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The article reports that the post-American, post-Western, postliberal order is marked by great-power competition and the economic and geopolitical ascendance of China. Topics include Liberal societies struggling for Nationalism and populism under internationalism that backed the U.S. global leadership; and world-historical influences will continue to make the U.S. the dominant presence and organizer of world politics.

The article forecasts a new wave of globalization despite the problems caused by the Covid-19 pandemic. Topics discussed include the cycles of globalization based on developments over the past two centuries, the tendency of leaders to respond at frst with nationalist posturing only to accept cooperation in the end, and the possibility that familiar historical forces would drive post-pandemic reglobalization.

The countries that once led the world toward economic openness are retreating into protectionism. Over the past two and a half years, the United States has abandoned the TransPacific Partnership [...]

Francis Fukuyama argues that 'identity politics has become a master concept that explains much of what is going on in global affairs.' He attributes a variety of political developments in [...]

The liberal world order is in peril. Seventy-five years after the United States helped found it, this global system of alliances, institutions, and norms is under attack like never before. [...]

The article focuses on the political ideals of nationalism and why the concept works so well. The author explores the differences between nationalism and patriotism, discusses the history of nationalism and nation-states since 1750, and examines how foreign intervention can influence a country's nationalism.

The article discusses the foreign policy of U.S. president Barack Obama toward Asia, adapted from the book "The China Challenge: Shaping the Choices of a Rising Power" by Thomas J. Christensen. It argues that the U.S.-China security relationship and U.S. relations with the Asia-Pacific region became more tense during Obama's presidency. It examines Chinese government policies toward its neighbors, nuclear weapons proliferation, and Chinese nationalism.

In this article the authors reply to the article "Us and Them," by Jerry Muller that appeared in the March/April 2008 issue. A number of points are discussed including the origins of nationalism based on ethnicity, ethnic nationalism and its relation to modernization and the impact the phenomenon has on governments. In addition they assess national partition and the revising of national borders as a means to achieve world peace. They conclude that the cause of peace is advance by the creation of better and impartial government institutions.

In this article the author examines the role played in international politics by militant nationalism and ethnic identity. He notes that while these elements do not appear to be important in American public life, they are significant factors in the conduct of political action on an international level. According to the author, awareness of ethnic divisions in a ethnically diverse, multicultural society frequently leads to political a division of populations along racial or ethnic lines or national partition.

The article discusses why the Palestinian Authority (PA) is facing its most serious internal challenge since it was established in 1994. A violent showdown in the Gaza Strip between competing nationalist factions has threatened to destroy the PA and domestic security after four years of uprising against Israel. The turmoil represents a critical danger, not just for Palestinian society and its dreams of a unified state, but also for Israel's plan to disengage unilaterally from Gaza. If Israel implements Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's plan to withdraw from the Gaza Strip in 2005, Palestinian society will fragment even more, lose the benefit of unified representation, and possibly lapse into bloody infighting. But it is not too late to change course: holding Palestinian national elections before Israel's withdrawal could prevent chaos and help establish the foundations for a democratic Palestinian state committed to peaceful relations with Israel. For all the hope that elections offer, conditions in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip are not now conducive to holding them: the ongoing violence would make it difficult for voters to reach the ballot box. Palestinian factions must reach an understanding on a complete cease-fire during the election period. The U.S. and other international actors must ensure that the Palestinians and Israel implement their election-related commitments.

The article discusses the rebirth of Japanese nationalism. In the years since World War II, Japanese nationalism has been widely denounced and debated within Japan and throughout Asia. Historians track the emergence of Japanese nationalism to the Tokugawa era, which began in 1603. However, it was only during the Meiji period that Japanese nationalism took on its modern form as a philosophy with fascist underpinnings and as a movement that would cause instability throughout the region and the world. Today, open calls for Japan to acquire nuclear weapons provide evidence of a new nationalism. As a result of shifts in Japan, various nationalist positions once considered radical are no longer considered outlandish. Despite the developments, much of the world has yet to notice the rise of Japanese nationalism. Narrow focus leads foreigners to overlook the real sources and manifestations of contemporary Japanese nationalism. Both democratic and economic trends have contributed to a more aggressive-minded population. The least understood element of the nationalist agenda is its economic aspect. Economic reform was crucial to the growth of Japanese nationalism in the 1920s and 1930s. Today's nationalists and the Japanese public in general also understand that their country must rectify its economy if it is to regain its international leadership position.

