Search

Medicaid has grown exponentially since the mid-1980s, during both conservative Republican and liberal Democratic administrations. How has this happened? The answer is rooted in three political variables: interest groups, political culture, and American federalism. First, interest-group support (from hospitals, nursing homes, and insurers) is more influential than the fragmented group opposition (from underpaid office-based physicians). Second, Medicaid provides a partial counterweight to conservative charges of a federal health care takeover because of the states' roles in administering the program. Third, Medicaid's intergovernmental fiscal partnership creates financial incentives for state and federal officials to expand enrollment--expansions that these policy makers often favor, given the program's increasingly important role in the nation's health care system. This institutional dynamic is here called catalytic federalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A personal narrative is presented which explores the author's experience related to medical complexity and hurdles present in the Medicaid program in the U.S.

As states continue to debate whether or not to expand Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act (ACA), a key consideration is the impact of expansion on the financial position of hospitals, including their burden of uncompensated care. Conclusive evidence from coverage expansions that occurred in 2014 is several years away. In the meantime, we analyzed the experience of hospitals in Connecticut, which expanded Medicaid coverage to a large number of childless adults in April 2010 under the ACA. Using hospital-level panel data from Medicare cost reports, we performed difference-in-differences analyses to compare the change in Medicaid volume and uncompensated care in the period 2007-13 in Connecticut to changes in other Northeastern states. We found that early Medicaid expansion in Connecticut was associated with an increase in Medicaid discharges of 7-9 percentage points, relative to a baseline rate of 11 percent, and an increase of 7-8 percentage points in Medicaid revenue as a share of total revenue, relative to a baseline share of 10 percent. Also, in contrast to the national and regional trends of increasing uncompensated care during this period, hospitals in Connecticut experienced no increase in uncompensated care. We conclude that uncompensated care in Connecticut was roughly one-third lower than what it would have been without early Medicaid expansion. The results suggest that ACA Medicaid expansions could reduce hospitals' uncompensated care burden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2010 the US Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices recommended that the seven-valent pneumococcal conjugate vaccine (PCV7) be replaced by the thirteen-valent version (PCV13), which provides protection against six additional serotypes of the bacterium Streptococcus pneumoniae. The higher price of PCV13, compared to PCV7, may be a concern for funding agencies and payers, as has been the case with other new vaccines. This study estimated the budgetary impact on both public and private US insurance payers of the routine use of PCV13 instead of PCV7 from 2010 to 2019. Implementing the PCV13 vaccine is projected to cost public and private payers $3.5 billion and $2.6 billion, respectively, more than PCV7. However, PCV13 is expected to provide net cost savings of $6.1 billion and $4.2 billion, respectively, to those payers during the ten-year period by preventing pneumococcal disease and its associated costs. An additional $1.7 billion in cost savings would be realized for uninsured patients, whose costs ultimately fall on those payers. Despite its higher price, compared to PCV7, this new vaccine is expected to provide payers with substantial net budgetary savings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of Medicaid expansion have produced conflicting results about whether the expansion is having a positive impact on health and the cost and efficiency of care delivery. To explore the issue further, we examined MetroHealth Care Plus, a Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) waiver program in Ohio composed of three safety-net organizations that enrolled 28,295 uninsured poor patients in closed-panel care during 2013. All participating organizations used electronic health records and patient-centered medical homes, publicly reported performance in a regional health improvement collaborative, and accepted a budget-neutral cap approved by CMS. We compared changes between 2012 and 2013 in achieving quality standards for diabetes and hypertension among 3,437 MetroHealth Care Plus enrollees to changes among 1,150 patients with the same conditions who remained uninsured in both years. Compared to continuously uninsured patients with diabetes, MetroHealth Care Plus enrollees with diabetes improved significantly more on composite standards of care and intermediate outcomes. Among enrollees with hypertension, blood pressure control improvements were insignificantly larger than those in the continuously uninsured group with hypertension. Across all 28,295 enrollees, 2013 total costs of care were 28.7 percent below the budget cap, providing cause for optimism that a prepared safety net can meet the challenges of Medicaid expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the role of the Medicaid program in healthcare system of the U.S. Topics discussed include information on the expansion of the program which was started as an add-on to cash welfare, managed care plan under Medicaid that cover almost all population of the U.S., introduction of the medical home approach in the U.S. that cover chronic conditions such as at-risk pregnancies, mental health and diabetes and role of Information technology in the healthcare system of the U.S.

