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This paper discusses the disappointing outreach of Brazilian urban reform by analyzing the underlying tensions and contradictions of its key principle, that is, the social, function of property (SFP), from a perspective of contemporary theoretical debates on the double nature of rent (i.e., related to monopoly positions and emerging from market, circulation). The SFP principle is grounded in anti-rentier, agrarian reform thinking, which stressed that individual monopoly landowners should not be allowed to retain their property for speculative purposes and use it productively to increase food supplies. In contemporary dense cities, however, using property "productively" implies redevelopment, that is, transformation of existing structures of the built environment, into alternative ones. This has two implications, one related to the essence of the SFP, (its being), the other regarding what it means having a SFP in an urban setting. In relation to the former, despite its anti-rentier stance, in cities the SFP triggers a redevelopment-rent nexus due to the circulation of rents in non-competitive markets. Regarding the latter implication, having a SFP in cities requires complex, open-ended and utilitarian negotiations between state and non-state actors aimed at the appropriation of rents to articulate the conflicting interests of individual property owners with the collective good. The theoretical argument of the paper is illustrated with a short, heuristic case on redevelopment in the city of São Paulo, while its conclusion provides elements for a research agenda on the limits of market-based, reformist versus right- based planning beyond this specific context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• We compare ten conferences in Brazil with over 1600 papers and 2600 authors. • These events aided capacity-building through decentralized concentration. • Mobile and stationary locations created clusters of authors and study sites. • Sites of study were more diverse than spaces of knowledge production. • Both cyclical events mitigated regional disparities and built knowledge hubs. This article advances research on the geographies of science, higher education, and knowledge production by analysing how the material, social, and intellectual geographies of academic conferences have shaped capacity-building in Brazil. Drawing upon debates about conferences as temporary and cyclical knowledge clusters, mobilities of knowledge, and triadic thought, we present the first longitudinal and comparative geographical analysis of academic conferences by examining Brazil's two major biannual conferences on urban and regional development and planning—the mobile ENANPUR events and the stationary SIDR meetings—over a ten-year period. Our multi-dimensional and multi-scalar comparative analysis of ten events with more than 1600 conference papers and 2600 contributing authors reveals that in the context of an expanding Brazilian higher education system, both conferences acquired national reach of paper authors and study sites but with persisting east-west and south-north disparities. We discuss how ENANPUR and SIDR contributed to national capacity-building through 'decentralized concentration' of knowledge production and exchange, mitigating regional disparities via the decentralization of epistemic communities but reinforcing regional imbalances through the concentration of resources in conference locations, coastal states, and the two southern regions. We argue that conferences are an important tool for urban and regional development because they put places and people 'on the map' of epistemic communities and policy agendas, thereby helping to provide expertise for local and regional problem-solving. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Over the last few decades, an emerging, thoroughly globalized market for halal products has been generating increasingly sophisticated, diverse, contested halal regulations. Today, the Brazilian halal meat and poultry industry is among the world's largest exporters of halal meat and poultry. Against this backdrop, this paper examines how halal meat and poultry production has been assembled in Brazil. Drawing on assemblage thinking and ethnographic fieldwork, this paper traces assembling practices of halal meat and poultry production and sheds light on how halal standards have been taken on board. Current research has conceptualized halal and other food standards predominantly as mobile, globalized knowledge objects through which centres assemble and govern food production at a distance. However, I argue that halal meat and poultry production is assembled through sites and their interconnections – including sites of production and others – rather than globally. The assemblage is constituted and shaped as power is transmitted through assembling practices (e.g. the mobilization of Muslim labour from abroad), and sites (e.g. meat processing plants, agribusiness cities, sites of Muslim workforce recruitment and migration networks). The findings suggest that future research on the "bigger picture" of halal should take the role of sites, practices and transmission of power into closer consideration, and address the nexus between halal standards, skilled Muslim labour and migration. Like Brazil, most of the world's large halal producers are countries where Muslims are a minority population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the historical evolution and geographic biases of the Initiative for the Integration of South America’s Regional Infrastructure (IIRSA). The study presents an analysis of the initiative’s origins in the neoliberalization of Brazilian planning in 1990s; the characteristics of its first round of cross-border infrastructure investments during