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Twitter, también conocido actualmente como X, es una red social que permite la publicación y difusión rápida de mensajes breves de 280 caracteres. Sin embargo, a pesar de que su idea principal es compartir ideas entre miembros de la comunidad, en ocasiones se dan agresiones verbales hacia otros miembros. Actualmente uno de los colectivos que está recibiendo ataques es el de las mujeres, especialmente las que representan cargos públicos, como son las políticas. A partir del marco de la descortesía verbal, el objetivo principal de esta investigación es analizar los mecanismos descorteses que emplea la comunidad de Twitter para atacar a las políticas. En este caso, nos centramos en Irene Montero, ministra de Igualdad del Gobierno de la XIV Legislatura de España, quien ha recibido numerosas críticas en su mandato por sus políticas de igualdad y por sus discursos en defensa del feminismo. Para llevar a cabo este estudio, se ha diseñado un corpus con una muestra de 1356 comentarios procedentes de los tuits más destacados de Montero, escritos entre 2020 y 2023. A continuación, mediante Sketch Engine, se analiza cuantitativamente los términos descorteses más frecuentes en el corpus a la hora de descalificar a la ministra. Por otra parte, atendiendo a los tipos de descortesía, pretendemos averiguar cualitativamente qué estrategias de descortesía son más frecuentes para descalificarla. Los resultados mostraron que el sexismo y el uso del morfema inclusivo –e son componentes que están presentes en los términos y en las estrategias descorteses, con los que se ridiculiza su discurso o se hace referencias al hecho de ser, en su momento, la pareja del ex vicepresidente del Gobierno y ex dirigente de Unidas Podemos, Pablo Iglesias.

En este artículo se plantean algunas líneas de reflexión sobre el espacio virtual que crea la pornografía contemporánea, a partir de argumentos teóricos del feminismo y de la geografía crítica. Utilizamos un procedimiento hermenéutico, es decir, empleamos la lectura y la interpretación de literatura académica sobre la temática para examinar el caso de la plataforma y app OnlyFans. Por un lado, nos aproximamos al ciberespacio como territorio prioritario de la cultura pornográfica en el marco de interpretación crítico feminista sobre la pornografía. El ciberespacio dedicado a la pornografía se identifica como parte del proceso de consolidación de la pornificación de la sociedad y de la cultura y su intrínseco reflejo en el mundo digital. Por otro lado, se analiza el significado de la pornografía digital desde el concepto de capitalismo escópico de Illouz (2020). También se discuten y se plantean objeciones a la conceptualización de uberización de la pornografía en referencia al formato de OnlyFans. En conclusión, el ciberespacio pornográfico, en rasgos generales, tiene como elemento intrínseco y fundamental la idea de complacer el deseo y la demanda sexual de otros mediante la representación ajustada al gusto construido desde la mirada masculina. De modo que, se observa una reproducción de pautas sociales, culturales y productivas presentes en nuestra cotidianidad, proyectando su propia racionalidad espacial bajo la lógica predominante de la acumulación capitalista, de las relaciones patriarcales y de la dominación de grupos de poder económicos altamente masculinizados. Así, mediante el análisis de OnlyFans, hemos captado la existencia de sinergias tecnológicas que sirven de estructura para la articulación de un negocio que utiliza viejas dinámicas patriarcales de explotación sexual. Finalmente, la selección del tema analizado, la metodología y el marco de interpretación empleado permiten establecer un punto de inicio de trabajo geográfico y feminista sobre el ciberespacio pornográfico desde una perspectiva crítica, con la finalidad de abrir nuevas líneas de discusión e innovación en la disciplina.