The patient-centered medical home (PCMH) is being embraced as a way to improve access to and quality of care and to control health care costs. However, it is not known what proportion of the Medicaid population receives care from practices that incorporate PCMH goals. Nationally representative data for 2008-12 indicate that the majority of Medicaid beneficiaries with no other coverage who reported having a usual source of care described it as consistent with at least three of five key PCMH attributes: serving multiple health needs, ease of phone contact, extended office hours, coordination of prescriptions, and shared decision making. Younger, healthier, and higher-income Medicaid beneficiaries tended to report care sources with multiple attributes, compared to the older, sicker, and lower-income beneficiaries, who may be more likely to benefit from access to such care. Most attributes were associated with higher perceived quality of care and greater access, although the findings regarding health care expenditures were inconclusive. Challenges to widespread adoption of PCMH principles in Medicaid programs include targeting delivery of care consistent with those principles to high-need, high-cost populations and ensuring an adequate supply of usual sources of primary care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past fifty years Medicaid has taken divergent paths in financing mental health and addiction treatment. In mental health, Medicaid became the dominant source of funding and had a profound impact on the organization and delivery of services. But it played a much more modest role in addiction treatment. This is poised to change, as the Affordable Care Act is expected to dramatically expand Medicaid's role in financing addiction services. In this article we consider the different paths these two treatment systems have taken since 1965 and identify strategic lessons that the addiction treatment system might take from mental health's experience under Medicaid. These lessons include leveraging optional coverage categories to tailor Medicaid to the unique needs of the addiction treatment system, providing incentives to addiction treatment programs to create and deliver high-quality alternatives to inpatient treatment, and using targeted Medicaid licensure standards to increase the quality of addiction services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the increase in Marketplace enrollment in the U.S. as President Joe Biden's administration quickly implemented the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) as of July 2021. Also cited are Biden's call to Congress to make the enhanced premium tax credits under ARPA permanent, and the move by the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) to finalize the 2022 payment rule.

The article reports on the enhancement of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) by U.S. Congress and the expansion of state Medicaid programs. Topics discussed include the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) signed into law on March 11, 2021 by U.S. President Joseph R. Biden, Jr., an increase in the amount of ACA premium tax credits available to those with incomes of 100-400 percent of the federal poverty level, and changes made by the ARPA to Medicaid.

Dental coverage for adults is an elective benefit under Medicaid. As a result of budget constraints, California Medicaid eliminated its comprehensive adult dental coverage in July 2009. We examined the impact of this policy change on emergency department (ED) visits by Medicaid-enrolled adults for dental problems in the period 2006-11. We found that the policy change led to a significant and immediate increase in dental ED use, amounting to more than 1,800 additional dental ED visits per year. Young adults, members of racial/ethnic minority groups, and urban residents were disproportionately affected by the policy change. Average yearly costs associated with dental ED visits increased by 68 percent. The California experience provides evidence that eliminating Medicaid adult dental benefits shifts dental care to costly EDs that do not provide definitive dental care. The population affected by the Medicaid adult dental coverage policy is increasing as many states expand their Medicaid programs under the ACA. Hence, such evidence is critical to inform decisions regarding adult dental coverage for existing Medicaid enrollees and expansion populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Provisions of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) allow millions more Americans to obtain health insurance. However, a sizable number of people remain uninsured because they live in states that have not expanded Medicaid coverage or because they feel that Marketplace coverage is not affordable. Using data from a ten-state telephone survey in which callers posed as patients, we examined prices for primary care visits offered by physician offices to new uninsured patients in 2012-13, prior to ACA insurance expansions. Patients were quoted a mean price of $160. Significantly lower prices for the uninsured were offered by family practice offices compared to general internists, in offices participating in Medicaid managed care plans, and in federally qualified health centers. Prices were also lower for offices in ZIP codes with higher poverty rates. Only 18 percent of uninsured callers were told that they could bring less than the full amount to the visit and arrange to pay the rest later. ACA insurance expansions could greatly decrease out-of-pocket spending for low-income adults seeking primary care. However, benefits of health reform are likely to be greater in states expanding Medicaid eligibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Affordable Care Act provisions implemented in 2010 required