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Blocking, as traditionally defined, refers to a situation where the mere presence of a form or pattern in language preempts the application of another form or pattern. Recent studies on blocking, especially in derivational morphology, have provided many examples which seriously cast doubt on the assumed discreteness of the notion. Using data from sizeable corpora, this paper seeks to address this issue in inflectional morphology. Within that domain, it is illustrated that - throughout time - there may have been an alternation between competing morphological patterns. In particular, pluralization by suffixation and transfixation, may have alternated in assuming the role of a blocker. On the basis of frequency data of inflectional classes in New Persian, it is shown that whenever there is an increase in the usage of either of these two strategies, there is also a decrease in application of the other. This alternation follows a neat and systematic pattern strongly suggesting that transfixation and suffixation have relative blocking effects on each other. It can therefore be concluded that there is essentially no need for one form, or a number of forms, to be eliminated in favor of a more productive one. In fact, competing forms can co-exist, decline and flourish alternatively, and thrive for centuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue addressed in the present study is contact-induced change involving the appearance of new linguistic structures for the expression of grammatical categories. The paper builds a case for the exisgence of a particular type of grammaticalization, areal grammaticalization, in a particular language contact area, the Bantu-Nilotic borderland in Eastern Africa. In this area it is possible to observe ‘loan translation’ on a large scale, which is not confined to lexical semantics; it relates to patterns that involve grammatical categories. My main concern is with two languages in the Bantu-Nilotic borderland area, Gusii (Bantu, Niger-Congo) and Nandi (Southern Nilotic, Nilo-Saharan). A particular emphasis is put on the domain of nominal classification in these languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To complement existing synchronic typological studies of the marking strategies of (past) habituality, this paper details the diachronic paths leading to and from past habitual constructions. The rich corpus evidence from the diachrony of Ancient Greek demonstrates at least four source constructions: (1) past counterfactual mood (in optative and indicative), (2) futures in the past, (3) iteratives (with -sk) and (4) lexical sources with semantic affinity to habituality (volition, habit, love). It is argued that the former two acquire habitual meaning through an invited inference of epistemic certainty of the statement by the speaker: what certainly would have happened in the knowable past is implied to be characteristic of the past. The past forms with the so-called iterative -sk (3) suffix follow the cross-linguistically frequent evolution of pluractional constructions through a form of semantic bleaching: past iterative > frequentative > habitual > habitual imperfective. Lexical sources (4) first acquire habitual meaning in the present after which only the more heavily grammaticalized ones receive past habitual usage through semantic bleaching and generalization of usage (as reflected by host class expansions). The paper is concluded with a diachronic map of these paths into habituality and the paths leading from past habituality into other domains such as genericity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This investigation offers an analysis of crosslinguistic variation in the expression of clausal negative concomitance (e.g. 'he slept without using a pillow') in a sample of 65 languages, showing that most languages in the sample tend to use conjunctions and converbs for indicating clausal negative concomitance. The discussion of clause-linkage patterns reveals that most languages have monofunctional devices for signaling clausal negative concomitance. Intriguingly, even when languages employ a clause-linking device for conveying clausal negative concomitance, negative markers may play an important role in that they may be obligatory, optional, or disallowed in the 'without V-ing' clause. It is proposed that whether the clause-linking device is semantically monofunctional or polyfunctional is the key to this puzzle. The paper also shows that most languages in the sample tend to signal clausal negative concomitance and nominal negative concomitance (e.g. 'you took a basket without holes') in the same way. This indicates a diachronic connection between these constructions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though the emergence of modality from verbs of motion is a well-attested phenomenon, the assessment of cross-linguistically valid pathways still remains a desideratum. In this paper I offer an outline of the pathway followed by the understudied Italian modal verb occorrere 'to happen; to be necessary/needed' (from Latin occurrere, originally 'to run towards, into something or someone'). Based on the analysis of two large corpora, this paper reconstructs the emergence of the impersonal constructions 'occorre + INF' and 'occorre che + SBJV' vis-à-vis the personal one ('to be needed'). The data and their analysis confirm the complexity of the pathway: in fact, the emergence of modality is strongly interlaced with the co-presence of the ancient meaning 'to happen', but also with the emergence of a deontic construction in which occorrere assumes the function of the auxiliary essere ('to be') as well as with the later evolution of another construction with negative polarity and in which occorrere is a telic metaphoric verb of motion. Though the pathway followed by Italian occorrere could be idiosyncratic in a cross-linguistic perspective, its in-depth study sheds new light on the question of how modality emerges and in particular on its source domains and their relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Quoted clauses in which an intention is declared are cross-linguistically known to develop into clauses that directly ascribe an intention to their