the 2000–2010 period and its unaltered incorporation into the UNASUR institution, following South America’s recent post-neoliberal transition. The paper conceptualizes IIRSA’s spatial planning framework of ‘integration and development axes’ as an enduring form of neoliberal territorial design. By prioritising public investment in logistics corridors, IIRSA has privileged the global competitiveness of select export sectors over all other infrastructure provision and macro-regional planning considerations. It also aggravates geographically uneven development and fails to reflect extensive urbanization dynamics. The analysis is supported by archival research, a careful reading of policy documents and primary fieldwork conducted in the borderland Brazilian state of Roraima which illustrates the socio-spatial impacts that IIRSA has produced on the ground through its selective roadway development and lack of comprehensive planning in the Guianese Shield Axis – the designated corridor with the lowest level of investment. In addition to presenting a comprehensive empirical assessment of IIRSA, the paper aims to contribute to the literature on the variegated geographies of neoliberalism and emerging debates on planetary urbanization by emphasizing the ways in which state intervention (re)shapes extensive networked infrastructures, which, in turn, condition urbanization processes and inter-urban relations. The paper’s conclusion includes policy recommendations and suggestions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rio de Janeiro is undergoing a makeover that is undeniably spectacular. Redevelopment schemes are dramatically rearranging the urban landscape, and crucially, this economic growth hinges on the production and circulation of images of the city. This paper explores a site of alterity and resistance where a favela youth collective has re-created Rio from its margins. This miniature world, known as Morrinho and built of bricks, mortar, and re-used materials, hosts a role-playing game featuring thousands of inch-tall avatars. This paper argues that re-visioning the world anew through play makes the society of the spectacle inhabitable and thus contestable. How does the society of the spectacle become a terrain for struggle in Rio? Locating spectacle production in nation-state formation and the urban process, the paper provides a genealogy of the spectacle beyond the modern North Atlantic metropole. Locating the favela within a Brazilian geographical imagination frames ethnographic data collected as an observer and participant in the Morrinho game. While the spectacle may hinge on the relationship between visuality and power, this essay observes how signs take on material lives through ludic re-appropriation. Play becomes a form of commentary, an alternative mode of knowledge about the city, and functions dually as both description of and participant in the social world in which it is embedded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Between 2013 and 2015, São Paulo experienced a major drought. With drinking water reservoirs reduced to 5% of their capacity, the water supply company, SABESP, implemented measures to reduce household water consumption, and the government of São Paulo state overruled watershed committees to prioritize the supply of water to SABESP. While attention centered on freak meteorological conditions, the management of water resources and water services also played a role; in particular the conversion of SABESP from a state utility to a mixed capital company in which the state government held a majority stake. As the crisis abated, the state government announced measures to increase 'water security', comprising water diversion infrastructure to increase supply alongside governance reforms to improve state-led responses. This paper examines the relationship between water security and water governance in the context of the São Paulo water crisis. We demonstrate how processes and structures that are broadly characteristic of 'good governance' both exacerbated the effects of the drought and constrained responses to it. We make two related arguments. First, the mutually-beneficial commercial relationship between the state government and SABESP was fundamental in shaping these dynamics. Second, the drought experience, shaped by these dynamics, has legitimized a shift back towards a centralized, top-down and supply-led approach to water. This is discursively framed as envisaging future 'water security', yet serves to enhance SABESP's revenue streams, and consequently state government finances. We thus contend that the conventional view that good governance is conducive to water security needs to be reevaluated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The Brazilian Landless Movement (MST) is widely acknowledged as one of the most organized, dynamic, and influential social movements in Latin America. The MST has increasingly inserted the struggle for land within larger political contestations for broad social change, leading conservatives and leftists alike to describe it as a “first class actor” in Brazilian politics. What explains the move from corporatist struggles for land to broader counter-hegemonic contestations; put differently, how did the MST come to acquire ‘global ambition’? Much of the literature on the MST analyzes its external actions but without explaining what drives these actions. This paper utilizes a Gramscian political ecology approach to comprehend the MST’s political actions and its rise and transformation into a counter-hegemonic political actor. Specifically, I evaluate the development of the MST’s organizational praxis from corporatist struggles for land in the late 1970s to ‘global ambition’ and changing nature–society relations by the early 2000’s. Such an approach brings to light the role of organization building, political education, alliance building, and subaltern agency in propelling the MST’s political mobilizations. In so doing, this paper contributes to the literature on the MST and collective action. This paper also engages with a ‘politics of scale’ since the conquest of geographic scale is critical to understanding the MST’s national growth and political actions. This paper concludes by arguing that the rise and transformation of the MST into a vibrant counter-hegemonic actor in Brazilian politics was a gradual process that matured as it territorialized into a national movement. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Over the past forty years, Brazilian agriculture has rapidly industrialized elevating the country as the world’s first tropical agricultural giant. Much of the credit for this transformation has gone to the Brazilian Agricultural Research Corporation (Embrapa) for their work in the center-west region of the country. This area, known as the Cerrado, industrialized rapidly starting in the early 1970s with the introduction of chemical fertilizers to fix its acidic soils and the development of new seed varieties adapted to the tropics. This paper historicizes the political and social relations behind the industrial transformation of the Cerrado by focusing on the establishment of Embrapa. I argue that US political relations and corporate interests helped to lay the scientific and institutional groundwork for public research in Brazil to ensure long-term industrialization of the Cerrado. The case of Embrapa, and their work in the Cerrado, expands the geographical, political and economic understanding of the deployment of US scientific experts and expertise during the Green Revolution. I show how US and Brazilian scientists, technocrats and investors collaborated in the making of “the Miracle of the Cerrado” in the post-WWII era. This research is based on interviews conducted at Embrapa headquarters and field research sites in Brazil as well as historical archives in both Brazil and the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ethical consumption is a vibrant field of research but suffers from both empirical and conceptual biases. Empirically, too much of the data is gathered in the global North, often framing a false binary in which consumption spaces are located in the global North while production takes place in the global South. Conceptually, there is a growing demand for researchers to move away from an emphasis on the individual consumer and instead focus on collective agency and structural change. This paper offers contributions to both of these frontiers of research. It reports on data on ethical consumption and public procurement, collected through the first ever large scale representative survey on procurement criteria and 16 focus groups in Brazil. It concretises these debates by focusing specifically on the pioneering Brazilian school meals policy which supports both “family farms” and organic modes of production at a massive scale, in providing meals to 43 million Brazilian children. Lessons learnt from the study include, firstly, the potential for successfully scaling up ethical consumption through public procurement; secondly, the way in which such scaling-up forces the public debate to engage with food production and consumption at a systemic level; and thirdly, how the systems-level debate leads to a repoliticisation of the discussion of the cultural, social, economic and environmental role of food and farming. The focus group discussions showed a high degree of support for the school meals policy, including from affluent citizens whose children would not benefit from the scheme. Surveys also showed strong support from Brazilian citizens for using environmental and social criteria in public procurement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: During the last few decades, the media, government leaders, scholars and national security analysts have all called attention to the potential threat presented by terrorism. In general, analyses have focused on the use of biological agents to kill or injure people. Consequently, the intentional contamination of crops by biological agents has received less attention in the media and counter-terrorism efforts when compared to possible attacks on civilian populations. However, in many countries, agricultural systems are one of the main economic sectors contributing to political stability, and the present literature lacks examples of terrorist attacks to agricultural systems. This paper is one of the first to discuss a concrete case of the appearance of a plant pathogen in an economically important region, possibly motivated by agro-terrorism. We highlight the differences between agro-terrorism and biocrime, and the causes and the consequences of the intentional introduction of pathogens as a means of causing economic damage. In particular, we argue that agro-terrorism and biocrime are both intentional criminal acts of introducing pathogens into agricultural systems to cause economic damage, but only agro-terrorism does so to advance a political agenda. Also, we argue that agro-terrorism can be difficult to distinguish from biocrime, and even if the intentional introduction of a pathogen is a political act of agro-terrorism, the consequences may or may not follow the desired script contemplated by the perpetrators, as pest outbreaks can entrain unintended economic, political and ecological consequences. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper analyzes frontier expansion in the Brazilian Amazon as a process that depends on multiple exogenous and endogenous factors operating at diverse scales, but whose trajectory depends on the dominant actor type (smallholders or medium- or large-scale landholders) occupying the frontier landscape. Despite the broad growing trend of pasture expansion for adoption of cattle ranching as the main land use associated with frontier expansion, some differences persist across actor types. In relative terms, medium- and large-scale landholders place most of their cleared forestland under pasture, and in absolute terms, largeholders have deforested more than smallholders because they hold larger tracts of land. Recently, however, deforestation activity has been increasing in frontiers occupied by smallholders who tend to convert a greater proportion of the forestland in their landholdings to agricultural land uses than larger-scale landholders, mainly to expand cattle ranching operations. Furthermore, smallholders tend to maintain higher cattle stocking rates than medium- and large-scale landholders, which tend to adopt extensive systems of cattle production. Both economic and human development indices in each frontier type vary according to actor type. While in absolute terms, higher per capita agricultural income levels are found in frontiers where largeholders predominate, the corresponding incomes are higher in smallholder frontiers when prorated by unit of land under crops and pasture. In addition, the Human Development Index is higher in frontiers with greater presence of large-scale landholdings. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: In this paper I argue that geographies of religion are fundamental to understanding governance and social order in contemporary urban space. More specifically, I show how Foucault’s notion of governmentality characterizes regimes of power beyond the state apparatus, positing that religion and churches also produce and maintain the knowledges, truths, and social order associated with governmentality and self-regulated governance. By considering the geography of religion literature within the context of Foucualt’s work, I illustrate the importance of religious and spiritual practices to contemporary urban space, and the roles they play in producing and maintaining governance and socio-political order. My purpose is not to suggest that governmentality has been misapplied as a theoretical tool for understanding the state and political power, but to show how the term actually describes power more generally, including spiritual moments in addition to political ones. Drawing from my case study in Fortaleza, Brazil, I substantiate my theoretical argument using empirical examples, showing how governmentality is produced through religion and churches and the relationship between spiritual practices and governance in everyday space. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper addresses the dynamics of real processes of inclusive environmental governance by looking at the decision-maker/expert/lay person interplay. Specifically, we present a comparative ethnographic study that leads to a critical examination of Marteen Hajer’s concept of technological citizenship and its role in normative models of so-called inclusive environmental governance. First, we present the Bionatur project of MST (Movimento Sem Terra/Landless People’s Movement), the largest rural movement in Latin America. The project explicitly attempts to include lay/traditional knowledge into the processes of defining and protecting a regulatory space for “Creole seeds”. Second, we describe the formally open and inclusive environmental management of polluted sediments during harbour dredging in Norway. In both cases the actors are confronted with difficult problems bound by contradictory constraints of the institutional and cultural contexts. In complex relationships, trust, dependency, responsibility and opposition, encompass the decision-maker/expert/lay interplay. Embedded in these contexts, it is not always clear that non-experts want full autonomy and responsibility. In complex relationships, trust, dependency, responsibility and opposition, encompass the decision-maker/expert/lay person interplay. The results suggest that ideals, if instantiated, are reshaped within concrete contexts of action. Participatory ideals such as “technological citizenship”, inclusiveness, transparency and accountability need not be relativised, but they would better be expressed as regulative norms for practice rather than ideals from which an acontextual model or structure may be deduced. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper argues that research in political ecology would benefit from more explicit and careful attention to the question of scale and scalar politics. Although political ecologists have extensively considered scale as a methodological question, they have yet to develop an explicit theoretical approach to scale as an object of inquiry. We highlight one principal drawback to this underdeveloped approach to scale: what we call “the local trap” in which political ecologists assume that organization, policies, and action at the local scale are inherently more likely to have desired social and ecological effects than activities organized at other scales. Over the past 10 years or so, an increasingly sophisticated literature on scale has been developing among scholars in geography working in the political economy tradition. This literature has argued that scale is socially produced rather than ontologically given. Therefore, there is nothing inherent about any scale, and so the local scale cannot be intrinsically more desirable than other scales. We suggest that a greater engagement with this scale literature offers political ecology a theoretical way out of the local trap. As a first approximation of the kind of scalar analysis we advocate, we present a case study that examines the scalar politics that have shaped environmental change in the Brazilian Amazon. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]