insurance plans to offer dependent coverage to people ages 19-25 and to provide targeted preventive services with zero cost sharing. These provisions both increased the percentage of young adults with any source of health insurance coverage and improved the generosity of coverage. We examined how these provisions affected use of the human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccine, which is among the most expensive of recommended vaccines, among young adult women. Using 2008-12 data from the National Health Interview Survey, we estimated that the 2010 policy implementation increased the likelihood of HPV vaccine initiation and completion by 7.7 and 5.8 percentage points, respectively, for women ages 19-25 relative to a control group of women age 18 or 26. These estimates translate to approximately 1.1 million young women initiating and 854,000 young women completing the vaccine series. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In spring 2015 Congress passed legislation to extend funding for the Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP) through the end of fiscal year 2017. This two-year extension pushes to 2017 the question of whether CHIP funding will end, allowing states to end their separate state CHIP programs. Also, when the Affordable Care Act's maintenance-of-effort requirements expire after 2019, states will be allowed to roll back Medicaid- and CHIP-eligibility thresholds to minimum levels allowed by federal law. This study investigated the potential health insurance options available to low-income children if these events happen. If all states roll back coverage to federal statutory minimums, then, among children in families with incomes up to 400 percent of the federal poverty guidelines, the share ineligible for public coverage or subsidized Marketplace coverage would increase from 22 percent in 2014 (12.5 million children) to 46 percent after 2019 (26.5 million children). While not all states are likely to reduce eligibility to federal statutory minimums, these estimates highlight the fact that many children who do lose public eligibility will not become eligible for subsidized Marketplace coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Federal regulations establish special enrollment periods--times outside of open enrollment periods--during which people may enroll in or change their health insurance plans offered through the federal and state-based exchanges, or Marketplaces. To be eligible, a person must experience a shift in income or another "qualifying life event," such as a change in marital status or the number of dependents, or the loss of minimum essential health coverage. We produced an upper-bound estimate that 3.7 million nonelderly adults with coverage through a federal or state Marketplace could have experienced a qualifying life event and become eligible for a special enrollment period because of income shifts. In addition, more than 8.4 million nonelderly adults who did not have Marketplace coverage--three-quarters of whom had no insurance--became eligible for a special enrollment period as a result of other qualifying life events. Many if not most of these people may be unaware of their eligibility. In states that did not expand Medicaid eligibility, we estimated that 1.9 million people experienced income shifts outside of the open enrollment period that would make them eligible for Marketplace subsidies. However, because they were uninsured or had nongroup coverage (instead of Medicaid) during the most recent open enrollment period, they had to wait until the next period to enroll in a Marketplace plan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Affordable Care Act (ACA) dramatically expands health insurance for addiction treatment and provides unprecedented opportunities for service growth and delivery model reform. Yet most addiction treatment programs lack the staffing and technological capabilities to respond successfully to ACA-driven system change. In light of these challenges, we conducted a national survey to examine how Single State Agencies for addiction treatment--the state governmental organizations charged with overseeing addiction treatment programs--are helping programs respond to new requirements under the ACA. We found that most Single State Agencies provide little assistance to addiction treatment programs. Most agencies are helping programs develop collaborations with other health service programs. However, fewer than half reported providing help in modernizing systems to support insurance participation, and only one in three provided assistance with enrollment outreach. In the absence of technical assistance, it is unlikely that addiction treatment programs will fully realize the ACA's promise to improve access to and quality of addiction treatment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a study on health insurance for young adults using data from the National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) conducted by the Census Bureau for the National Center for Health Statistics from 2009 to 2014. Topics discussed include a study of young adult coverage by family income from 2009 to early 2014 and characteristics of young adults who remained uninsured in early 2014 and the decline in the uninsurance rate for young adults in the second quarter of 2014.

The article focuses on Medicaid access and perceptions as well as the need for navigating the health care system. Topics discussed include the flow of vital information impeded by patient's knowledge of the health care system and limited education as well as the suggestion for the creation of a patient navigator system that will monitor new entrees to the health care system. The need for patients and their families to assess their attitudes toward the health care system is also mentioned.