subjects, and further into clauses that express the imminence of an event. In Khalkha Mongolian, several quotative constructions based on the quotative verb ge- have come to ascribe intention and then developed further semantic extensions: (i) The pattern -x ge-, featuring a fossilized Middle Mongol future-referring participial suffix, is used in a group of constructions that cover the semantic space between future time reference, intention (initially of the current speaker), and imminence. (ii) Quotational clauses ending in a particular tense-aspect-evidentiality suffix (including -n) and subordinated by a linking converb ge-ž/ge-ed are often systematically ambiguous between quotation and their purposive, causal and concessive extensions. Noun phrases with similar properties additionally allow for (dedicational-)benefactive and (allocational-)functive uses. (iii) The pattern -n ge-, which in other Central Mongolic varieties resembles -x ge-, conveys the speaker's disbelief and anger about an actor's willful deeds when used in echo questions marked by -n=AA. Based on conversational corpus data, this paper tries to provide a comprehensive picture of Khalkha Mongolian constructions in which the speaker's awareness of the subject's speech or thoughts is reinterpreted as attributing intentions and their derived notions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the phenomenon of 'classificatory verbs', i.e. a set of motion and positional verbs that show stem alternations depending on the semantic features of one of their arguments in Tłı̨chǫ Yatıì (Dogrib), based on field notes and documentary sources of the language. The paper shows that Tłı̨chǫ classificatory verbal categories belong to four semantic subclasses which have inconsistent stem inventories caused by the presence or absence of some semantic features. Stem inventories of locative verb systems vary depending on the scalar [effort] feature, and those of motion verbs correlate with the scalar [agentive] feature. The paper explains why other semantically related verbs do not show stem alternations and proposes contrastive hierarchies to represent variations in stem inventories intra- and cross-linguistically assuming that the selection of a stem for a particular semantic category follows a series of binary choices that characterize the opposition's active in the language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a first systematic investigation of predicative possessive constructions across Western Iranian languages. The notion of possession is conceived as a prototypical domain. It is shown that investigated languages are classified into two major areally distributed groups with respect to predicative possessive constructions: (i) "be"-verb languages, (ii) "have"-verb languages. "Have"-possessives, which originated from "action schema", are argued to have superseded the archaic "be"-possessives, which trigger a non-canonical marking of the possessor argument. However, "have"-verb languages have preserved relics of the older "be"-possessive in some neighbouring domains to possession. In addition, two languages exhibit possession split and are in transition from "be"-possession to "have"-possession: these languages demonstrate the effect of alienability/inalienability in such a split. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the distinct functions associated with the copula morpheme and their distribution across Sinitic languages. Based on fieldwork on five Sinitic languages, an empirical generalization will be presented regarding the scope and variation of copular multifunctionality. Specifically, language-specific variation is witnessed in topic and conditional marking as well as verum marking. Conversely, it is found that Sinitic languages converge on employing the copula in constructions expressing phrasal and clausal level focus. The paper further explores whether these copular constructions should receive a uniform syntax, or should be conceived of as having a set of underlaid heterogeneous structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mainstream approaches to the typology of reported discourse have been based on the notion of a direct-indirect continuum: reported speech constructions are traditionally analyzed as conforming to or deviating from the "ideals" of European direct and indirect speech. This study argues that continuum-based approaches fail to distinguish between two dimensions of variation that are systematically discriminated in a number of African languages and should therefore be treated separately. First, different constructions can be recruited for speech reporting, ranging from paratactic to subordinate structures. Second, languages differ in the way pronouns in speech reports are interpreted. In European languages two different deictic strategies are associated with different syntactic types of speech report ('indirect' and 'direct' deixis is correlated with subordination and parataxis, respectively). In Kakabe, we argue, the choice of pronominal values is independent of the construction's syntax. Dissociating the construction's structural properties from the behavior of indexicals allows us to describe the Kakabe strategies of speech reporting as well as account for the seemingly puzzling behavior of reported commands. Our data shows that speech reporting strategies of Kakabe should be treated as a type in its own right: a type characterized by loose syntax and flexible pronominal indexicality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the problem of degrammaticalization, that is, the exceptions to the unidirectionality of grammaticalization. After analyzing the criteria that allow us to distinguish between various instances of counter-directional change, two principles underlying degrammaticalization are identified; one is related to the type of language and the other to the type of target structures in which degrammaticalization occurs. Firstly, the targets of degrammaticalization are usually closed-class parts of speech with an abstract semantic component. Secondly, the languages in which counter-directional grammatical changes occur turn out to be deprived of an elaborate fusional morphology. These findings may also have an impact on the theoretical