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The coronavirus pandemic, which first impacted European societies in early 2020, has created a twofold crisis by combining a health threat with economic turmoil. While the crisis has affected all European societies very significantly, its impact varies across countries, social groups, and societal domains. In an effort to provide a first overview of the effect of the coronavirus crisis, in this editorial we discuss contributions of 58 papers published as part of this special issue. These early research papers illustrate the varied impact of the pandemic on various areas of social life. The first group of studies in this special issue analyzes the effect of the pandemic on social inequalities with respect to gender, ethnic otherness, education, and work. A second stream of research focuses on the psychological consequences of the pandemic, especially with respect to wellbeing and resilience. Thirdly, the crisis is discussed on a societal level, in regard to welfare states, social policies, and approaches to crisis governance. In a fourth line of inquiry, several studies have analyzed the impact of the pandemic on social solidarity and cohesion. A fifth strand of research is devoted to examining the role of culture and lifestyles. This review ends with a discussion of areas for future research trajectories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Working fewer than full-time hours has been seen as a crucial way in which women workers can balance demands from home and paid work. But working part-time holds a range of negative repercussions for other aspects of worker's lives, in particular their economic well-being. Examining objective and subjective indicators of economic well-being, the paper uses data from the European Community Household Panel Survey to consider the ramifications of working short hours for women in Europe. The paper is concerned with the generalisability of the very weak situation of part-timers in Britain. It asks whether and how the economic problems faced by women at the bottom of the occupational hierarchy differ according to societal context. The papers shows that part-time low level workers had the lowest monthly wages relative to their compatriots in each country examined, though the intensity of wage disadvantage varied substantially across the sample. The research did not uncover a universal positive correlation between women's relative wage positions and individual level measures of economic well-being, however. The most prevalent association between working part-time in a low level occupation and facing a weak economic position occurred at the level of household economies. The paper concludes by asking how we best research economic well-being, including whether it should be approached via an individual or household level analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Market principles are becoming more prominent in citizen experience of public policy across Europe, as a result of economic globalization and the Maastricht commitment to 'open markets', and cost-constraint, privatization and labour market activation pursued in response to the various pressures confronting welfare states. These principles (inequality, competitiveness, allocation through ability to pay) contradict those traditionally associated with social policy (equity, solidarity, social justice). This paper examines the impact of current changes on welfare values in the various types of European welfare states (including accession states), using international attitude survey data. It shows that most citizens remain committed to mild egalitarianism. Citizen ideology will thus continue to buttress resilience to pressures for restructuring in the various welfare state regimes. The paper goes on to consider the impact of social change by examining the values of groups with particular interests who are likely to expand in significance as a result of labour market and population changes. This analysis shows that change does not lead in one direction. There is every likelihood that tensions between market and welfare values will be compounded by social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to disentangle analytically the trends towards the subsidiarization of social policies in Europe addressing how the social policy reforms changed actors' governance arrangements and altered the government scales involved over the last few decades. Following an introductory analysis of the main causes of the subsidiarization of social policies (sections 1 and 2), attention is devoted to the differences between welfare systems in Europe (section 3) and the way they influence the directions of change. The hypothesis is that, despite the fact that the subsidiarization of social policies is a converging rhetoric in most European countries' social policy reforms, the impact of the process varies according to the specificities of the respective regulatory frames at the national or sub-national scales. This is exemplified in the final part of the paper (section 4) which considers the Italian case and the main critical dimensions that emerge through these processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is Europe converging on a single dominant model of the family and women's role which provides the basis for convergence on a single set of social policies? This paper concludes that the European Commission is wrong to expect a single dominant trend. On the contrary, recent research shows that three quite different, even conflicting, models of the family, and of women's role, continue to attract roughly equal support across the European Union as a whole, and within all EU countries. Two revolutions have occurred: the contraceptive revolution and the equal opportunities revolution, which have given women genuine choices for the first time in history. In the new scenario, women make divergent choices, producing at least three family models. In the future, social policy and employment policy need to recognize, and support, all three models of the family and of women's role. This makes EU policy-making more difficult, and sheds new light on national differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on European trade unionism has discussed whether the tendency towards ‘union diplomacy’ has meant that that unions are largely disinterested in mobilizing members and pursue contentious action at the European level. Other studies have identified activities that suggest an Europeanization of political mobilization, in demonstrations and strikes and in cooperation with NGOs and social movements. The present paper analyzes attitudes towards transnational action among trade unions in Europe, as well as the degree to which national unions actually partake in more and less contentious action. The study, which is based on a survey to trade unions in Europe