This introduction to the three articles in this Forum explains how they bring to a wide audience a central problem in the historiography of nineteenth-century Mexico: the relationship between gender and the construction of citizenship, its varieties and mechanics. Each also deals with the use of gender as a power-loaded category to build the image, voice and symbolic meaning of women in relation to key institutions such as the state, the family and social imagery. This article uses gender as an analytical category in order to explore how ways of thinking about sexual differences influenced the construction of the political community and the public sphere in Mexico, in the wake of the revolutionary War of Independence. Relevant legislation, petitions, judicial records and especially pamphlet literature are used to illustrate the ways in which ‘the symbolic constructions’ rooted in prototypical images of men and women constituted an essential element in the construction of a new political community, and of new ways of talking about and acting upon ‘the public’. Laws that made a married woman's citizenship dependent on that of her husband characterised Mexican law, and that of most other nations as well, from the nineteenth into the early-twentieth century. Using an 1881 Supreme Court decision that upheld the expatriation of two Mexican sisters who married Spanish citizens, this article posits that dependent citizenship rules in Mexico affected women with financial resources more directly than they affected less privileged women. At the same time, class and status mitigated the potentially negative effects of dependent citizenship. Exploring women's dependent citizenship in Mexico in the late-nineteenth century reveals that both nationality and law were fluid concepts. With respect to nationality and the legal disabilities imposed on foreigners, law only unevenly penetrated elite levels of Mexican society. Law and jurisprudence articulated a particular vision of the Mexican nation that was not always realised. This essay examines the Ramírez family saga as an allegory for national suffering and sacrifice during the French Intervention (1862–67). According to myth and memory, the matriarch of this poverty-stricken indigenous family, Agustina Ramírez, lost her husband and twelve sons in battles against foreign invaders. Only one son survived. Nineteenth-century policy makers celebrated Agustina Ramírez as a heroic model of republican motherhood and awarded her a lifetime pension. Unfortunately, they were unable to locate her and she was supposedly buried in a pauper's grave in Mazatlán. This paper deals simultaneously with the gender and ethnic implications of Agustina Ramírez's story in the nineteenth century and the historian's search for documents to substantiate this myth-history. The story of Agustina Ramírez was first told, embellished and then retold primarily by men, but aimed strategically at Mexican women. Thus this essay argues that the patriarchal voice speaking for Agustina Ramírez actually contributed to the failure of republican motherhood in Mexico. As a rare, surviving, sixteenth-century female voice, accessible through her published Examinations, the Henrician martyr Anne Askew is a popular subject of modern study. Many modern scholars tend to treat her primarily as a woman expressing a specifically female faith and subjectivity. But both in describing the unsuccessful struggle for survival of their author, and in assuring their readers of her faith and constancy, the Examinations portray Askew adopting strategies under persecution known to have been used by her male friends and allies within the London evangelical and reformist community. Considered in their context – Henrician evangelicalism and its persecution – the Examinations, as an artefact of persecution and its negotiation, have a great deal to tell us about what Askew was doing when she wrote them, quite apart from their value as a record of sixteenth-century ‘female’ spirituality. This article considers the extent to which depictions of the seraglio/ serail in Lady Mary Wortley Montagu's Embassy Letters and Charles, Baron de Montesquieu's Lettres Persanes contain discourses of female emancipation or positive views of women in Middle Eastern societies. Situating these texts within the genealogies of ‘orientalism’, it teases out the intersecting agendas and multiple meanings to which the seraglio trope contributes. It compares the ‘modern’ intellectual concerns of the two authors, their use of existing images and ideas of the ‘orient’, and of fantasy, reportage and ‘philosophy’ in the making of their texts. Arguing that both texts present themselves primarily as contributions to the new field of social comparison and intellectual or ‘witty’ analysis, it suggests that Montagu's need to engage with the contested role of ‘woman writer and thinker’ and her greater reliance on reportage introduced a specific gendered discourse on seraglios which modifies the controlling and Eurocentric character of her text. The man accused or convicted of sodomy and other homosexual offences in nineteenth-century England was a doubly marginalised figure. English law prevented him from giving evidence at his trial, and he was scorned by homophile writers and sexologists as a situational ‘pervert’. However, the voice of the accused sodomite could be heard in four separate genres. First, the exculpatory text, written by or for the accused, presented his unmediated voice. Second, radical pamphlets presented the facts for an informed public. Third, the newspaper report recounted what appeared to be verbatim conversation of sodomites. And, fourth, the criminal petition enabled centre and locality, government and people, to debate the case and become involved in questions of guilt and innocence. The sodomite was far from silent. Indeed, he was compelled to speak. This article examines the impact of gender, race and colonial myth on the French takeover of Tahiti in the 1840s. It centres on representations of the young queen, Pomare IV, who resisted increased French influence in her kingdom by clinging to Britain, whose interest in her kingdom was declining. French aggressions, directed at the young, obstinate queen, were combated by English representations of Pomare as a vulnerable Polynesian version of Victoria. This paper interrogates the drama of the French takeover, how representations of Pomare functioned within the fracas that was known as the ‘Tahiti Affair’ and how subsequent historical representations of her have neglected to filter competing depictions of Pomare generated in this hotly contested episode of Anglo-French imperial competition. A distinguishing feature of the 1913 Gandhian satyagraha (passive resistance), in South Africa was the ‘marriage question’. The matter became a central issue for resistance with the March 1913 decision by Justice Malcolm Searle of the Supreme Court of the Cape Province, which declared all Hindu and Muslim marriages polygamous, rendering them legally invalid in South Africa. Within the existing historiography, Indian demands for redress are understood as incorporating into the 1913 satyagraha a self-evident grievance. Rather than assuming that the marriage question simply presented itself as a self-evident cause for protest, this essay traces the discursive reinscriptions that attended its inclusion into the satyagraha campaign. It argues that the Searle judgement is less important with regard to the formulation and implications of the verdict itself, and more important in terms of how it lent itself to a discursive formation whose impassioned gendered contours could mobilise elite support for a failing satyagraha campaign. French women supported their demands for citizenship in 1848 by looking to history, but were faced with historical writing which overlooked them. Subsequently, they themselves experienced this process as their actions were ignored or distorted. One activist, Jenny P. d'Héricourt (1809–1875), was the first to tackle women's historiographical exclusion. From 1855 onwards, her publications highlighted a history specific to women, denouncing the betrayal of revolutionary principles by so-called republicans and democrats. In pursuit of universal suffrage, her analysis of the past underlined the impossibility of human progress while historical progress was differentiated by sex. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]