Transformative drugs, defined as pharmaceuticals that are both innovative and have groundbreaking effects on patient care, are the “holy grail” of drug research and development. The sources of drug innovation are often debated, with pharmaceutical manufacturers arguing that high drug prices support innovative output from their sector.We studied the developmental histories of twenty-six drugs or drug classes approved by the Food and Drug Administration between 1984 and 2009 that were judged by expert physicians to be transformative (in two cases, the first drug in a transformative class was approved before 1984). Most of the twenty-six were first approved early in the study period; only four were approved in 2000 or later. Many were based on discoveries made by academic researchers who were supported by federal government funding. Others were jointly developed in both publicly funded and commercial institutions; the fewest number of drugs had originated solely within pharmaceutical industry research programs. Nine of the twenty-six (35 percent) were repurposed from products developed for other indications, and ten (38 percent) were developed for rare diseases before much broader applicability was found. The insights from these case studies provide an experience-based foundation for policies to encourage the development of future transformative drugs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the twenty-three states that have decided against expanding Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act, uninsured adults who would have been eligible for Medicaid and have incomes at or above the federal poverty guidelines are generally eligible for Marketplace (insurance exchange) premium tax credits and plans with generous benefits. This study compared estimated out-of-pocket spending for care and premiums, as well as the financial burdens they impose, for the families of these adults under two simulation scenarios: obtaining coverage through a silver plan with subsidized cost sharing and enrolling in expanded Medicaid. Compared with Marketplace coverage, Medicaid would more than halve average annual out-of-pocket spending ($938 versus $1,948), while dramatically reducing the percentage of adults in families with outof- pocket expenses exceeding 10 percent or 20 percent of income (6.0 percent versus 17.1 percent and 0.9 percent versus 3.7 percent, respectively). Larger reductions would be seen for families with smokers, who under Medicaid would no longer be subject to Marketplace tobacco user surcharges. Medicaid expansion may offer a greater opportunity than access to Marketplace insurance to promote the financial well-being of previously uninsured low-income adults. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thirty-eight percent of US children depend on publicly financed health insurance, reflecting both its expansion and the steady erosion of employment-based coverage. Continued funding for the Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP) is an immediate priority. But broader reforms aimed at improving the quality of coverage for all insured children, with a special emphasis on children living in low-income families, are also essential. This means addressing the “family glitch,” which bars premium subsidies for children whose parents have access to affordable self-only employer-sponsored benefits. It also means addressing the quality of health plans sold in the individual and small-group markets—whether or not purchased through the state and federal exchanges—that are governed by the “essential health benefit” standard of the Affordable Care Act (ACA). In this article we examine trends in coverage and the role of Medicaid and CHIP. We also consider how the ACA has shaped child health financing, and we discuss critical issues in the broader insurance market and the need to ensure plan quality, including the scope of coverage, use of a pediatric medical necessity standard that emphasizes growth and development, the structure of pediatric provider networks, and attention to the quality of pediatric health care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the discussion around the Affordable Care Act has focused on likely changes in coverage and access to care for adults. However, the law also alters coverage options for many low-income children. We used data from the new Health Reform Monitoring Survey Child Supplement to examine access to care and related outcomes for low-income publicly and privately insured children. We found that over 90 percent of low-income insured children had a usual source of care and had parents who were confident that their children could get the health care they need, regardless of their type of coverage. However, on a variety of cost-related measures, including difficulty paying the child's medical bills, out-of-pocket expenses, and satisfaction with health insurance premiums and copayments, children with Medicaid or the Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP) fared better than those with employer-sponsored insurance. These results have implications for debates about the future of CHIP and other policies that affect public and private coverage options available to children and families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to articles published within the issue is presented on topics including the U.S. federal government's 2020 annual national health expenditures report, how price regulation can serve to increase competition in health care, and one which associated birth certificate data to standardized test score for children in Iowa and provided evidence that the Affordable Care Act (ACA) insurance expansions can lead to improvements in reading scores.

Under the Affordable Care Act (ACA), changes in income and family circumstances are likely to produce frequent transitions in eligibility for Medicaid and health insurance Marketplace coverage for low- and middle-income adults. We provide state-by-state estimates of potential eligibility changes ("churning") if all states expanded Medicaid under health reform, and we identify predictors of rates of churning within states. Combining longitudinal survey data with state-specific weighting and small-area estimation techniques, we found that eligibility changes occurred frequently in all fifty states. Higher-income states and states that had more generous Medicaid eligibility criteria for nonelderly adults before the ACA experienced more churning, although the differences were small. Even in states with the least churning, we estimated that more than 40 percent of adults likely to enroll in Medicaid or subsidized Marketplace coverage would experience a change in eligibility within twelve months. Policy options for states to reduce the frequency and impact of coverage changes include adopting twelve-month continuous eligibility for adults in Medicaid, creating a Basic Health Program, using Medicaid funds to subsidize Marketplace coverage for low-income adults, and encouraging the same health insurers to offer plans in Medicaid and the Marketplaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People who have served time in US prisons and jails have high rates of undiagnosed chronic and infectious diseases, behavioral health conditions, and trauma. Because a large portion of this population are young men--a demographic previously underrepresented in Medicaid rolls--who have been uninsured, Medicaid payers and the managed care plans they contract with have little experience serving this population. To meet the Affordable Care Act's policy objectives of cost-efficient and effective care through improved and expanded access, health plans need to understand the epidemiology and care-seeking patterns of this population. Plans also need to develop outreach, communications, and engagement strategies and create service models designed to address these individuals' health care needs. Corrections departments and health plans should exchange information about the medical histories of people entering and leaving prisons and jails, promote models of peer support, and advocate for suspension rather than termination of Medicaid benefits during incarceration, so inmates can quickly regain coverage once they are released. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The jail-involved population--people with a history of arrest in the previous year--has high rates of illness, which leads to high costs for society. A significant percentage of jail-involved people are estimated to become newly eligible for coverage through the Affordable Care Act's expansion of Medicaid, including coverage of substance abuse treatment and mental health care. In this article we explore the need to break down the current policy silos between health care and criminal justice, to benefit both sectors and reduce unnecessary costs resulting from lack of coordination. To draw attention to the hidden costs of the current system, we review three case studies, from Washington State, Los Angeles County in California, and New York City. Each case study addresses different aspects of care needed by or provided to the jail-involved population, including mental health and substance abuse, emergency care, and coordination of care transitions. Ultimately, bending the cost curve for health care and criminal justice will require greater integration of the two systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The expansion of Medicaid eligibility to Americans with incomes up to 138 percent of the federal poverty level should greatly increase access to coverage and services for people recently released from jail and, thus, improve health outcomes and reduce recidivism in this population. The population is disproportionately male, minority, and poor; suffers from high rates of mental and substance abuse disorders; and is expected to make up a substantial portion of the Medicaid expansion population. To ensure connections to needed services after release from jail, states could help inmates determine their eligibility and enroll in Medicaid; take advantage of federal grants to automate systems that determine eligibility; and include a robust array of behavioral health services in Medicaid benefit packages. In most states, new partnerships between Medicaid and corrections agencies at both the state and local levels will be needed to support these activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People are much less likely to engage in risky sexual behavior if they know that they are HIV-positive. Unfortunately, more than 18 percent of people living with HIV/AIDS in the United States are unaware of their HIV status, and about half of new HIV infections are transmitted from that "HIV unaware" population. For these reasons, HIV testing is at the forefront of HIV prevention strategies in the United States. The Affordable Care Act (ACA) may support these strategies, since gaining coverage increases the likelihood of being tested for HIV. We modeled the impact of the ACA on HIV testing, diagnoses, and awareness of being HIV-positive, assuming that only the eighteen states (and the District of Columbia) that had committed to expand Medicaid as of July 2013 did expand the program. We found that the ACA will result in an additional 466,153 people's being tested for HIV and 2,598 new diagnoses of HIV by 2017. Among people living with HIV/AIDS who gain insurance through the ACA, the share of the HIV unaware will decline by 22 percent. The impact on both HIV testing and new diagnoses would be nearly 30 percent larger if all fifty states expanded Medicaid. Policy makers should consider such epidemiological benefits when analyzing insurance expansion policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Medicaid expansions will soon cover millions of new enrollees, but insurance alone may not ensure that they receive high-quality care. This study examines health care interactions and the health perceptions of an Oregon cohort three years after they gained Medicaid coverage. During in-depth qualitative interviews, 120 enrollees reported a wide range of interactions with the health care system. Forty percent of the new enrollees sought care infrequently because they were confused about coverage, faced access barriers, had bad interactions with providers, or felt that care was unnecessary. For the 60 percent who had multiple health care interactions, continuity and ease of the provider-patient relationship were critical to improved health. Some newly insured Medicaid enrollees recounted rapid improvements in health. However, most reported that gains came after months or years of working closely and systematically with a provider. Our findings suggest that improving communication with beneficiaries and increasing the availability of coordinated care across settings could reduce the barriers that new enrollees are likely to face. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For people who receive both Medicare and Medicaid benefits (dual-eligible beneficiaries), the loss of Medicaid coverage may lead to problems with care coordination, higher out-of-pocket expenses, or reduced access to services. Using administrative data, we followed 292,242 full-benefit and 91,020 partial-benefit dual eligibles from January 2009 through December 2011. Among those with full Medicaid benefits, 15.6 percent lost Medicaid coverage at least once, with more frequent losses among younger beneficiaries. Many of these losses lasted only one to three months and were followed by reinstatement. Loss of Medicaid coverage was more common (23.2 percent) among enrollees with partial Medicaid benefits. Medicare Current Beneficiary Survey data indicate that most dual eligibles who lost Medicaid coverage had no other source of supplemental insurance. Medicaid coverage is relatively stable among dual eligibles. However, some lose Medicaid for several months or more, putting them at risk for poor outcomes and potentially complicating their care, especially when it needs to be integrated under the two programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting in 2014, many low-income adult residents of states that forgo the Affordable Care Act's expansion of Medicaid would be eligible for that program if they moved to a state that had chosen to expand its coverage. Some of these people may migrate to receive coverage, thereby increasing costs for states that have expanded the program. This is known as the "welfare magnet" hypothesis, a claim that geographic variation in social programs induces the migration of welfare recipients to places with more generous benefits or eligibility. To investigate whether such spillover effects are likely, we used data from the Current Population Survey to examine the migration patterns of low-income people before and