El objeto de este trabajo es el pensamiento de Simone de Beauvoir relativo a la corporalidad, así como sus reflexiones concernientes a la pregunta «¿qué es una mujer?» Nuestro objetivo será mostrar que la frase «no se nace mujer, se llega a serlo» ha sido erróneamente interpretada por fuentes posestructuralistas como Judith Butler, con la pretensión de reafirmar sus propios postulados. La metodología empleada en este trabajo es la hermenéutica crítica, dado que partiremos de la lectura comparada de distintas fuentes filosóficas. Butler defiende que tanto el sexo como el género son cuestiones completamente culturales y que, por tanto, las mujeres serían una construcción lingüística. En cambio, la filósofa francesa no concibe que la mujer, la hembra humana, sea reductible a un producto cultural o lingüístico. También podemos descartar de plano que Beauvoir suscriba una definición de «mujer» que se remita a su posición como sujeto subordinado de la sociedad. La filósofa francesa sostiene que, cuando la sociedad alcance la igualdad entre los sexos, las diferencias anatómicas subsistirán. Asimismo, para De Beauvoir la mujer no puede ser definida por la feminidad, puesto que esta no es un atributo de las mujeres, sino una invención del hombre que podría proyectarse incluso sobre un objeto inanimado o sobre un varón. La feminidad ha sido hecha a la medida de la hembra para mantenerla sujeta, inhibiendo el libre desarrollo de la identidad de la mujer. La conclusión que extraemos en este trabajo es que la interpretación de Butler resulta contraria a la fenomenología del cuerpo femenino que vertebra la obra de Simone de Beauvoir. La fenomenología existencialista de Simone de Beauvoir se centra en la importancia de la experiencia corporal, que es la forma humana de habitar el mundo. Para ejemplificarlo, De Beauvoir reflexionó sobre la relevancia vital de experiencias del cuerpo sexuado como las relativas a la vulva, el coito, el himen, la pubertad, las molestias de la menstruación y la menopausia, entre otras.

En las sociedades occidentales la división sexual del trabajo resultante del sistema patriarcal y capitalista dejó los cuidados a cargo de las mujeres. En las últimas décadas el movimiento feminista ha reivindicado el valor de los cuidados y ha denunciado su relegación al ámbito privado. Investigar cómo se posicionan las formaciones políticas respecto a los cuidados en el debate parlamentario español del primer semestre de la XIV legislatura (diciembre de 2019 a junio de 2020), que comprende la primera ola de la pandemia de la COVID-19, permite analizar cómo su discurso fomenta el reconocimiento del valor de los cuidados y el avance en políticas que permitan mejoras en este ámbito. Para el presente estudio se han seleccionado las formaciones de izquierdas de la cámara –que tradicionalmente se han alineado con los avances feministas– con el objetivo de analizar el uso del término cuidados que hacen en el debate parlamentario español. La metodología combina un análisis cuantitativo del conjunto de discursos de las sesiones plenarias del periodo estudiado, que ha permitido recoger una muestra de 114 intervenciones con 202 ocurrencias del término cuidados, con un análisis cualitativo basado en el análisis crítico del discurso. Los resultados permiten comprobar que el uso del término se concentra en los puntos del debate sobre COVID-19, economía, empleo, salarios y pensiones, y violencia de género y abuso sexual, y que se emplea, sobre todo, para reivindicar la importancia de los cuidados, agradecer a las personas cuidadoras y denunciar la feminización de los cuidados, lo que por el momento no activa la fuerza política del término ni conduce a una acción transformadora.

Review of / Reseña de: Narayanan, Amrita. Women’s Sexuality and Modern India. In a Rapture of Distress. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2023. 200 pp. ISBN: 9780192859815.