conception of grammaticalization, some of whose definitional properties are discussed. The paper ends with a discussion of a more controversial point, namely, counter-directional changes by folk etymology rather than by etymology proper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some recent approaches to language change within a constructional framework have been concerned with the development of procedural and of contentful constructions. This article considers how work in the tradition of grammaticalization has informed such approaches and points out some of the differences between the two research traditions. It highlights some of the problems around adopting key features of the grammaticalization tradition into a model of language structure which sees the language system as a network of conventionalized pairings of form and meaning, in which specific micro-constructions inherit properties from more general schemas. It also considers key issues in language change, such as directionality, the relationship between reanalysis and analogy, and the status of clines and parameters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Grammaticalization is generally assumed to be a gradual process and languages are thought to be grammaticalized to different degrees. For Romance languages, it has often been claimed that French is far more grammaticalized than Spanish, and that Italian occupies an intermediate position between these two. The aim of this study is to investigate to what extent this claim applies to existential constructions. In present-day French, Italian and Spanish, the most frequent existentials are il y a, c'è and hay respectively, all three being highly grammaticalized expressions. My analysis of these constructions will be based on the six parameters of grammaticalization as defined by Lehmann (1985, 1995), looking at instances drawn from a large newspaper corpus. The discussion will suggest that, as expected, French existential constructions display several signs of a highly advanced grammaticalization process which their Spanish and Italian counterparts lack. Moreover, it will be shown that the existential construction is least grammaticalized in Italian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an analysis of the periphrastic expression of continuative aspect by taking into account Dutch blijven + Vinf and French continuer à + Vinf. As prototypical marks of continuation, or the middle phase of an event, they will be argued to constitute the core of a formal field of equivalent expressions and of a semantic field intersecting with other meanings, including spatiality, stativity, iteration and counter-expectation. The lack of substantial research into continuative aspect motivates a semasiological approach making use of translation data which, although potentially controversial, will be shown to be a highly effective heuristic for formal and semantic equivalence in linguistic phenomena. A quantitative outset will be combined with qualitative analyses of synchronic data, resulting in an outline of potential pathways of grammaticalization and, potentially, subjectification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ever since the category of evidentiality has been identified in the verbal grammar of certain languages, it has been assumed that evidentiality plays no role in the grammars of those languages that have not incorporated it into their verb morphology or at least their verb clusters. The present paper attempts to show that even if evidentiality is not visible in the verbal grammar of English and Dutch, it appears to be a motivating factor, both historically and synchronically, in the process whereby evidential predicates are made to play a subordinate syntactic role with regard to their embedded subject clause. This process, known as AUXILIATION (Kuteva, Auxiliation: an enquiry into the nature of grammaticalization, Oxford University Press, 2001), appears to manifest itself in a variety of, often successive, grammatical processes or rules, such as Subject-to-Subject Raising (the subject of the embedded clause becomes the subject of the main verb, as in John is likely to be late), V-ING (as in The man stopped breathing), Incorporation-by-Lowering (the evidential main verb is lowered on to the V-constituent of the embedded subject clause, as in John may have left), or Incorporation-by-Raising (also known as Predicate Raising), not or hardly attested in English but dominant in Dutch. A list is provided of those English (and Dutch) predicates that induce one of the above-mentioned auxiliation rules and it is checked how many of those have an evidential meaning. This is set off against evidential predicates that do not induce an auxiliation rule. It results that, for English and Dutch, lexical evidentiality is a powerful determinant for the induction of syntactic auxiliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents various books on linguistics. "Faroese Language Studies," by Michael Barnes; "Frequency and the Emergence of Linguistic Structure," by Joan Bybee and Paul Hopper; "The Handbook of Language Variation and Change," edited by J. K. Chambers, Peter Trudgill, and Natalie Schilling-Estes.

The main argument of this paper is that language, like cognition, is basically intensional, i.e. expression of thoughts. The philosophical and logical consequences of this view are discussed and partly elaborated. The paper implies a fundamental critique of the study or language during the 20th century, which failed to recognize the essential cognitive (intensional) nature of language. A plea is made for a re-appraisal of late 19th century approaches in philosophy (e.g. Meinong, Stout). which are said to have been on the right track though lacking in formal precision. The 20th century extensional view of logic and language, which goes back to the early 1900s, is subjected to a fundamental critique. The intensional nature of language is shown to have far-reaching consequences for the theory of grammar and meaning. The formal grammatical and semantic theories developed during the 20th century from an extensional point of view are best seen as a prelude to more adequate intensional formal theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]