carried out in 2010–11 (n 250), focuses particularly on the production of joint statements and petitions, demonstrations and boycotts, and strikes. The aim was to identify the similarities and differences between industrial relations regimes and sectors in Europe and the analyses have revealed that there are in fact significant differences. Trade unions in the continental social partnership regime and the southern polarized/state centered regime tend to approve of and partake in European demonstrations and boycotts to a higher degree than unions in the other regimes, while the Nordic unions in the organized corporatist regime tend to be more skeptical and also participate to a lower degree. In addition, unions in services and organizing professionals tend to partake and approve of such action to a lower degree than unions in other sectors and national peak level unions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to understand the way in which social capital resources are incorporated, appropriated and distributed by different social classes in Europe. Its main goal is to produce a conceptual framework by linking the concepts of social capital with the different theoretical assessments made by the sociology of social classes. We use multivariate analysis to work a set of quantitative indicators from the European Social Survey 2008 in order to assess the relationship between these concepts. Our methodological approach combines transnational levels, i.e., it is not an international comparison between European countries but an analysis of individual people and their belonging to social classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical consumption, the purchase or boycott of goods for political, ethical or environmental reasons, is regularly characterised as an example of 'new politics' or 'new' political participation. However, such analysis often neglects work from the sociology of consumption and social movement studies. This paper argues that consumers express their identity through critical consumption, in the form of a pledge of allegiance to the goals of certain social movements. Cross-national data from the European Social Survey identifies critical consumers as belonging to higher class positions and being generally older, highly educated, and more often women than men. Separating analysis of boycotting from that of buycotting, the positive purchase of goods for ethical or political reasons, suggests that buycotting is more resource-dependent and individualistic than boycotting. Substantial differences are found between the impact of people's resources in different countries, particularly between Northern and Central European countries and their Southern and Eastern counterparts. The findings thus recommend an approach to consumer politics that remains sensitive to social structural contexts between countries and different forms of consumer participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes its starting point in the public discourse, of politicians and academics, that suggests that Europe, specifically the European Union, is suffering from a 'crisis of identity'. This is believed to stem from the recent enlargements, the pending 'problem of Turkey', and disarray over the European Constitution. This issue is addressed in two ways: first, through an exploration of the main current models and meanings of 'Europe', and second, applying an anthropological approach to identity, through examining the relationship between models and meanings of 'Europe' and local, regional, ethnic and national identities. In the first place, this suggests that there is not, and cannot be, agreement over the shape and meaning of 'Europe'. There is, rather, rooted in histories, geographies, politics, and cultures, a range of different Europes, which only coincide imperfectly, at best. In the second place, Europe is always viewed from local, regional, ethnic and national points of view. Each approach converges on the same conclusion: there can never be a clear-cut, consensual unified model of Europe. This is a normal situation, not a crisis, and, if anything, is one of the strengths of the European Union project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indicators of subjective well-being have gained only limited acceptance as tools for the social-scientific analysis of human welfare, mainly because they seem insensitive to variations in the socio-economic context. However, this apparent insensitivity has been established by research which has been limited in various ways. Using data on life satisfaction for 33 European societies which goes some way to transcending these limits, this paper identifies linkages between subjective well-being and socio-economic conditions which are both strong and suggestive of important insights about national and cross-national relativities in human welfare. Populations in the rich parts of Europe have high and relatively equal life satisfaction, while those in the poorer parts of Europe have low and unequal life satisfaction. Social inequalities within rich European societies seem to have little effect on life satisfaction but they have significant effects within poor European societies. Inequalities between European societies also have strong effects. These findings suggest that analysis of inequalities and relativities in welfare in purely national terms is insufficient. Greater weight needs to be given to cross-national relativities , since these are much more consistent with what otherwise seem to be puzzling variations in subjective well-being across and within countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the emerging European public space and identity, as it is built and exercised in educational spheres. Discussions on European public space are overlaid with assumptions and requisites of a shared identity and culture. I argue that the presumed inextricable link between such constructs as identities, cultures and political communities is neither tenable nor empirically suitable in the European case. My substantive examples come from an empirical analysis of history and civics school books, as well as public debates and conflicting claims surrounding education. As projected in educational spheres, European identity is a loose collection of civic ideals and principles, such as democracy, progress, equality and human rights. This assemblage of principles and their enactment is what affords the ties that bind in the European public space. European identity as it happens is not on course to replace the nation but reinterprets it as another repository of the same ideals and principles for which Europe stands. The nation still comes across as a source of identification but is no longer unique or commanding, far from its familiar self. The emerging Europe is a space for participation but it does not imply the existence of a European demos or polity in