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The article uses Dnipropetrovs’k University to exemplify the nature, dynamics, scope and peculiarities of the Soviet penal policy and practice of the 1930s regarding the intellectuals as the most educated and active part of Ukrainian society. The emphasis is placed on the fact that millions of Soviet citizens, including hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians, fell innocent victims to the state terrorism. Most of them, being labeled «nationalists», «saboteurs», «trotskists», «enemies of the people», have for numerous years been artificially erased from the historical memory of Ukrainians and subjected to oblivion, which significantly weakened the nation’s gene pool, the background and traditions of the national self-awareness and intellectual potential of Ukraine.Substantial evidence makes it possible to trace the lives of numerous university workers, mainly from the cohort of professors and senior managers. In total, we identified the names of 96 people who had been prosecuted or oppressed by the authorities in the mentioned period. Many of them were physically destroyed, that is, shot. The author argues that those were irretrievable losses among the most highly-qualified staff members of the university, those who, through their intelligence, talent and commitment, determined the main trends and content of the university development under deep social transformations of the 1930s. It obviously made a significant impact on the efficiency of both educational and academic activity of the university as one of the leading centers of classical higher education in Ukraine.In turn, the atmosphere of overall suspiciousness and fear caused, to high extent, by the repressions existingin the-then Soviet society despite the parade reports of the Communist Party leaders, and coupled with other negative factors in the system of government greatly affected the rate of economic growth, development of education, science and culture as well as the country’s defense capability in pre-war years.

Розглядаються і узагальнюються деякі концептуальні, ідеологічні, історіографічні й конкретно-історичні аспекти ґенези виникнення, перебігу та здійснення революції 1917 року в Росії як однієї з найпомітніших подій світової історії XX ст. Констатовано, що ця революція, породжена комплексом об’єктивних чинників соціально-економічного і політичного характеру, невирішеністю найгостріших питань суспільства (аграрного, робітничого, національного, культурного), перманентним відставанням Росії від передових країн за темпами і масштабами модернізаційних процесів, різко посилених руйнівними наслідками Першої світової війни, призвела до падіння царизму, самодержавства, імперії і сходження на правлячий Олімп більшовизму як найрадикальнішої течії в російському соціалістичному русі, відкрила простір для докорінних трансформаційних перетворень, що супроводжувались не тільки забезпеченням назрілих і довгоочікуваних змін в країні, а й формуванням та утвердженням жорстокого тоталітарного режиму, розпалюванням соціально-класової ворожнечі, насадженням жупела «революційної доцільності», беззаконня, насильства, масованим наступом проти власного народу (голодомори, репресії тощо). Тому, наголошується в статті, Російська революція навіть через сторіччя після її вчинення продовжує залишатись в епіцентрі наукових, медійних та суспільних дискусій і пристрастей, але здебільшого не стільки своїми конкретними подіями, скільки у річищі політичних наслідків, впливу її імпульсів та сигналів для наступних доль Росії, СРСР, світу.

This is a study of theory, method and concept of «socialist-type city» as a unique phenomenon of Stalin’s epoch history and culture, as well as the theory of city planning legislation in the works of 1920­1930s’ scholars alongside with the polemics about restoring existing cities or building the new ‘Soviet’ kind due to «socialist pattern» is also viewed. This practical research of ‘Socialist construction’ concept at the example of Dnepropetrovsk, where massive socio­economic, urban and cultural programs were being implemented on the background of force industrialization also deals with developing inner city layout, transforming it’s architecture and space, it’s qualities and numeric values as to population and infrastructure developments are grasped, the influence on Dnepropetrovsk public minds by ideology propaganda is observed.

The article deals with certain aspects, tendencies and peculiarities of the social and political life in Ukraine at times of Petro Yukhymovych Shelest – the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party in Ukraine – being in charge. The central point of the issue is the phenomenon of «ukrainofilstvo» (the utmost love to Ukraine), which this outstanding but controversial official kept to. We specifically study the essence, components and consequences of the historical process known as «the light thaw» of P. Shelest. This process was particularly obvious in very concrete though discrepant steps done by the official towards Ukrainian national interests and rights protection. Among the priorities were the basics of the Ukrainian identity, such as the language, education and culture. As a devoted communist, a supporter of the Soviet Union’s «brotherhood» and a determined bearer of the communist ideas and ideals (especially in the struggle against dissidence), the Ukrainian leader, at the same time, opposed as he could the Kremlin dictatorship in particular segments of humanitarian and economical policy. It partly prevented extensive implementation of the Russian language, which had a tendency to substitute Ukrainian (the process of Russification), as well as resisted to total destruction of the Ukrainian national landscape uniqueness for the sake of Moscow’s political and ideological pressure. Simultaneously we stress, that existing myths about «autonomy», «national communism» or the program of the so called «second Ukrainisation» of P. Shelest are not proved by documents, which means these facts do not correspond to the real state of events at the mentioned historical period.