Al analizar los relatos «La jaula de los esperpentos», de Diana Varas Rodríguez, «El matrimonio de los peces rojos», de Guadalupe Nettel, y «Cadena de ave», de Mónica Crespo, se pretende indagar sobre el trastocamiento de la identidad corporal que se da en la narrativa de lo inusual del siglo XXI. En esta modalidad discursiva de lo insólito, la animalización del cuerpo de la mujer se configura como respuesta sistémica contra el binarismo disciplinario de la sociedad heteropatriarcal. Y, de hecho, en el panorama de esta narrativa, dicha operación de deshumanización corporal es asumida como estratagema para subvertir la noción de identidad femenina, tal y como esta ha sido codificada por el varón. Partiendo de esta idea y para contribuir a los estudios sobre la mujer, en esta ocasión me detendré en la función subversiva del cuerpo femenino, que se metamorfosea debido a la posición subalterna que ocupa en el sistema binario sexo/género. En el presente estudio se hace referencia, primeramente, al uso feminista de la ficción de lo insólito por parte de las escritoras como herramienta para derribar las barreras de género en las que, tradicionalmente, han sido encerradas. A continuación, me centraré en el análisis de los relatos escogidos, haciendo hincapié en la animalización del cuerpo de las protagonistas y aportando una serie de reflexiones sobre la subversión de los modelos culturales femeninos cautelosamente elaborados por el patriarcado durante sus largos siglos de dominación. Los resultados obtenidos nos permitirán apreciar la contestación contra lo que el canon quiere imponer como feminidad típica y cerrada, en un proceso de liberación del cuerpo de la mujer del sistema de códigos culturales, sociales y políticos impuestos sobre su sexo.

Review of/ Reseña de: Molins Roca, Jaci. Trobades amb 69 dones. Manresa: Parcir Edicions, 2022. 319 pp. ISBN: 978-84-18849-67-1

The main aim of this research is to analyze the relation between feminism and ecology. To do that, we present TIGE, a Table of Indicators of the Degree of Ecofeminism, from the ecofeminist theory of Alicia Puleo (Ecofeminismo para otro mundo posible; «El ecofeminismo y sus compañeros») and we apply it to 58 texts of Greenpeace as a case study. The analysis shows in which aspects Greenpeace approaches the ecofeminist postulates and in which it remains further away. Based on the data, we reflect on how ecofeminist theory can help environmental organizations participate in the long task of equality between women and men in the framework of sustainability efforts.

The aim of this article is to address the sexual politics feminist debate that took place in the Basque country during the decades of 1970s and 1980s, on the basis that the local perspective is embedded in a broader context and contributes to a better understanding of historical phenomenon. The research is mainly based on oral sources created by recording individual and collective interviews with former feminist activists. These testimonies are related to some periodical press and internal documentation produced by different groups to study the specific role attributed to sexuality as an essential part of feminist activism. In addition to identifying the main aspects in which the movement’ sexual policies were based on, the historical view that is proposed provides an insight of the tensions, debates, changes and negotiations around sexuality and its meanings in the historical period between 1975 and 1986.

This work is part of a research that started and has been developing since 2014. We have interviewed 41 lesbians in Spain. This particular section examines the difficulties homosexuals have to overcome to be part of the community, and the social commitment that has arose from these circumstances. The testimonies of the interviewee have been analyzed from the theoretical framework of feminism, combined with the documentary and bibliographical reflection on affective, sexual and gender diversity. The self-expression and the self-designation of homosexual women is very plural. Not all of them feel indebted to feminism, and among those who are militants there are also many nuances. Personal demands become political thanks to organized movements, although many of their needs often remain outside political agendas.

The house is one of the most recurrent subjects and with the most resonance in the art of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st, both in its aesthetic and phenomenological aspect. According to this reality, this paper aims to analyze the genealogy of domestic architecture, from a feminine point of view, to demonstrate the transformation of the house and its corollaries in a political and cathartic space-weapon. Throughout a sociological, analytical and gender critical approach, this research will broach the domestic architecture as a political and ontological structure. Thus, the works of the analyzed artists in this research will open the representational paradigms to new strategies of figuration, related to domestic construction. These strategies will be capable of atomizing the house as a purely architectural space, to conceive it as a strictly emotional space.