the conventional sense – based on consensus and uniformity. European public space is open to conflict and also creates its own conflicts. It includes multiple spheres and subjects, and is created through the activities of a growing contingent of social and political actors, who engage in the discourse of Europe and deploy strategic action, with or without institutionalized contact with the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a perception that temporary employment is rising in Europe but there is little evidence to support this. If one takes the position that temporary employment should be rising due to large structural changes in European labor markets, then stagnating trends represents something of a puzzle. I examine the puzzle by applying a life-course approach to understand the distribution and trends in temporary employment among prime-age workers in 31 European countries. I compare and contrast changes in the temporary employment rate in a single period of time using cross-sectional data from the European Labour Force Survey (LFS), with changes in the risk of experiencing temporary employment in multiple periods of time using longitudinal data from the European Survey of Income and Living Conditions (SILC). Results from cross-sectional data suggest that between 1996 and 2007, the temporary employment rate increased in Europe by 28%, but between 2007 and 2019, there was little change. By contrast, results from panel data suggest that between 2013 and 2019, the risk of experiencing at least one temporary employment contract rose 36%. Over time, the temporary employment rate stagnated, but the temporary employment risk rose. The contribution provides insight into the nature of employment experiences associated with insecurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT: The enlargement of the European Union (EU) and the subsequent global economic recession has drawn attention to individual-level attitudes towards immigrants across Europe. In this context, using the European Social Survey (ESS), we compared Irish attitudes towards immigrants with those in 12 other European countries at 3 critical moments in time – prior to large immigration flows in 2002; at the height of the economic boom in 2006; and after the global financial crash in 2008. Our descriptive analysis examines whether significant changes in attitudes towards immigrants has occurred in the EU as a whole and within individual countries over time. We predicted that fluctuations in economic condition such as the rise in unemployment would affect attitudes towards immigrants. This relationship receives some support from our findings. In Ireland, positive attitudes to immigrants between 2006 and 2010 decreased and negative attitudes increased, on all attitudinal measures, more sharply than in any of the other European countries. Taking the 12 countries as a whole, attitudes have tended to polarise particularly with regard to allowing access to immigrants and their impact on the economy. This research reveals worrying trends in attitudes to immigrants in European countries, particularly in light of the importance of immigrants to the European labour market, both currently and in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both in EU policy discourse and in theoretical interventions on Europe, a dilemma was constructed, which has remained implicit. The dilemma in question concerns on the one hand, European solidarity, that is, solidarity within Europe and, on the other hand, solidarity of Europe with 'the rest of the world'. It is posed in the usual either/or form: either Europe creates and strengthens its social solidarity (its society) or it creates and strengthens its human solidarity (or solidarity in the name of humanity or humanity); it cannot do both. The dilemma is the wrong way of putting the issue, since it is not only based on an asymmetry between the specificity of 'social' Europe and the indeterminacy of 'the rest of the world' but it also separates Europe's colonial history from the relevant present. The two solidarities need to be brought back together, both for conceptual and for pragmatic reasons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Solidarity is core to Europe's societal organisation and was intensively addressed in recent research. Using data collected before and during the lockdown in spring 2020, we examine whether value orientations towards solidarity changed in three countries (Spain, Hungary, and Romania). Before the pandemic, people in Spain expressed higher solidarity than people in Hungary and Romania. Our argument claims that when facing uncertainty, people react negatively, and turn to egocentric values. However, successful state intervention decreases uncertainty and boosts solidarity. Personal experience of a crisis increases caring for others, at least in the short term. Our findings reveal increasing solidarity in Hungary and Romania and stagnant levels in Spain, thus decreasing the distance between these societies. Direct exposure to the virus and the negative experiences associated with it are related to higher solidarity but in different ways across countries. In Spain and Romania, personally knowing someone who is infected corresponds to higher levels of solidarity, while in Hungary being in confinement is associated with increased solidarity. The duration of the lockdown matters. In Romania and in Hungary, high levels of solidarity at the beginning of the lockdown decreased over time but started to increase again after several weeks into the lockdown. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Part-time work is an increasingly common strategy for handling work and family – but is it an effective strategy everywhere and for everyone? To answer this question, we examine satisfaction with work–life balance (SWLB) of workers in 22 European countries. Our results show that part-time workers have higher SWLB than full-time workers; the more so, the fewer hours they put in. Yet, we find an important gender difference: women in marginal part-time work are more satisfied than men in a similar situation, and conversely men in full-time work have higher SWLB than women working full-time. Further, the societal context plays an important role: substantial part-time work is more conducive to SWLB in more gender-egalitarian countries than in countries with low gender equality. Hence, a supportive gender climate and institutional support may entice workers to reduce working hours moderately, which results in markedly increased levels of SWLB. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Family lives in Europe have undergone considerable changes during the past decades. These changes have made it difficult or even impossible to grasp what people mean by ‘a family’ in their everyday life by an objective, pre-defined set of criteria. Marriage, a couple relationship, parent-child relationships based on shared bio-genetic substance, a shared household or functions such as reproduction or primary socialisation remain important characteristics of some of the most frequent family forms. However, against the background of an increasing destandardisation of family trajectories, growing importance of family ties across households, complex stepfamily constellations, advanced reproductive technology and negotiated gender relations, they do not hold up as definitions for the family as such. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious identity and practice has been associated with attitudes to immigration in Europe, but it is not known how this relationship varies between different cultural and economic contexts. Analysing data from seven waves of the European Social Survey (ESS) 2002-2014 we examine the association cross-nationally and over time, in what was a financially unstable period for many European countries and households. We have two main findings. Firstly, it is not religion per se, but rather conformity to national rates of religiosity which is associated with concern about the economic and cultural consequences of immigration. Secondly, the association between religion and anti-immigration is strengthened in contexts of economic uncertainty. These findings suggest that while religion does not predict immigration attitudes uniformly across countries, when religion reflects cultural conformity, it could become an expression national or ethnic group identity in times of economic insecurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the support for and determinants of individualistic explanations of poverty among Europeans. The analyses are conducted using multilevel logistic regression models. Findings suggest that the level of support for the individualistic explanation of poverty varies between European nations. Hence, the results contradict the analysis of Alesina and Glaeser (2004,Fighting Poverty in the US and Europe. A World of Difference), which gives us a very homogenous picture of European attitudes towards the poor. Among the determinants of poverty perceptions, welfare regime, short-term economic growth and social expenditures as well as individual-level demographic factors, perceived economic hardship, political affiliation and egalitarian values are associated with the individualistic attribution for poverty. In general, the findings hold critical implications for future research to develop further dynamic measurement of contextual level explanatory factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between social status and religiosity could be illuminating in the explanation of religiosity. This has been suggested by numerous sociologically minded authors. Although not consistent across all national samples, findings from the current study, based on World Values Survey data (1999-2001), did indicate the predominance of a moderate but positive association between low social status and high religiosity among European countries with a Christian heritage. Consequently, the results lent limited support to the classical deprivation thesis, since in none of the samples analyzed could a positive association between high social status and high religiosity could be found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the growing concern about a communication deficit in the European Union, and specifically with the notion that communication technologies may be deployed to overcome existing deficiencies in the dialogue between the union and its citizens. It examines proposed solutions to the deficit, including the notion of a European public sphere, and the creation of 'e-Europe' with the increasing digitalisation of many processes and institutions in the hope that this would make them more accessible, accountable, and effective. It argues that these hopes are rooted in myths, both technocratic and bureaucratic, that ignore the persistence of social divisions in media and communications technology use, and in the necessity of universal values as part of the national and parochial experiential of European citizens before it could be expanded to a trans-national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current debates on Europe and European culture illustrate the growing difficulties in agreeing on the meaning of Europe. More than ever, Europe is a contested concept. Through a conceptual analysis, this article outlines different positions taken in filling the concept of Europe with meaning. The focus is on Europe as a culture. In line with modern cultural theory, articulations of Europe as a culture may be viewed as displaced within a gamut going from the most essentialist to the most constructivist. Essentialist articulations of European culture typically follow the traditional model of culture as it has been fixed through the nation-states. As is shown in the article, attempts of articulating a European culture along the lines of nations run into conceptual troubles. Recently, a more constructivist mood has come to dominate the ways Europe can be given meaning. A shift from culture to identity has marked this new constructivism. But constructivism also points in the direction of a political field where culture is challenged by a political vocabulary. This article demonstrates the different transfers from a cultural to a political field in current statements on European culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many recent comparative studies of school-to-work transitions have revolved around the notion of an institutional dichotomy of transition arrangements that distinguishes the occupational labour markets of countries exhibiting extensive systems of vocational training and apprenticeships from the organizational markets found in countries with less integrated education and employment systems. This study scrutinizes this idea by assessing the extent to which patterns of labour market entry in twelve European Union countries empirically conform to the expected dichotomy. Based on cluster and discriminant analyses, three rather than two typical patterns emerge from the analyses: first, the continental European countries running extensive vocational training systems; second, those Northern European countries lacking such systems, and finally, a homogeneous set of Southern European countries. While the first contrast is apparently broadly consistent with current institutionalist arguments about the impact of linkages between training systems and labour markets, the explanation for the deviation of the Southern European case is wanting. The results suggest both the need to incorporate additional institutional aspects into current transition research, but also stress the limitations of typological approaches in explaining cross-national differences in transition processes more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]