percent delayed care because of cost, and 64 percent delayed taking medications because of cost. These rates were significantly higher than among Arkansans who remained in Medicaid all year. Finally, awareness of the work requirements remained poor, with more than 70 percent of Arkansans unsure whether the policy was in effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New York City Health + Hospitals is the largest safety-net health care delivery system in the United States. Before the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, NYC Health + Hospitals served more than one million patients annually, including the most vulnerable New Yorkers, while billing fewer than five hundred telehealth visits monthly. Once the pandemic struck, we established a strategy to allow us to continue to serve our existing patients while treating the surge of new patients. Starting in March 2020, we were able to transform the system using virtual care platforms through which we conducted almost eighty-three thousand billable televisits in one month, as well as more than thirty thousand behavioral health encounters via telephone and video. Telehealth also enabled us to support patient-family communication, postdischarge follow-up, and palliative care for patients with COVID-19. Expanded Medicaid coverage and insurance reimbursement for telehealth played a pivotal role in this transformation. As we move to a new blend of virtual and in-person care, it is vital that the major regulatory and insurance changes undergirding our COVID-19 telehealth response be sustained to protect access for our most vulnerable patients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Enrollment in the Marketplaces of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) has fallen short of original expectations, because the ACA's regulatory changes made coverage costlier for many Americans with incomes above 150 percent of the federal poverty level. There are ways to strengthen and expand the role of the individual market in providing affordable, personalized options to all nonelderly Americans. These include insured people in costly group plans, uninsured people in good health but without affordable options, those with preexisting conditions, and those who live in states that did not expand eligibility for Medicaid. A more robust individual market could expand coverage so that it would be more sustainable than the status quo. Much as the authors of the Affordable Care Act drew on Massachusetts reforms signed into law by Gov. Mitt Romney (R), market-oriented health reformers should learn from the ACA and Medicare's private insurance programs in order to build a personalized, consumer-driven path toward universal coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Affordable Care Act (ACA) significantly improved health insurance coverage in the US, but too many Americans remain under- or uninsured. This article examines federal strategies under consideration that build on the ACA to extend comprehensive coverage to all low-income Americans and increase coverage affordability for middle-income Americans. For low-income Americans these policy options include extending the enhanced match rate offered to states that expanded eligibility for Medicaid in the early years of the ACA to states that have not yet expanded Medicaid and increasing Marketplace cost-sharing subsidies. To address the issue of affordability for middle-income Americans, this article considers options for lowering premiums (for example, extending tax credits to people with incomes above the current eligibility threshold, increasing the generosity of tax credits for those currently eligible, and making reinsurance permanent), lowering cost sharing (such as tying premium tax credits to the second-lowest-cost gold plan rather than the equivalent silver plan and extending federal assistance for cost sharing to people with incomes above the current threshold), and establishing a public option. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After decades of failed efforts to overhaul American health care, the Affordable Care Act's 2010 enactment was the most important health reform achievement since Medicare and Medicaid's passage. But ten years later, ACA politics are more tenuous than triumphal, and the ACA has not escaped the controversy that surrounded its enactment. This article explores why the ACA has been so divisive despite its considerable accomplishments. The ACA contains an array of controversial policies that contravene policy principles and political priorities held by the contemporary Republican party. It also imposes costs on stakeholder groups whose opposition, in many cases, to measures that altered the status quo has never ceased. Moreover, ACA benefits often have been obscured, partly because of the law's complex structure and incoherent programmatic identity. Additionally, the ACA's performance on its central promise--to make health insurance affordable--has been mixed. The law also confers benefits on populations that command less political sympathy than those previously favored with public coverage, and it has surfaced perennial racial/ethnic tensions related to who receives government benefits. I argue that the ACA's turbulent political journey ultimately reflects the larger trends in American politics of growing partisanship and polarization that continue to shape US health policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Affordable Care Act (ACA) led to the largest expansion of health insurance in the US in fifty years, bringing the uninsurance rate to its lowest recorded level in 2016. But even at that point, nearly thirty million people lacked health insurance, and millions more still struggled to afford needed medical care. Recent studies also indicate a partial erosion of the ACA's coverage gains since 2017. This article identifies the underlying causes of these problems and evaluates potential policy remedies. Topics include the slow but steady growth of state expansions of eligibility for Medicaid; new waiver approaches in Medicaid, including work requirements; high cost sharing and premium growth in both the Marketplaces and employer coverage; and proposed systemic overhauls such as Medicare for All. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Affordable Care Act's Medicaid expansion provided insurance coverage to many low-income adults with substance use disorders, but it is unclear whether this led to more people receiving treatment. We used the Treatment Episode Data Set and a difference-in-differences approach to compare annual rates of specialty treatment admissions in expansion versus nonexpansion states in the period 2010-17. We found that admissions to treatment steadily increased in the four years after Medicaid expansion, with 36 percent more people entering treatment by the fourth expansion year in expansion states compared to nonexpansion states. Changes were largest for people entering intensive outpatient programs and those seeking medication treatment for opioid use disorder. The share of admissions paid for by Medicaid increased 23 percentage points in expansion states compared to nonexpansion states, largely displacing treatment paid for by state and local governments. The gradual increase in specialty substance use disorder treatment admissions after Medicaid expansion may reflect improving capacity and access to care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Affordable Care Act required most people to obtain health insurance or pay a tax penalty. Legislation enacted in December 2017 effectively repealed that requirement, starting in 2019. This article reviews recent research on the mandate's effects, concluding that the mandate meaningfully increased insurance coverage, but likely by less than was projected before implementation. These coverage gains are likely to erode as mandate repeal takes hold. Looking ahead, policy makers have many options for expanding insurance coverage without restoring an individual mandate. However, achieving universal coverage without some form of mandatory individual contribution to health insurance would have a very large fiscal cost. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous provisions of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) were designed to make health care more affordable, yet the act's cumulative effects on health care costs are still debated. A key question is whether or not the ACA reduced the annual rate at which total national health care spending increased and brought per capita spending growth rates down. We review the direct and indirect effects of the ACA on spending across segments of the health insurance market. We highlight areas where the ACA has affected spending, but we emphasize that the ACA's long-run impact on spending will depend on sustaining the adjustments made to provider payment systems and expanding the emphasis on value across payers throughout the ACA's second decade and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]