after recent expansions of public insurance in Arizona, Maine, Massachusetts, and New York. Using difference-indifferences analysis of migration in expansion and control states, we found no evidence of significant migration effects. Our preferred estimate was precise enough to rule out net migration effects of larger than 1,600 people per year in an expansion state. These results suggest that migration will not be a common way for people to obtain Medicaid coverage under the current expansion and that interstate migration is not likely to be a significant source of costs for states choosing to expand their programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Affordable Care Act expands Medicaid in 2014 to millions of low-income adults in states that choose to participate in the expansion. Since 2010 California, Connecticut, Minnesota, and Washington, D.C., have taken advantage of the law's option to expand coverage earlier to a portion of low-income childless adults. We present new data on these expansions. Using administrative records, we documented that the ramp-up of enrollment was gradual and linear over time in California, Connecticut, and D.C. Enrollment continued to increase steadily for nearly three years in the two states with the earliest expansions. Using survey data on the two earliest expansions, we found strong evidence of increased Medicaid coverage in Connecticut (4.9 percentage points; p < 0.001) and positive but weaker evidence of increased coverage in D.C. (3.7 percentage points; p ¼ 0.08). Medicaid enrollment rates were highest among people with health-related limitations. We found evidence of some crowd-out of private coverage in Connecticut (30-40 percent of the increase in Medicaid coverage), particularly for healthier and younger adults, and a positive spillover effect on Medicaid enrollment among previously eligible parents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The number and types of people who become eligible for and enroll in the Affordable Care Act's (ACA's) health insurance expansions will depend in part on the factors that cause people to become uninsured for different lengths of time. We used a small-area estimation approach to estimate differences across states in percentages of adults losing health insurance and in lengths of their uninsured spells. We found that nearly 50 percent of the nonelderly adult population in Florida, Nevada, New Mexico, and Texas-but only 18 percent in Massachusetts and 22 percent in Vermont-experienced an uninsured spell between 2009 and 2012. Compared to people who lost private coverage, those with public insurance were more likely to experience an uninsured spell, but their spells of uninsurance were shorter.We categorized states based on estimated incidence of uninsured spells and the spells' duration. States should tailor their enrollment outreach and retention efforts for the ACA's coverage expansions to address their own mix of types of coverage lost and durations of uninsured spells. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

States frequently expand or limit dental benefits for adults covered by Medicaid. As part of statewide health reform in 2006, Massachusetts expanded dental benefits to all adults ages 19-64 whose annual income was at or below 100 percent of the federal poverty level. We examined the impact of this reform and found that it led to an increase in dental care use among the Massachusetts adult population, driven by gains among poor adults. Compared to the prereform period, dental care use increased by 2.9 percentage points among all nonelderly adults in Massachusetts, relative to all nonelderly adults in eight control states. For poor Massachusetts adults, the effect was larger-an eleven- percentage-point increase in dental care use above the increase among the state's nonpoor residents. The Massachusetts experience provides evidence that providing dental benefits to poor adults through Medicaid can improve dental care access and use. Our results imply that the lack of expanded dental coverage for low-income adults under the Affordable Care Act is a missed opportunity to improve access to oral care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A key method of stabilizing Medicaid coverage is to provide beneficiaries with twelve months of continuous eligibility. Following the passage of the Children's Health Insurance Program Reauthorization Act in 2009, seven states adopted the continuous-eligibility option for children. That policy change led to a 1.8-percentage-point increase in the average length of child enrollment during fiscal year 2010 and increased annual costs for children by about 2.2 percent. The Medicaid and CHIP Payment and Access Commission has recommended offering states the option of giving adults twelve-month continuous eligibility for Medicaid. Our findings suggest that continuous eligibility could promote more stable coverage for adults enrolled in Medicaid at a modest cost. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Affordable Care Act will have important impacts on state Medicaid programs, likely increasing participation among populations that are currently eligible but not enrolled. The size of this "welcome-mat" effect is of concern for two reasons. First, the eligible but uninsured constitute a substantial share of the uninsured population in some states. Second, the newly eligible population will affect states' Medicaid caseloads and budgets. Using the Massachusetts 2006 health reforms as a case study and controlling for other factors, we found that among low- income parents who were previously eligible for Medicaid in Massachusetts, Medicaid enrollment increased by 16.3 percentage points, and Medicaid participation by those without private coverage increased by 19.4 percentage points, in comparison to a group of control states. In many states the potential size of the welcome-mat effect could be even larger than what we observed in Massachusetts. Our analysis has potentially important implications for other states attempting to predict the impact of this effect on their budgets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent health reform law promotes access to preventive care through new insurance coverage requirements. Most private insurance plans, Medicare, and Medicaid expansion programs are required to cover US Preventive Services Task Force A- and B-rated services without cost sharing. However, because the Affordable Care Act treats newly eligible and existing Medicaid beneficiaries differently, all adult Medicaid beneficiaries within a state might not be eligible for the same preventive services. This study reviewed Medicaid programs across the country and found that most states do not cover all of these recommended services as preventive measures for adults. As a result, existing adult Medicaid beneficiaries might not have coverage of the same important preventive services that most other insured people have. In addition, aspects of how preventive services are defined in many states result in confusion about coverage parameters, potentially creating an additional access barrier for existing Medicaid beneficiaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various topics within the issue, including the Affordable Care Act (ACA) Marketplace trends in the U.S., prescription drug development and usage, and hospital payments and services.