During the past century, the gender revolutions and informatics advances have revealed the power of an established strategy: duality has been traditionally a mean to control our lives. The new era has caused the destruction of the historical otherness, as binary opposites, man-woman, physical-virtual, public-private. These altered permutations have affected the architectural field, where Time has been introduced into Space in order to be expanded and exposed to new relationships and notions that are inhabiting in a yet unexplored void. The critical shift from the corporeal to territorial, from the biological to geographical and from off to online, can only occur in the feminist state of the 21st century, under the condition that the dominant discourses have been ceased and declassified as neutral and irrefutable. Through critical practices, either in the theoretical field or in architectural researches and projects, female architects are developing tactics, intending an approximation of the architectural world –patriarchal, inbred and spatial– to the architecture of the world, where bodies, machines and nature seem to promulgate new ways of relating among them. The feminist revolution is on its way, and it is visible through resonances promoted in a wide network and in different areas. This uprising is not originated anymore in the humanistic and enlightened culture, but it is arising in places, actions, notions and diverse, hybrid, shared temporalities or mutant spheres, where Architecture constitutes just another term after the hashtag: #MeToo Architecture.

The first critical studies on the guidelines of the Spanish theater of the 21st century coincide in the existence of a young dramatic writing with sufficiently specific proposals to talk about a new vision in the current theatrical panorama. It is a new generation in which the qualitative and quantitative role of dramatists is considered indisputable. Among its features highlights the return to the social and committed look of the theater. Thus, from the review of the critical positions about this issue, the objective of the present study is to show what is the position on the subject of the playwright Lola Blasco through her testimonies about her political theater.

This article proposes a reading of Nueva historia de la princesa y el dragón (1989), by Carmen Resino. Framed in the new drama written by women in the scene of Spain in the 80s, we will analyze how the play uses the intertext of the traditional fairy tale in order to parody, destroy and replace it. In this piece, the universal referent of the fairy tale is the vehicle to analyze and problematize the complexities and paradoxes of the feminine identity process, underlines the conflict between cultural expectations and personal needs, and the conflictive relationship between women and power, which makes the conclusive ending «and they lived happily ever after» impossible.

Agency has constituted a key concept within feminist studies and activism. Building on Saba Mahmood’s suggestion, this article seeks to show the pious modality of action in several Spanish new Muslim women, on the one hand, and to assess the agency of these women who conceive their freedom in the act of submission to God from a feminist standpoint, on the other. I will hold that the liberal and secular biases that the concept of agency that hegemonic feminism has naturalized need to be deconstructed, and that agency needs to be acknowledged beyond the dichotomy of patriarchal reproduction via-à-vis resistance. I will thus outline the main epistemological as well as corporal features of the pious modality of action, in which the body functions as much more than a mere sign. The conclusion will suggest that even though the framework in which the pious gender discourses are produced is indeed patriarchal, these women’s agency has an empowering dimension that leads them to reject and negotiate certain premises and situations in which gender inequalities (may) take place.

Ṭāhar al-Ḥaddād (1899-1935), beginner of feminism in Tunisia, was a towering figure who dedicated his best known work to describing and criticizing the edging situation women in his country lived in, while offering his own views on what had to be done to stop gender inequality. Said work, Imra’tu-nā fī l-Šarīca wa-l-muŷtamac, became a major discussion topic in the society of his time and cost him several problems with al-Zaytuna, Tunisia’s biggest religious institution, even though al-Haddad’s theories come from a clearly religious background. Throughout this article we’ll study the role of Islamic faith in his thought via the analysis of the proposals offered in his book, searching for continuity and rupture with the Islamic tradition of his time.

This article analyses the main historical and ideological features which have characterized Arab feminism since its origins in the second half of XIX century until nowadays. In its initial phase, Arab feminism was articulated within a nationalistic and secular discourse, and the first women’s organizations worked hard in defence of girl’s education, female work and the achievement of legal equality. On the very sensitive issue of wearing the hijab or not, most urban and learned women were against it. With the reislamization of Arab societies –a process that arose in the 70’s of XX century– the so-called «Islamic feminism» appeared both in Arab societies and in western countries. This is a new and controversial phenomenon that coexists –sometimes in harmony, others showing their strong differences– with secular and liberal feminism.

To deal with gender violence in formal and informal educational facilities, strategies are required to identify violences and their symbols, to be close to a more anthropological view agreeing with cultural and social convergences. A unique characterization of the violence that makes visible different behaviors and gives conexion with an independent public recognition of private and public, household and community integrity is rejected. The complexity of the symbols that exist in many companies is accentuated, in this case experiences that have worked from a reflexive ethnography in multicultural and intercultural spaces confirm a need to incorporate a decolonization understanding of gender violence.