This article examines the foreign relations between China and the U.S. According to conventional wisdom, Beijing, China's behavior toward Washington is driven by factional politics within the Chinese leadership. This assumption, however, is misguided and even dangerous. The politicians and pundits who frame the U.S. debate on China invariably focus on the struggle in Beijing between hardline ideologues and moderate reformers. The failure to recognize and acknowledge these crucial distinctions represents a larger failure in the West to recognize the common goals that unite the Chinese leadership and underlie its policy debates. If Washington truly wants to understand Beijing, it should look to its own history; an analogy to U.S. politics helps explain matters. On foreign policy the common denominator is a genuine commitment to Chinese nationalism, the inevitable result of China's bleak history of vulnerability to foreign powers. It is, consequently, a mistake to ascribe nationalistic, uncompromising, or suspicious statements or actions by Beijing to an intractable minority within the Chinese leadership.

The article focuses on the success of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in managing the crisis in Kosovo, Serbia. Details on the manipulation of the differences of the regions into violent and explosive nationalism by Serb leader Slobodan Miloševiç. The growth on the fighting between Kosovar Alabanian and Serb forces which results to the instability of Albania and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. The measures which NATO took to stabilize those conflicts were presented. The provision of NATO with air surveillance was discussed. Details on the victory of NATO was presented.

Discusses the political status of Puerto Rico under the governmental administration of the United States. Legislative actions in the US Congress concerning the future and status of Puerto Rico; Issues and questions surrounding the statehood desire of Puerto Rico; Nationalism among Puerto Ricans; Historical background of the policy of the United States on Puerto Rico.

In this article the author discusses as to how the whole spectrum of Russian politics has moved to the right and become more nationalist. This trend is a reaction to the breakup of the Soviet Union and is bound to continue. Much nationalist sentiment could be contained or assuaged if moderation and common sense prevailed. But those attributes are always in short supply in times of crisis. Given the strongly nationalist moods that also prevail among the non-Russian republics and ethnic groups, the stage is set for collision. The age of aggressive nationalism and nationalist conflict that ended in western Europe, by and large, in 1945 has returned with a vengeance in eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. Thus present conditions in Russia are not conducive to consolidating democratic ideas and institutions. Nationalist forces, some of the extreme right, others moderate, have a reasonable chance in the struggle for Russia's soul and political future, at least in the short run. For all its nuances and tendencies the supreme moral authority of Russian nationalism is academician Dmitri Likhachev, the grand old man of Russian historiography and letters.

This article asserts that Western countries must address as a policy issue the growing nationalism in Eastern Europe and especially in the Soviet Union itself. According to the author, the West preferred to downplay the reality of East European national aspirations and to downgrade the implications of non-Russian national awareness within the Soviet Union. With the elimination of communism and the emergence of nationalism, the author calls on the Western countries to define its interests. He claims that what is in Eastern Europe is bound to affect the internal affairs of the Soviet Union. The national repression in the Soviet Union would affect adversely the process of democratization in Eastern Europe.

This article focuses on the China's nationalism in contemporary times. Chinese foreign policy of the mid-1980s stems from four interrelated calculations. First, China's reform-minded leaders believed that through increased involvement in world affairs China can attain wealth and power while preserving its national essence. Second, they claim that the international setting permits a concentration upon domestic development. Third, they claim that China can benefit from effective participation in the international economic system and can attract foreign involvement in its economic development. And fourth, they believe that China can pursue steady, independent, pragmatic and purposeful policies not only toward the three major powers of concern to them (the Soviet Union, the United States and Japan) but also toward three areas of crucial importance (Korea, Indochina and Taiwan). While the charting of broad foreign policy guidelines remains the prerogative of a few people at the top principally Deng Xiaoping, China's De Facto ruler, refining and implementing the policy have become much more bureaucratic and diffuse. The current expression of Chinese nationalism provides the first key to understanding the foreign policy of the mid-1980s. Internationalism now prevails in Beijing.

The article discusses the failure of the U.S. government of President Ronald Reagan to remove the apartheid system in South Africa through his policy of constructive engagement in 1985. Reagan believed that change can be achieved through a quiet dialogue with the country's white minority leaders. The U.S. was finally pressured to take more concrete measures to force the leaders into abolishing apartheid through sanctions. This was seen as a demonstration to the ruling white South African nationalists that the U.S. could turn against them.

This article focuses on the book "Fighting to a Finish: The Politics of War Termination in the United States and Japan," by Leon V. Sigal. According to the author, detached calculations of national interest were not always controlling, either of choices or of organizations under the pressure of war. Indeed, war may numb what little sensitivity states normally exhibit outside their borders.