As states consider expanding Medicaid to low-income childless adults under the Affordable Care Act, their decisions will depend, in part, on how such coverage may affect the use of medical care. In 2009 Wisconsin created a new public insurance program for low-income uninsured childless adults. We analyzed administrative claims data spanning 2008 and 2009 using a case-crossover study design on a population of 9,619 Wisconsin residents with very low incomes who were automatically enrolled in this program in January 2009. In the twelve months following enrollment in public insurance, outpatient visits for the study population increased 29 percent, and emergency department visits increased 46 percent. Inpatient hospitalizations declined 59 percent, and preventable hospitalizations fell 48 percent. These results demonstrate that public insurance coverage expansions to childless adults have the potential to improve health and reduce costs by increasing access to outpatient care and reducing hospitalizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US Supreme Court's ruling on the Affordable Care Act in 2012 allowed states to opt out of the health reform law's Medicaid expansion. Since that ruling, fourteen governors have announced that their states will not expand their Medicaid programs. We used the RAND COMPARE microsimulation to analyze how opting out of Medicaid expansion would affect coverage and spending, and whether alternative policy options-such as partial expansion of Medicaid-could cover as many people at lower costs to states. With fourteen states opting out, we estimate that 3.6 million fewer people would be insured, federal transfer payments to those states could fall by $8.4 billion, and state spending on uncompensated care could increase by $1 billion in 2016, compared to what would be expected if all states participated in the expansion. These effects were only partially mitigated by alternative options we considered. We conclude that in terms of coverage, cost, and federal payments, states would do best to expand Medicaid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A personal narrative is presented which explores the author's experience of getting Pennsylvania Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP) for their child. INSET: Policy Checklist.

A goal of federal policy is to improve preventive health care for children. However, little is known about how adherence to recommendations by the American Academy of Pediatrics for well-child visits has changed over time. Using the 1996-2008 Medical Expenditure Panel Surveys, we examined trends in adherence and whether differences across population subgroups narrowed or widened over time. We found that the ratio of actual to recommended well-child visits rose from 46.3 percent during the 1996-98 time period to 58.9 percent during the 2007-08 time period. Although this increase in adherence is important, improvement occurred unevenly. We observed large differences in adherence at the start of the study period across income, race or ethnicity, parent education, region, insurance coverage, and having a usual source of care. None of these differences had narrowed significantly by the end of the study period. Indeed, differences widened across parent education, between those with and without insurance coverage, by usual source of care, and between the Northeast and the Midwest and West regions. Our results highlight the importance of provisions in the Affordable Care Act to expand coverage, strengthen incentives for preventive services, and improve the measurement of preventive services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2011 US health care spending grew 3.9 percent to reach $2.7 trillion, marking the third consecutive year of relatively slow growth. Growth in national health spending closely tracked growth in nominal gross domestic product (GDP) in 2010 and 2011, and health spending as a share of GDP remained stable from 2009 through 2011, at 17.9 percent. Even as growth in spending at the national level has remained stable, personal health care spending growth accelerated in 2011 (from 3.7 percent to 4.1 percent), in part because of faster growth in spending for prescription drugs and physician and clinical services. There were also divergent trends in spending growth in 2011 depending on the payment source: Medicaid spending growth slowed, while growth in Medicare, private health insurance, and out-of-pocket spending accelerated. Overall, there was relatively slow growth in incomes, jobs, and GDP in 2011, which raises questions about whether US health care spending will rebound over the next few years as it typically has after past economic downturns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focusses on the affordable care act that leaves the intensive care unit for good. Topics include three arenas of health policy, medical care delivery, and the new policy of health reform

As the number of children living in poverty has increased steadily over the past decade, Medicaid and the Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP) have enrolled millions of additional youths. Federal and state governments jointly finance both programs, with the federal portion determined by the Federal Medical Assistance Percentage, commonly known as the "federal match." The federal government has used intermittent increases in the federal match as a way to provide fiscal relief to states during economic downturns. The most recent broad increase ended in June 2011, but the precise impact on Medicaid and CHIP enrollment for children is not known. No previous study has evaluated the association of the federal match with children's enrollment in state Medicaid or CHIP programs in the context of other state factors. To shed light on the degree to which public coverage for children varies with differences in the federal match, we examined publicly available data from all fifty states from 1999 to 2009. We found that a ten-percentage- point increase in the federal match was associated with a 1.9 percent increase in Medicaid and CHIP