This article presents some of the results of a larger qualitative piece of research about negotiations in egalitarian couples. More specifically, it focuses on the negotiations about the housework and care work, since its distribution works as a thermometer for gender equality. According to the respondents, work distribution is not explicitly negotiated; it is rather defined as a ‘natural’, non-premeditated distribution, because this explicitness would confront the ideal of romantic love in our society. Yet, the female interviewees express a wish for change and reveal an underlying conflict: the lack of open negotiation leads to an unequal distribution based on traditional gender roles, thus impeding progress on gender equality.

This article examines two women poets, the Brazilian Arriete Vilela and the Caribbean poet living in Britain, Grace Nichols, with the aim of showing the way they deal differently with notions of space and place in nature, approaching these notions through ecocriticism, feminism and other interdisciplinary readings. Their poems present an understanding of nature that involves an interconnection between human and more-than-human in a relationship that may be seen as harmonious and problematic. Videla’s use of “nature imagery” provides both resitances and potentialities to be revealed in her Brazilian poetry. Grace Nichols begins from a discontinuity in her view of Caribbean landscape and culture where a touristic colonizing industry frames even gendered bodies. These two poets explore the dialogue between external nature of the female human being, in a body of work through which such dialogues and conflicts can be poetically resisted and celebrated.

Cinema is still a men’s field more than women’s, something that studies from the New York Film Academy, the Media, Diversity and Social Change Initiative or the Bechdel Test Movie List have backed up. However, statistics are slowly showing optimistic results, and Céline Sciamma is one of the women who are making them improve. She is a young French director, whom trilogy (Naissance de Pieuvres, Tomboy y Bande de Filles) is focused in women, specially little girls and teenagers, and how the puberty process affects their feelings and the discovery of their identity and sexuality. These pages will analyze how Sciamma is contributing to the seventh art with her films and how she transforms woman into an active subject, not a passive one, changing this way the established narrative structures in the prevailing cinema.

This paper conducted a tour of the history of feminism from the hand of the concepts «transcendence» and «immanence» that allow us to make three stops. The first, Simone de Beauvoir and her exaltation of trascendence facing the condemnation of immanence. The second, Luce Irigaray, with its concept of «sensible transcendental,» which from my point of view dismantles the «logic of the same» showing that the transcendental has its material suport and its possibilities in immanence; transcendence is therefore absolutely debtor of immanence. And the third of the scales I place in the Italian feminism of sexual difference, in what they call «Politics of the symbolic», for which there is transcendence in immanence; the real significance, which can make policy, late and settles in the immanent.

Starting from the fact that women are assuming an important role in the building of new social organizations, cultural representations and ideologies, an approach is presented here to the model of social transformation that women with disabilities are creating from their activism in international organizations and associations. The paper draws on the results of a study that explores the discourse and claims of these organizations, from the information available on their websites as well as from some key documents of the United Nations in this field. This analysis reveals how from very different regions of the world women with disabilities are articulating a discourse based on the paradigm of human rights, often with clear feminist references, seeking to improve their life conditions. Yet along with this defensive orientation aimed at removing the barriers that generate the social exclusion of this collective, women with disabilities are also leading a clear proactive strategy. They strive for a more democratic and inclusive society, which would allow that any woman, regardless of her characteristics, could enjoy an active citizenship and fully participate in the society in which she lives rights.

Enlightened feminism has been the necessary condition for democracy, and, in turn, democracy is the only political system able to guarantee the equal human dignity of each person, and her or his equality of rights to develop her or his personality freely. This achievement, included in international and European Union legislation and in democratic constitutions, which requires the action of the public authorities to create conditions of equality, is currently threatened due to the resistance of the patriarchy under the guise of communitarian multiculturalism and its defence of the cultural identity of the group, thus sacrificing women and children. The existence of democratic pluralism through the common legal system of the state is the only guarantee for protecting every person, even against her or his family. For this reason, legal pluralism, which categorizes people according to gender, ethnic group or religion, cannot be accepted. We need to move from an authoritarian social model to a communal social model.

Feminism and International Law may be considered a relatively recent pairing. While there is a tendency to establish the intersection between both disciplines within the field of women’s rights, feminism in fact goes beyond the claiming of human rights. Feminism is concerned with power and gender relationships, which not only affect women but society as a whole. In situations of conflict, feminism becomes a useful analytical tool that reveals how powerful gender roles contribute to war and determine peace.

This paper places the debates on social difference and cultural diversity within the context of the criticism levelled at the model of conflict administration by women’s and queer movements in Latin America. Taking the proposals to integrate gender studies within peace studies as a starting point, the paper examines some key arguments concerning the professionalization of the women’s movement and the move from policies of representation to anti-discriminatory and anti-repressive action. To this end, the author considers the critical value of difference as an answer to the democratic-liberal model that trivializes difference as mere authenticity and diversity, and includes references to the tradition of analysis of cultural regulations to fight against gendered/sexual types of cultural and social derogation.

The aim of this article is to analyze the points of contact between Hélène Cixous’s feminist theories and the postcolonial postulates by prominent voices such as Franzt Fanon, Edward Said, Homi Bhabha, Gayatri Spivak, and Stuart Hall, among others. In particular, I will demonstrate how this French feminist is confronted by a similar dilemma to the one experienced by these postcolonial theorists, what I have called the modernist/postmodernist debate. On the one hand, Cixous’s emancipatory force is grounded precisely in the very modernist category ‘woman’ with essentialist implications; on the other hand, she tries to avoid the perpetuation of oppressive structures by envisaging new forms of resistance that overcome the Western patriarchal binary thought. Like Said, Bhabha, and Spivak, this French feminist critic is deeply influenced by postmodernism and poststructuralism. Although she will find problems when ultimately undermining the very oppositional polarity between masculinity and femininity, her critique of the paradigm of binary thought links their theories with the deconstructive moves of postcolonial theory. I will show how this feminist theorist coincides with Bhabha, Said and Spivak when advocating hybridity, boundary crossing, and fluidity as the best option to adopt for the (postcolonial) gendered subject.

This paper investigates Mina Loy’s early poems Virgins Plus Curtains Minus Dots (1915) and The Effectual Marriage (1914 ca.) in the light of recent theories which read social and built space as a container for, a product and producer of power relations and their representations, including gender identity. In these poems the representation of the claustrophobic binary division of public and private space, both at the level of content and form, is shown to be product and agent of a similarly binaristic conception of gendered identity. Moreover, the literary tropes of domesticity, faithful love and docile femininity are exposed as the product of a ruthless economic system of exchange, of which the architectural spaces of daily life are part. The control of visual experience effected in these texts through the agency and experience of the liminal spaces is shown to be part of a «technology of power», which reinforces gender identity. Loy’s poems, however, by exposing the dialectic mechanisms of this paradigm, manage to deconstruct it and to empty out its normative power.

This paper reviews some of the arguments which feature in current debates on sexual equality in democracy. Certain feminist strategies and policies are also examined, with the aim of highlighting those which are most feasible politically-speaking in order to increase women’s rights . It is argued that the policies of equality and parity are the most viable, their success depending on the extent to which women are able to establish themselves as a collective political entity. In the final part of the article, the author postulates the need to construct a political identity for feminism, on the assumption that this identity should be contingent and anti-essentialist.

The feminism is not orphan for tradition. His writings and social, individual and collective practices register in a «historical past», in a «present contextual», they affect in the re-significance of the history, concepts and events. The misogynous argument of to non-know of the women, as well as the supposed non existence of feminine voices of authority, they meet answered by means of the thought and the sociocultural practices of the women. The review and cataloguing of the historical sources of agreement with the theoretical guidelines and methodological derivatives of the Women’s Studies, and his reintepretaation, they allow to state the fingerprints of a feminine protagonism in the public and private spheres forbidden the «masculine reason», insignificant for the «exclusive democracy», slanted by the «illustrated thought».