enrollment, equivalent to approximately 500,000 children. This association persisted when adjusted for multiple state-level factors, including the proportion of children living in poverty. This analysis underscores the central role of the federal match in supporting expansion of Medicaid and CHIP coverage for children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Safety-net hospitals will continue to play a critical role in the US health care system, as they will need to care for the more than twenty-three million people who are estimated to remain uninsured after the Affordable Care Act is implemented. Yet such hospitals will probably have less federal and state support for uncompensated care. At the same time, safety-net hospitals will need to reposition themselves in the marketplace to compete effectively for newly insured people who will have a choice of providers. We examine how five leading safety-net hospitals have begun preparing for reform. Building upon strong organizational attributes such as health information technology and system integration, the study hospitals' preparations include improving the efficiency and quality of care delivery, retaining current and attracting new patients, and expanding the medical home model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius, the US Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the requirement that all Americans have affordable health insurance coverage. But in an unprecedented move, seven justices first declared the mandatory Medicaid eligibility expansion unconstitutional. Then five justices, led by Chief Justice John Roberts, prevented the outright elimination of the expansion by fashioning a remedy that simply limited the federal government's enforcement powers over its provisions and allowed states not to proceed with expanding Medicaid without losing all of their federal Medicaid funding. The Court's approach raises two fundamental issues: First, does the Court's holding also affect the existing Medicaid program or numerous other Affordable Care Act Medicaid amendments establishing minimum Medicaid program requirements? And second, does the health and human services secretary have the flexibility to modify the pace or scope of the expansion as a negotiating strategy with the states? The answers to these questions are key because of the foundational role played by Medicaid in health reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For 2011-13, US health spending is projected to grow at 4.0 percent, on average--slightly above the historically low growth rate of 3.8 percent in 2009. Preliminary data suggest that growth in consumers' use of health services remained slow in 2011, and this pattern is expected to continue this year and next. In 2014, health spending growth is expected to accelerate to 7.4 percent as the major coverage expansions from the Affordable Care Act begin. For 2011 through 2021, national health spending is projected to grow at an average rate of 5.7 percent annually, which would be 0.9 percentage point faster than the expected annual increase in the gross domestic product during this period. By 2021, federal, state, and local government health care spending is projected to be nearly 50 percent of national health expenditures, up from 46 percent in 2011, with federal spending accounting for about two-thirds of the total government share. Rising government spending on health care is expected to be driven by faster growth in Medicare enrollment, expanded Medicaid coverage, and the introduction of premium and cost-sharing subsidies for health insurance exchange plans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Coordinating care for the nine million elderly or disabled and low-income people who are dually eligible for Medicare and Medicaid is a pressing policy issue. To support the debate over this issue, we synthesized public data on how services are provided to dual eligibles receiving covered benefits in both programs. Our analysis confirmed that most dual-eligible beneficiaries receive benefits separately for each program through fee-for-service arrangements. Their enrollment in Medicare and Medicaid managed care is growing but still low, with highly uneven experiences across states. Few states or health plans have experience with coordinating care for dual eligibles within an integrated plan. These findings reinforce the need for caution in considering policies that would rapidly give states the responsibility for coordinating dual eligibles' care and coverage. We also found data gaps that warrant prompt attention in order to provide national-level oversight and improve the evidence base for debating and tracking policy changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Affordable Care Act gives states the option of creating a so-called Basic Health Program to provide health insurance coverage for individuals and families whose incomes are low but who do not qualify for Medicaid. The Basic Health Program is intended, in part, to decrease churning, or frequent movement between Medicaid and state-run health insurance exchanges, by increasing the income-based eligibility transition point between the two programs to 200 percent of the federal poverty level. We analyzed data from the 2008 panel of the Survey of Income and Program Participation and found that among adults likely to participate in Medicaid and exchanges, only somewhat fewer experienced a change in eligibility with a 200 percent federal poverty level eligibility threshold compared with the previous threshold of 138 percent. As a result, we found that a Basic Health Program would prevent churning for 1.8 million adults nationally each year-reducing by about 4 percent the expected churning of low-income Americans between Medicaid and exchanges within a year. Such programs would also decrease the risk that lower-income families would be subject to recouping of premium tax credits. But churning rates would remain very high, and additional policy steps would be required to minimize the effect of coverage disruptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]